are, also, evidently Webster's, and their quality is not such as to

make us unreasonably impatient for any further manifestations of his

poetical skill. In the year 1654 he published another tract of

singular interest and curiosity, in which he attacks the Universities

and the received system of education there, always with vigour and

various learning, and frequently with success. It is entitled

"Academiarum Examen, or the Examination of Academies; wherein is

discussed and examined the matter, method, and customes of academick

and scholastic learning, and the insufficiency thereof discovered and

laid open; as also some expedients proposed for the reforming of

schools, and the perfecting and promoting of all kind of science;

offered to the judgment of all those that love the proficiencie of

arts and sciences and the advancement of learning. By Jo. Webster. In

moribus et institutis academiarum, collegiorum et similium conventium

quo ad doctorum hominum sedes et operas mutuas destinata sunt, omnia

progressui scientiarum in ulterius adversa inveniri. Franc. Bacon de

Verulamio lib. de cogitat. et vis. pag. mihi. 14. London: Printed for

Giles Calvert, and are to be sold at the sign of the Black

Spread-Eagle, at the west end of Paul's. 1654." 4to. In this tract,

which, like some other attacks upon the seats of learning, displays

more power in objection than in substitution, in pulling down than in

building up again, he shews the same fondness for the philosophers of

the Hermetic school, for Paracelsus, Dee, Fludd and Van Helmont, and

the same adhesion to planetary sigils, astrology, and the doctrine of

sympathies and primæval signatures, which is perceptible in the

deliberate performance of his old age. Of himself he observes: "I owe

little to the advantages of those things called the goods of fortune,

but most (next under the goodness of God) to industry: however, I am a

free born Englishman, a citizen of the world and a seeker of

knowledge, and am willing to teach what I know, and learn what I know

not." No one can read the _Academiarum Examen_ without feeling that it

is the production of a vigorous and powerful mind, which had "tasted,"

and that not scantily, of the "sweet fruit of far fetched and dear

bought science." Yet it still remains a literary problem rather

difficult of solution, how a performance so clear, well digested, and

rational, could proceed, and that contemporaneously, from the same

author as the cloudy and fanatical "Judgment Set and Books Opened." On

behalf of the Universities, answerers started up in the persons of

Ward and Wilkins, both afterwards bishops, and the part taken by the

first of them in the controversy was considered of sufficient

importance to form matter of commemoration in his monumental

inscription. Two opponents so famous, might almost seem to threaten

extinction to one, of whom it could only be said, that he had been an

obscure country schoolmaster, and whose acquirements, whatever they

were, were mainly the result of his own unassisted study. In the joint

answer, the title of which is "Vindiciæ Academiarum, containing some

briefe animadversions upon Mr. Webster's book entitled the

'Examination of Academies,' together with an appendix concerning what

Mr. Hobbes and Mr. Dell have published in this argument, Oxford,

1654," 4to., there is no want of bitterness nor of controversial

skill, but though, particularly in the limited arena of the prescribed

course of academical study, the knowledge displayed in it is more

exact, there is neither visible in it the same power of mind, nor the

same breadth of views, nor even the same variety of learning, as is

conspicuous in the original tract. This, with the two fanatical pieces

which Webster published contemporaneously with it, were entirely

unknown to his biographer, Dr. Whitaker, who has ceded him a place

amongst the distinguished natives and residents of the parish of

Whalley, in the full confidence "that there is no puritanical taint in

his writings, and that his taste had evidently been formed upon better

models.[27]" Had these early theological and literary delinquencies

of the physician of Clitheroe been communicated to his historian, it

may be questioned whether the portals of his provincial temple of fame

would have opened to receive so heinous a transgressor. But Dr.

Whitaker's deduction would have been perhaps perfectly warrantable,

had Webster left no remains but his _History of Metals_, and

_Displaying of Witchcraft_--so little do an author's latest works

afford a clue to the character of his earliest. From 1654 to 1671,

when he published his _History of Metals_, little is known of

Webster's course of life. He appears to have retired into the country

and devoted himself to medical practice and study, and to have taken

up his residence in or near Clitheroe. He complains, that in the year

1658 all his books and papers were taken from him, an abstraction

which, so far as his manuscripts are concerned, posterity is not

called upon to lament, if they all resembled his _Judgment Set and

Books Opened_. But his capacious and acute understanding was gradually

unfolding new resources, supplying the defects, and overcoming the

disadvantages of his imperfect education and desultory and irregular

studies, while his matured and enlightened judgment had abandoned and

discarded the fanatical pravities and erroneous tenets, which his

ardent enthusiasm had too hastily imbibed. When he again became a

candidate for the honours of authorship, it was evident that he knew

well how to apply those quarries of learning into which, during his

long recess, he had been digging so indefatigably, to furnish

materials for solid and durable structures, rising in honourable and

gratifying contrast to the fabrics which had preceded them. In 1671

came forth his "Metallographia, or History of Metals,"[28] in which

all that recondite learning and extensive observation could bring

together, on a subject which experiment had scarcely yet placed upon a

rational basis, is collected. He styles himself on the Title page,

"Practitioner in Physic and Chirurgery." In 1677, he published his

great work. Its Title is "The Displaying of supposed Witchcraft.

Wherein is affirmed that there are many sorts of Deceivers and

Impostors. And Divers persons under a passive Delusion of Melancholy

and Fancy. But that there is a Corporeal League made betwixt the Devil

and the Witch, Or that he sucks on the Witches Body, has Carnal

Copulation, or that Witches are turned into Cats, Dogs, raise

Tempests, or the like, is utterly denied and disproved. Wherein also

is handled, the Existence of Angels and Spirits, the truth of

Apparitions, the Nature of Astral and Sydereal Spirits, the force of

Charms and Philters; with other abstruse matters. By John Webster,

Practitioner in Physic. Falsæ etenim opiniones Hominum præoccupantes,

non solum surdos, sed et cæcos faciunt, ita ut videre nequeant, quæ

aliis perspicua apparent. Galen, lib. 8. de Comp. Med. London, Printed

by J.M. and are to be sold by the Booksellers in London. 1677," (fol.)

In this memorable book he exhausts the subject, as far as it is

possible to do so, by powerful ridicule, cogent arguments, and the

most various and well applied learning, leaving to Hutchinson, and

others who have since followed in his track, little further necessary

than to reproduce his facts and reasonings in a more popular, it can

scarcely be said, in a more effective, form.[29] Those who love

literary parallels may compare Webster, as he appears in this his

last and most characteristic performance, with two famous medical

contemporaries, Sir Thomas Browne, and Thomas Bartholinus the Dane,

whom he strongly resembled in the character of his mind, in the

complexion and variety of his studies, in grave simplicity, in

exactness of observation, in general philosophical incredulity with

some startling reserves, in elaborate and massive ratiocination, and

in the enthusiasm, subdued but not extinguished, which gives zest to

his speculations and poignancy and colouring to his style. He who

seeks to measure great men in their strength and in their weakness,

and what operation of literary analysis is more instructive or

delightful, will find ample employment for collation and comparison

in this extraordinary book, in which, keen as is the penetration

displayed on almost every subject of imposition and delusion, he

appears still to cling, with the obstinacy of a veteran, to some of

the darling Dalilahs of his youth, "to the admirable and

soul-ravishing knowledge of the three great Hypostatical principles of

nature, salt, sulphur, and mercury," and, _proh pudor!_ to alchemy and

astrology--and those seraphic doctors and professors, Crollius,

Libavius, and Van Helmont. He closed his literary performances with

this noble fabric of logic and learning, not the less striking, and

scarcely less useful, because it is chequered by some of the mosaic

work of human imperfection,--a performance which may be said to have

grown up under the umbrage of Pendle, and which he might have

bequeathed to its future Demdikes and Chattox's as an amulet of

irresistible power.[30]

[Footnote 27: What would Dr. Whitaker have thought of the following

explosion, in which Webster sounds the tocsin with a vehemence and

vigour which no Macbriar or Kettledrumle of the period could have

surpassed. The extract is from his _Judgment Set and Books Opened_:--

"All those that claim an Ordination by Man, or from Man, that speak

from the Spirit of the World, from Wit, Learning and Humane Reason,

who Preach for Hire, and make Merchandize of the Souls of Men; I

witness they are all Baal's Priests and Idol-Shepherds, who destroy

the Sheep, and are Theives and Robbers, who came not in by the Door of

the Sheep-fold, but climbed up another way, and _are the Magicians,

Sorcerers, Inchanters, Soothsayers, Necromancers, and Consulters with

Familiar Spirits, which the Lord will cut off out of the Land_, so

that his People shall have no more Soothsayers; and as Jannes and

Jambres resisted Moses, so do these resist the Truth; Men of corrupt

Minds, reprobate concerning the Faith; but they shall proceed no

farther, for their Folly shall be manifest to all Men, as theirs also

was. Woe unto them, for they have gone in the way of Cain, and ran

greedily after the Errors of Balaam, for Reward, and Perished in the

Gainsaying of Core. These are Spots in your Feasts of Charity, when

they Feast with you, feeding themselves without fear: Clouds they are

without Water, carried of Winds; Trees, whose Fruit withered, without

Fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the Roots: Raging Waves of the Sea,

foaming out their own Shame, wandring Stars, to whom is reserved the

blackness of Darkness for ever."]

[Footnote 28: "_Metallographia: or, An History of Metals. Wherein is

declared the signs of Ores and Minerals both before and after digging,

the causes and manner of their generations, their kinds, sorts and

differences; with the description of sundry new Metals or Semi-Metals,

and many other things pertaining to Mineral knowledge. As also, the

handling and shewing of their Vegetability, and the discussion of the

most difficult Questions belonging to Mystical Chymistry, as of the

Philosophers Gold, their Mercury, the Liquor Alkahest, Aurum potabile,

and such like. Gathered forth of the most approved Authors that have

written in Greek, Latine, or High Dutch; With some Observations and

Discoveries of the Author himself. By John Webster, Practitioner in

Physick and Chirurgery. Qui principia naturalia in seipso ignoraverit,

hic jam multum remotus est ab arte nostra, quoniam non habet radicem

veram supra quam intentionem suam fundet. Geber. Sum. perfect. l. c.

i. p. 21._

_Sed non ante datur telluris operta subire,

Auricomos quam quis discerpserit arbore foetus._

_Virg._ Æneid. l. 6.

_London, Printed by A.C. for Walter Kettilby at the Bishops-Head in

Duck-lane, 1671, 4to._"]

[Footnote 29: Dr. Whitaker's assertion, that Webster was "neglected

alike by the wise and unwise," seems to be a mere _gratis dictum_. The

age of folios was rapidly passing away; but few folios of the period

appear to have been more generally read, if we are to judge at least

from its being frequently mentioned and quoted, than Webster's

_Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft_. The same able writer's "Doubt

whether Sir Matthew Hale ever read Webster's _Discovery of Supposed

Witchcraft_," might easily have been satisfied by a reference to any

common life of that great judge, which would have shown the historian

of Whalley that Hale died before the book was published. Nor is Dr.

Whitaker correct in stating that all tradition of Webster is now lost

in the neighbourhood where he resided. The following anecdote, which

would have delighted him, I had from an old inhabitant of Burnley, to

whom it had been handed down by his grandfather:--In the days of

Webster's fanaticism, during the usurpation, he is stated, in the

zealous crusade then so common against superstitious relics, to have

headed a party by whom the three venerable crosses, now set up in the

churchyard of Whalley, commonly called the Crosses of Paulinus, and

supposed to be coeval with the first preaching of Christianity in the

North of England, were removed and taken away from their site and

appropriated as a boundary fence for some adjoining fields. After the

Restoration, and when his religious views had become sobered and

settled, he is said, in an eager desire to atone for the desecration

of which he had been guilty, to have purchased the crosses from the

person who was then in possession of them, and to have been at the

cost of re-erecting them on their present site, from which no

sacrilegious hand will, I trust, ever again remove them. It is further

said, that Webster's favourite and regular walk, in the latter part of

his life, till his infirmities rendered him unable to take exercise of

any kind, was to the remains of Whalley Abbey; and that a path along

the banks of the stream which glides by those most picturesque and

pleasing ruins, was long called "Webster's Walk." If this tradition be

founded in fact, and I give it as I received it, John Webster, of

Clitheroe, if not identical, as Mr. Collier has contended, with the

dramatic poet of that name, must have felt something assimilated in

spirit to the fine inspiration of those noble lines of the latter:--

"I do love these ancient ruins.

We never tread upon them but we set

Our foot upon some reverend history;

And, questionless, here in this open court,

Which now lies naked to the injuries

Of stormy weather, some men lie interred that

Lov'd the Church so well and gave so largely to't,

They thought it should have canopied their bones

Till doomsday: but all things have their end.

Churches and cities, which have diseases like to men,

Must have like death that we have."]

[Footnote 30: Webster's death took place on the 18th June, 1682. He

left an extensive library, composed principally of chemical,

hermetical, and philosophical works, of which the MSS. catalogue is

now in the possession of my friend, the Rev. T. Corser. I have two

books which appear to have at one time formed part of his collection,

from having his favourite signature, Johannes Hyphantes, in his

autograph, on the title pages. Before I conclude with Webster, I ought

perhaps to observe, that in the valuable edition of the works of

Webster, the dramatic poet, published by the Rev. A. Dyce, that most

accurate and judicious editor has proved indisputably, by an elaborate

argument, that the John Webster, the writer of the _Examen

Academiarum_, and John Webster, the author of the _Displaying of

Supposed Witchcraft_, were one and the same person, who was not

identical with the dramatic writer of the same name. Mr. Dyce does

not, however, appear to have been aware, that the identity of the

author of the _Examen Academiarum_ and the writer on witchcraft is

distinctly stated by Dr. Henry More, in his _Præfatio Generalissima_,

to the Latin edition of his works, whose testimony being that of a

contemporary, who was, like Webster, "a Cambridge scholar," may

perhaps be considered sufficient, without resorting to internal and

circumstantial evidence. The inscription on Webster's monument in the

chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, at Clitheroe, is too characteristic and

curious to be omitted. I give it entire:--

"_Qui hanc figuram intelligunt

Me etiam intellexisse, intelligent._

[Illustration]

_Hic jacet ignotus mundo, mersusque tumultu

Invidiæ, semper mens tamen æqua fuit,

Multa tulit veterum ut sciret secreta sophorum

Ac tandem vires noverit ignis aquæ._

* * * * *

_Johannes Hyphantes sive Webster,

In villa Spinosa supermontana, in

Parochia silvæ cuculatæ, in agro

Eboracensi, natus 1610 Feb. 3,

Ergastulum animæ deposuit 1682, Junii 18,

Annoq. ætatis suæ 72 currente._

_Sicq. peroravit moriens mundo huic valedicens,

Aurea pax vivis, requies æterna sepultis._"]

But it is necessary to proceed from the authors on witchcraft to that

extraordinary case which forms the subject of the present

republication, and which first gave to Pendle its title to be

considered as the Hartz Forest of England.

The Forest of Pendle is a portion of the greater one of

Blackburnshire, and is so called from the celebrated mountain of that

name, over the declivity of which it extends and stretches in a long

but interrupted descent of five miles, to the water of Pendle, a

barren and dreary tract. Dr. Whitaker observes of this and the

neighbouring forests, and the remark even yet holds good, "that they

still bear the marks of original barrenness, and recent cultivation;

that they are still distinguished from the ancient freehold tracts

around them, by want of old houses, old woods, high fences; (for these

were forbidden by the forest laws;) by peculiarities of dialect and

manners in their inhabitants; and lastly, by a general air of poverty

which all the opulence of manufactures cannot remove." He considers

that "at an uncertain period during the occupancy of the Lacies, the

first principle of population" (in these forests) commenced; it was

found that these wilds, bleak and barren as they were, might be

occupied to some advantage in breeding young and depasturing lean

"cattle, which were afterwards fattened in the lower domains.

_Vaccaries_, or great upland pastures, were laid out for this purpose;

_booths_ or mansions erected upon them for the residence of herdsmen;

and at the same time that herds of deer were permitted to range at

large as heretofore, _lawnds_, by which are meant parks within a

forest, were inclosed, in order to chase them with greater facility,

or, by confinement, to produce fatter venison. Of these lawnds Pendle

had new and old lawnd, with the contiguous park of Ightenhill."

In the early part of the seventeenth century, the inhabitants of this

district must have been, with few exceptions, a wretchedly poor and

uncultivated race, having little communication with the occupants of

the more fertile regions around them, and in whose minds superstition,

even yet unextinguished, must have had absolute and uncontrollable

domination. Under the disenchanting influence of steam, manufactures,

and projected rail-roads, still much of the old character of its

population remains. _Hodie manent vestigia ruris._ The "parting

genius" of superstition still clings to the hoary hill tops and rugged

slopes and mossy water sides, along which the old forest stretched its

length, and the voices of ancestral tradition are still heard to speak

from the depth of its quiet hollows, and along the course of its

gurgling streams. He who visits Pendle[31] will yet find that charms

are generally resorted to amongst the lower classes; that there are

hares which, in their persuasion, never can be caught, and which

survive only to baffle and confound the huntsman; that each small

hamlet has its peculiar and gifted personage, whom it is dangerous to

offend; that the wise man and wise woman (the white witches of our

ancestors) still continue their investigations of truth, undisturbed

by the rural police or the progress of the schoolmaster; that each

locality has its haunted house; that apparitions still walk their

ghostly rounds--and little would his reputation for piety avail that

clergyman in the eyes of his parishioners who should refuse to lay

those "extravagant and erring spirits," when requested, by those due

liturgic ceremonies which the orthodoxy of tradition requires.

[Footnote 31: It was my good fortune to visit this wizard-haunted spot

within the last few weeks, in company with the able and zealous

Archdeacon[A] within whose ecclesiastical cure it is comprized, and to

whose singularly accurate knowledge of this district, and courteous

communication of much valuable information regarding it, I hold myself

greatly indebted. Following, with unequal steps, such a guide,

accompanied, likewise, by an excellent Canon of the Church[B] with all

the "armamentaria coeli" at command against the powers of darkness,

and a lay auxiliary[C], whose friendly converse would make the

roughest journey appear smooth, I need scarcely say, I passed through

"The forest wyde,

Whose hideous horror and sad trembling sownd

Full griesly seem'd,"

unscathed by the old lords of the soil, and needed not Mengus's Fuga,

Fustis et Flagellum Dæmonum, as a triple coat of mail.]

[Footnote A: The Venerable the Archdeacon of Manchester, the Rev. John

Rushton, who is also the Incumbent of New Church, in Pendle.]

[Footnote B: The Rev. Canon Parkinson.]

[Footnote C: J.B. Wanklyn, Esq.]

In the early part of the reign of James the first, and at the period

when his execrable statute against witchcraft might have been

sharpening its appetite by a temporary fast for the full meal of blood

by which it was eventually glutted,--for as yet it could count no

recorded victims,--two wretched old women with their families resided

in the Forest of Pendle. Their names were Elizabeth Southernes and Ann

Whittle, better known, perhaps, in the chronicles of witchcraft, by

the appellations of Old Demdike and Old Chattox.[32] Both had

attained, or had reached the verge of the advanced age of eighty, were

evidently in a state of extreme poverty, subsisting with their

families by occasional employment, by mendicancy, but principally,

perhaps, by the assumption of that unlawful power, which commerce with

spirits of evil was supposed to procure, and of which their sex, life,

appearance, and peculiarities, might seem to the prejudiced

neighbourhood in the Forest to render them not unsuitable

depositaries. In both, perhaps, some vindictive wish, which appeared

to have been gratified nearly as soon as uttered, or some one of those

curious coincidences which no individual's life is without, led to an

impression which time, habit, and general recognition would gradually

deepen into full conviction, that each really possessed the powers

which witchcraft was believed to confer. Whether it be with witches as

it is said to be with a much maligned branch of a certain profession,

that it needs two of its members in a district to make its exercise

profitable, it is not for me to say; but it is seldom found that

competition is accompanied by any very amicable feeling in the

competitors, or by a disposition to underrate the value of the

merchandize which each has to offer for sale. Accordingly, great was

the rivalry, constant the feuds, and unintermitting the respective

criminations of the Erictho and Canidia of Pendle,[33] who had opened

shops for the vending of similar contraband commodities, and were

called upon to decry each other's stock, as well as to magnify their

own. Each "gave her little senate laws," and had her own party (or

tail, according to modern phraseology) in the Forest. Some looked up

to and patronized one, and some the other. If old Demdike could boast

that she had Tibb as a familiar, old Chattox was not without her

Fancy. If the former had skill in waxen images, the latter could dig

up the scalps of the dead, and make their teeth serviceable to her

unhallowed purposes. In the anxiety which each felt to outvie the

other, and to secure the greater share of the general custom of a not

very extended or very lucrative market, each would wish to be

represented as more death-dealing, destructive, and powerful than her

neighbour; and she who could number up the most goodly assortment of

damage done to man and beast, whether real or not was quite

immaterial, as long as the draught was spiced and flavoured to suit

the general taste, stood the best chance of obtaining a monopoly. It

is a curious fact, that the son-in-law of one of these two

individuals, and whose wife was herself executed as a witch, paid to

the other a yearly rent,[34] on an express covenant that she should

exempt him from her charms and witchcrafts. Where the possession of a

commission from the powers of darkness was thus eagerly and

ostentatiously paraded, every death, the cause of which was not

perfectly obvious, whether it ended in a sudden termination or a slow

and gradual decline, would be placed to the general account of one of

the two (to use Master Potts's description,) "agents for the devil in

those parts," as the party responsible for these unclaimed dividends

of mortality. Did a cow go mad, or was a horse unaccountably afflicted

with the staggers, the same solution was always at hand to clear

negligence and save the trouble of inquiry; and so far from modestly

disclaiming these atrocities, the only struggle on the parts of

Mothers Demdike and Chattox would be which should first appropriate

them. And in all this it must not be forgotten that their own

credulity was at least as great as the credulity of their neighbours,

and that each had the power in question was so much an admitted point,

that she had long ceased, in all probability, to entertain any doubts

on the subject. With this general conviction on one hand, and a

sincere persuasion on the other, it would be surprising if, in the

course of a few years, the scandalous chronicle of Pendle had not

accumulated a _corpus delicti_ against them, which only required that

"_one of his Majesties Justices in these parts, a very religious

honest gentleman, painful in the service of his country_," should work

the materials into shape, and make "the gruel thick and slab."

[Footnote 32: The Archdeacon of Manchester suggests that this is

merely a corruption of Chadwick or Chadwicks, and not, as explained in

the Note, p. 19, from her chattering as she went along.]

[Footnote 33: These bickerings were no doubt exasperated by the

robbery committed upon old Demdike and Alizon Device, which is

detailed in the examinations, some of the _opima spolia_ abstracted on

which occasion she detected on the person of old Chattox's daughter.]

[Footnote 34: Of an aghendole of meal. Since writing the Note, p. 23,

I am indebted to Miss Clegg, of Hallfoot, near Clitheroe, for

information as to the exact quantity contained in an aghendole, which

is eight pounds. This measure, she informs me, is still in use in

Little Harwood, in the district of Pendle. The Archdeacon of

Manchester considers that an aghendole, or more properly, as generally

pronounced, a nackendole, is a kneading-dole, the quantity of meal,

&c. usually taken for kneading at one time. There can be no doubt that

this is the correct derivation.]

Such a man was soon found in the representative of the old family of

the Nowels of Read, who, desirous of signalizing himself as an active

and stirring justice, took up the case of these self-accusing

culprits, for both made confessions when examined before him, with a

vigour worthy of a better cause. On the 2nd April, 1612, he committed

old Demdike, old Chattox, Alizon Device, and Anne Redfern to

Lancaster, to take their trial at the next assizes for various murders

and witchcrafts. "Here," says the faithful chronicler, Master Potts,

"they had not stayed a weeke, when their children and friendes being

abroad at libertie, laboured a speciall meeting at Malking Tower[35]

in the Forrest of Pendle, vpon Good-fryday, within a weeke after they

were committed, of all the most dangerous, wicked, and damnable

witches in the county farre and neere. Vpon Good-fryday they met,

according to solemne appoyntment, solemnized this great festiuall day

according to their former order, with great cheare, merry company, and

much conference. In the end, in this great assemblie it was decreed

that M. Covell, [he was the gaoler of Lancaster Castle,] by reason of

his Office, shall be slaine before the next Assises, the Castle at

Lancaster to be blown up," &c., &c. This witches' convention, so

historically famous, we unquestionably owe to the "painful justice"

whose scent after witches and plots entitled him to a promotion which

he did not obtain. An overt act so alarming and so indisputable, at

once threw the country, far and near, into the greatest

ferment--_furiis surrexit Etruria justis_--while it supplied an

admirable _locus in quo_ for tracing those whose retiring habits had

prevented their propensities to witchcraft from being generally known

to their intimate friends and connexions. The witness by whose

evidence this legend was principally supported, was Jennet Device, a

child about nine years old, and grand-daughter of old Demdike. A more

dangerous tool in the hands of an unscrupulous evidence-compeller,

being at once intelligent, cunning and pliant, than the child proved

herself, it would not have been easy to have discovered. A foundation

being now laid capable of embracing any body of confederates, the

indefatigable justice proceeded in his inquiries, and in the end,

Elizabeth Device the daughter of old Demdike, James Device her son,

Alice Nutter, Katherine Hewitt, John Bulcock, Jane Bulcock, with some

others, were committed for trial at Lancaster. The very curious report

of that trial is contained in the work now republished, which was

compiled under the superintendence of the judges who presided, by

Master Thomas Potts, clerk in court, and present at the trial. His

report, notwithstanding its prolixity and its many repetitions, it has

been thought advisable to publish entire, and the reprint which

follows is as near a fac-simile as possible of the original tract.

[Footnote 35: Baines confounds Malking-Tower with Hoar-stones, a place

rendered famous by the second case of pretended witchcraft in 1633,

but at some distance from the first-named spot, the residence of

Mother Demdike, which lies in the township of Barrowford. The witch's

mansion--

"Where that same wicked wight

Her dwelling had--

Dark, doleful, dreary, like a greedy grave

That still for carrion carcases doth crave,

On top whereof ay dwelt the ghastly owle,

Shrieking his baleful note, which ever drave

Far from that haunt all other cheerful fowl,

And all about it wandering ghosts did wail and howle"--

is now, alas! no more. It stood in a field a little elevated, on a

brow above the building at present called Malking-Tower. The site of

the house or cottage is still distinctly traceable, and fragments of

the plaster are yet to be found imbedded in the boundary wall of the

field. The old road to Gisburne ran almost close to it. It commanded a

most extensive prospect in front, in the direction of Alkincoates,

Colne, and the Yorkshire moors; while in another direction the vast

range of Pendle, nearly intercepted, gloomed in sullen majesty. At the

period when Mother Demdike was in being, Malking-Tower would be at

some distance from any other habitation; its occupier, as the vulgar

would opine--

"So choosing solitarie to abide

Far from all neighbours, that her devilish deedes

And hellish arts from people she might hide,

And hurt far off unknown whomever she envide."]

It is rather strange that Dr. Whitaker, to whom local superstitions

were always matters of the strongest interest, and welcome as manna to

the sojourners in the wilderness,[36] should have been ignorant, not

merely of Master Potts's discovery, but even of the fact of this trial

of the witches in 1612. It is equally singular that Sir Walter Scott

should have forgotten, when writing his letters on Demonology and

Witchcraft, that he had republished this tract, somewhat inaccurately,

but with rather a long introduction and notes, in the third volume of

his edition of the Somers Tracts, which appeared in 1810. He mentions

Potts's _Discoverie_, in the amusing but very inaccurate and imperfect

historical sketch referred to,[37] as a curious and rare book, which

he had then for the first time obtained a sight of. What could have

been his meaning in referring his readers, for an account of Mother

Demdike and a description of Malking Tower, to "Mr. Roby's Antiquities

of Lancaster," that apocryphal historian having given no such account

or description, and having published no such work, it is rather

difficult to conjecture.

[Footnote 36: In a scarce little book, "The Triumph of Sovereign

Grace, or a Brand plucked out of the Fire, by David Crosly, Minister,

Manchester," 1743, 12mo., which I owe to the kindness of the very able

historian of Cheshire, George Ormerod, Esq., Dr. Whitaker, to whom the

volume formerly belonged, has been at the pains of chronicling the

superstitions connected with a family, ranking amongst the more

opulent yeomen of Cliviger, of the name of Briercliffe, on the

execution of one of whom for murder the tract was published. The

Briercliffe's, from the curious anecdotes which the Doctor gives with

great unction, appear to have been one of those gloomy and fated

races, dogged by some unassuageable Nemesis, in which crime and horror

are transmitted from generation to generation with as much certainty

as the family features and name.]

[Footnote 37: We yet want a full, elaborate, and satisfactory history

of witchcraft. Hutchinson's is the only account we have which enters

at all at length into the detail of the various cases; but his

materials were generally collected from common sources, and he

confines himself principally to English cases. The European history of

witchcraft embraces so wide a field, and requires for its just

completion a research so various, that there is little probability, I

fear, of this _desideratum_ being speedily supplied.]

With all his habitual tautology and grave absurdity, Master Potts is,

nevertheless, a faithful and accurate chronicler, and we owe his

memory somewhat for furnishing us with so elaborate a report of what

took place on this trial, and giving us, "in their own country terms,"

the examinations of the witnesses, which contain much which throws

light on the manners and language of the times, and nearly all that is

necessary to enable us to form a judgment on the proceedings. It will

be observed that he follows with great exactness the course pursued in

court, in opening the case and recapitulating the evidence separately

against each prisoner, so as most graphically to place before us the

whole scene as it occurred. The part in which he is felt to be most

deficient, is in the want of some further account of the prisoners

convicted, from the trial up to the time of their execution. To Master

Potts, a man of legal forms and ceremonies, the entire interest in the

case seems to have come in and gone out with the judge's trumpets.

As most of the points in the trial which appeared to require

observation, have been adverted to in the notes which follow the

reprint, it is not considered necessary to enter into any analysis or

review of the evidence adduced at the trial, which presents such a

miserable mockery of justice. Mother Demdike, it will be seen, died in

prison before the trial came on. Of the Pendle witches four, namely

Old Chattox, Elizabeth Device, James Device, and Alizon Device, had

all made confessions, and had little chance, therefore, of escaping

condemnation. They were all found guilty; and with them were

convicted, Anne Redfern, Alice Nutter, Katherine Hewitt, John

Bulcock, and Jane Bulcock, who were all of Pendle or its

neighbourhood, and who maintained their innocence and refused to make

any confession. They were executed, along with the first-mentioned

four and Isabel Robey, who was of Windle, in the parish of Prescot,

and had been found guilty of similar practises, the day after the

trial, viz. on the 18th of August, 1612, "at the common place of

execution near to Lancaster."

The main interest in reviewing this miserable band of victims will be

felt to centre in Alice Nutter.[38] Wealthy, well conducted, well

connected, and placed probably on an equality with most of the

neighbouring families and the magistrate before whom she was brought,

and by whom she was committed, she deserves to be distinguished from

the companions with whom she suffered, and to attract an attention

which has never yet been directed towards her.[39] That Jennet Device,

on whose evidence she was convicted, was instructed to accuse her by

her own nearest relatives, to whom "superfluous lagged the veteran on

the stage," and that the magistrate, Roger Nowell, entered actively as

a confederate into the conspiracy from a grudge entertained against

her on account of a long disputed boundary, are allegations which

tradition has preserved, but the truth or falsehood of which, at this

distance of time, it is scarcely possible satisfactorily to examine.

With such a witness, however, as Jennet Device, and such an admirable

engine as the meeting at Malking-Tower, the guests at which she could

multiply _ad libitum_, doling out the _plaat_, as Titus Oates would

call it, by such instalments, and in such fragmentary portions, as

would conduce to an easy digestion of the whole, the wonder seems not

to be, that one unfortunate victim of a higher class should have

perished in the meshes of artful and complicated villainy, but that

its ramifications were not more extensive, and still more fatal and

destructive. From one so capable of taking a hint as the little

precocious prodigy of wickedness, in whose examination, Potts tells

us, "_Mr. Nowell took such great paines_," a very summary deliverance

might be expected from troublesome neighbours, or still more

troublesome relatives; and if, by a leading question, she could only

be induced to marshal them in their allotted places at the witches'

imaginary banquet, there was little doubt of their taking their

station at a place of meeting where the sad realities of life were

only to be encountered, "the common place of execution near to

Lancaster."

[Footnote 38: The explorer of Pendle will find the mansion of Alice

Nutter, Rough Lee, still standing. It is impossible to look at it,

recollecting the circumstances of her case, without being strongly

interested. It is a very substantial, and rather a fine specimen of

the houses of the inferior gentry in the time of James the first, and

is now divided into cottages. On one of the side walls is an

inscription, almost entirely obliterated, which contained the date of

the building and the initials of the name of its first owner. At a

little distance from Rough Lee, pursuing the course of the stream, he

will find the foundations of an ancient mill, and the millstones still

unremoved, though the building itself has been pulled down long ago.

This was, doubtless, the mill of Richard Baldwin, the miller, who, as

stated in Old Demdike's confession, ejected her and Alizon Device her

daughter, from his land so contumeliously; immediately after which her

"Spirit or divell called Tibb appeared, and sayd Revenge thee of him."

Greenhead, the residence of Robert Nutter, one of the reputed victims

of the prisoners tried on this occasion, is at some distance from

Rough Lee, and is yet in good preservation, and occupied as a

farmhouse.]

[Footnote 39: The instances are very few in England in which the

statute of James the first was brought to bear against any but the

lowest classes of the people. Indeed, there are not many attempts

reported to attack the rich and powerful with weapons derived from its

provisions. One of such attempts, which did not, like that against

Alice Nutter, prove successful, is narrated in a curious and scarce

pamphlet, which I have now before me, with this title--"Wonderful News

from the North, or a true Relation of the sad and grievous Torments

inflicted upon the Bodies of three children of Mr. George Muschamp,

late of the County of Northumberland, by Witchcraft, and how

miraculously it pleased God to strengthen them and to deliver them; as

also the prosecution of the say'd Witches, as by Oaths and their own

Confessions will appear, and by the Indictment found by the Jury

against one of them at the Sessions of the Peace held at Alnwick, the

24th day of April, 1650. London, printed by T.H., and are to be sold

by Richard Harper at his Shop in Smithfield. 1650," 4to. This was

evidently a diabolical plot, in which these children were made the

puppets, and which was got up to accomplish the destruction of a

person of condition, Mrs. Dorothy Swinnow, the wife of Colonel

Swinnow, of Chatton, in Northumberland, and from which she had great

difficulty in escaping.]

The trial of the Samlesbury witches, Jennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley,

and Jane Southworth, forms a curious episode in Potts's _Discoverie_.

A Priest or Jesuit, of the name of Thomson, _alias_ Southworth, had

tutored the principal evidence, Grace Sowerbuts, a girl of the age of

fourteen, but who had not the same instinctive genius for perjury as

Jennet Device, to accuse the three persons above mentioned of having

bewitched her; "so that," as the indictment runs, "by means thereof

her body wasted and consumed." "The chief object," says Sir Walter

Scott, "in this imposture, was doubtless the advantage and promotion

of the Catholic cause, as the patient would have been in due time

exorcised and the fiend dispossessed, by the same priest who had

taught her to counterfeit the fits. Revenge against the women, who had

become proselytes to the Church of England, was probably an additional

motive." But the imposture broke down, from the inability of the

principal witness to support the scheme of deception. Unsuccessful,

however, as it proved, the time was well chosen, the groundwork

excellently laid, the evidence industriously got up, and it must ever

deserve a prominent place in the history--a history, how delightful

when it shall be written in the spirit of philosophy and with due

application of research--of human fraud and imposture.

We can only speculate, of course, on such an occasion, but perhaps no

trial is recorded as having taken place, with the results of which

every body, the parties convicted only excepted, was, in all

probability, better pleased or satisfied, than at this witch trial at

Lancaster in 1612. The mob would be delighted with a pageant, always

acceptable, in the execution of ten witches; and still more, that one

of them was of a rank superior to their own;--the judge had no doubt,

in his opinion, avoided each horn of the dilemma--the abomination

mentioned in Scripture--punishing the innocent or letting the guilty

go free--by tracking guilt with well breathed sagacity, and

unravelling imposture with unerring skill;--a Jesuit had been

unkennelled, a spectacle as gratifying to a serious Protestant in

those days, as running down a fox to a thorough sportsman;--a plot had

been discovered which might have made Lancaster Castle "to topple on

its warders" and "slope its head to its foundations," and Master

Cowell, who had held so many inquests, to vanish without leaving

anything in his own person whereon an inquest could be holden;--a

pestilent nest of incorrigible witches had been dug out and rooted up,

and Pendle Hill placed under sanatory regulations;--and last, and not

least, as affording matter of pride and exultation to every loyal

subject, a commentary had at last been collected for two texts, which

had long called for some such support without finding it, King James's

_Demonology_, and his statute against witchcraft. When the

_Discoverie_ of Master Potts, with its rich treasury of illustrative

evidence, came to hand, would not the monarch be the happiest man in

his dominions!

Twenty years after the publication of the tract now reprinted, Pendle

Forest again became the scene of pretended witchcrafts; and from

various circumstances, the trial which took place then (in 1633) has

acquired even greater notoriety than the one which preceded it, though

no Master Potts could be found to transmit a report of the proceedings

in the second case, a deficiency which is greatly to be lamented. The

particulars are substantially comprised in the following examination,

which is given from the copy in Whitaker's _Whalley_, p. 213, which,

on comparison, is unquestionably more accurate than the other two

versions, in Webster, p. 347, and Baines's _Lancashire_, vol. i. p.

604:[40]--

[Footnote 40: The copy in Baines is from the Harl. MSS., cod. 6854,

fo. 26 _b_, and though inserted in his history as more correct than

that in Whitaker's Whalley, is so disfigured by errors, particularly

in the names of persons and places, as to be utterly unintelligible.

From what source Whitaker derived his transcript does not appear; for

the confession of Margaret Johnson he cites Dodsworth MSS. in Bodleian

Lib., vol. 61, p. 47.]

"THE EXAMINATION OF EDMUND ROBINSON,

"Son of _Edm. Robinson_, of _Pendle_ forest, mason,[41] taken at

_Padiham_ before _Richard Shuttleworth_[42] and _John Starkie_,[43]

Esqs. two of his majesty's justices of the peace, within the county of

_Lancaster_, 10th of February, A.D. 1633.

[Footnote 41: "The informer was one Edmund Robinson (yet living at the

writing hereof, and commonly known by the name of Ned of Roughs) whose

Father was by trade a Waller, and but a poor Man, and they finding

that they were believed and had incouragement by the adjoyning

Magistrates, and the persons being committed to prison or bound over

to the next Assizes, the boy, his Father and some others besides did

make a practice to go from Church to Church that the Boy might reveal

and discover Witches, pretending that there was a great number at the

pretended meeting whose faces he could know, and by that means they

got a good living, that in a short space the Father bought a Cow or

two, when he had none before. And it came to pass that this said Boy

was brought into the Church of Kildwick a large parish Church, where I

(being then Curate there) was preaching in the afternoon, and was set

upon a stall (he being but about ten or eleven years old) to look

about him, which moved some little disturbance in the Congregation for

a while. And after prayers I inquiring what the matter was, the people

told me that it was the Boy that discovered Witches, upon which I went

to the house where he was to stay all night, where I found him, and

two very unlikely persons that did conduct him, and manage the

business; I desired to have some discourse with the Boy in private,

but that they utterly refused; then in the presence of a great many

people, I took the Boy near me, and said: Good Boy tell me truly, and

in earnest, did thou see and hear such strange things of the meeting

of Witches, as is reported by many that thou dost relate, or did not

some person teach thee to say such things of thy self? But the two men

not giving the Boy leave to answer, did pluck him from me, and said he

had been examined by two able Justices of the Peace, and they did

never ask him such a question, to whom I replied, the persons accused

had therefore the more wrong."--Webster's _Displaying of Witchcraft_,

p. 276.]

[Footnote 42: This was Richard Shuttleworth of Gawthorp, Esq., who

married the daughter and heiress of R. Fleetwood, Esq., of Barton, and

died June 1669, aged 82.]

[Footnote 43: John Starkie, Esq., of the family of Starkie of

Huntroyd, the same probably who was sheriff of Lancashire 9 Charles I,

and one of the seven demoniacs at Cleworth in the year 1595, on whose

evidence Hartley was hanged for witchcraft. Having commenced so early,

he must by this time have qualified himself, if he only improved the

advantages of his Cleworth education, to take the chair and proceed as

professor, in all matters appertaining to witchcraft.]

"Who informeth upon oath, (beeinge examined concerninge the greate

meetings of the witches) and saith, that upon All-saints day last

past, hee, this informer, beeinge with one _Henry Parker_, a neare

doore neighbor to him in _Wheatley-lane_,[44] desyred the said

_Parker_ to give him leave to get some bulloes,[45] which hee did. In

which tyme of gettinge bulloes, hee sawe two greyhounds, viz. a blacke

and a browne one, came runninge over the next field towards him, he

verily thinkinge the one of them to bee Mr. _Nutters_,[46] and the

other to bee Mr. _Robinsons_,[47] the said Mr. _Nutter_ and Mr.

_Robinson_ havinge then such like. And the said greyhounds came to him

and fawned on him, they havinge about theire necks either of them a

coller, and to either of which collers was tyed a stringe, which

collers as this informer affirmeth did shine like gould, and hee

thinkinge that some either of Mr. _Nutter's_ or Mr. _Robinson's_

family should have followed them: but seeinge noe body to followe

them, he tooke the said greyhounds thinkinge to hunt with them, and

presently a hare did rise very neare before him, at the sight whereof

he cryed, loo, loo, but the dogges would not run. Whereupon beeinge

very angry, he tooke them, and with the strings that were at theire

collers tyed either of them to a little bush on the next hedge, and

with a rod that hee had in his hand, hee bett them. And in stede of

the blacke greyhound, one _Dickonson_ wife stoode up (a neighb^r.)

whom this informer knoweth, and in steade of the browne greyhound a

little boy whom this informer knoweth not. At which sight this

informer beeinge affraid indevoured to run away: but beeinge stayed by

the woman, viz. by _Dickonson's_ wife, shee put her hand into her

pocket, and pulled out a peace of silver much like to a faire

shillinge, and offered to give him to hould his tongue, and not to

tell, whiche hee refused, sayinge, nay thou art a witch; Whereupon

shee put her hand into her pocket againe, and pulled out a stringe

like unto a bridle[48] that gingled, which shee put upon the litle

boyes heade that stood up in the browne greyhounds steade; whereupon

the said boy stood up a white horse. Then immediately the said

_Dickonson_ wife tooke this informer before her upon the said horse,

and carried him to a new house called _Hoarestones_,[49] beinge about

a quarter of a mile off, whither, when they were comme, there were

divers persons about the doore, and hee sawe divers others cominge

rideinge upon horses of severall colours towards the said house, which

tyed theire horses to a hedge neare to the sed house; and which

persons went into the sed house, to the number of threescore or

thereabouts, as this informer thinketh, where they had a fyer and

meate roastinge, and some other meate stirringe in the house, whereof

a yonge woman whom hee this informer knoweth not, gave him flesh and

breade upon a trencher, and drinke in a glasse, which, after the first

taste, hee refused, and would have noe more, and said it was nought.

And presently after, seeinge diverse of the company goinge to a barn

neare adioyneinge,[50] hee followed after, and there he sawe sixe of

them kneelinge, and pullinge at sixe severall roapes which were

fastened or tyed to ye toppe of the house; at or with which pullinge

came then in this informers sight flesh smoakeinge, butter in lumps,

and milke as it were syleinge[51] from the said roapes, all which fell

into basons whiche were placed under the saide roapes. And after that

these sixe had done, there came other sixe which did likewise, and

duringe all the tyme of theire so pullinge, they made such foule faces

that feared[52] this informer, soe as hee was glad to steale out and

run home, whom, when they wanted, some of theire company came runninge

after him neare to a place in a high way, called Boggard-hole,[53]

where this informer met two horsemen, at the sight whereof the sed

persons left followinge him, and the foremost of which persons yt

followed him, hee knoweth to bee one _Loynd_ wife, which said wife,

together with one _Dickonson_ wife, and one _Jenet Davies_[54] he hath

seene at severall tymes in a croft or close adioninge to his fathers

house, whiche put him in a greate feare. And further, this informer

saith, upon Thursday after New Yeares day last past, he sawe the sed

_Loynd_ wife sittinge upon a crosse peece of wood, beeinge within the

chimney of his father's dwellinge house, and hee callinge to her,

said, come downe thou _Loynd_ wife, and immediately the sed _Loynd_

wife went up out of his sight. And further, this informer saith, yt

after hee was comme from ye company aforesed to his father's house,

beeinge towards eveninge, his father bad him goe fetch home two kyne

to seale,[55] and in the way, in a field called the Ollers, hee

chanced to hap upon a boy, who began to quarrell with him, and they

fought soe together till this informer had his eares made very bloody

by fightinge, and lookinge downe, hee sawe the boy had a cloven foote,

at which sight hee was affraid, and ran away from him to seeke the

kyne. And in the way hee sawe a light like a lanthorne, towards which

he made hast, supposinge it to bee carried by some of Mr. _Robinson's_

people: But when hee came to the place, hee onley found a woman

standinge on a bridge, whom, when hee sawe her, he knewe to bee

_Loynd_ wife, and knowinge her, he turned backe againe, and immediatly

hee met with ye aforesed boy, from whom he offered to run, which boy

gave him a blow on the back which caus'd him to cry. And hee farther

saith, yt when hee was in the barne, he sawe three women take three

pictures from off the beame, in the which pictures many thornes, or

such like things sticked, and yt _Loynd_ wife tooke one of the said

pictures downe, but thother two women yt tooke thother two pictures

downe hee knoweth not.[56] And beeinge further asked, what persons

were at ye meeteinge aforesed, hee nominated these persons hereafter

mentioned, viz. _Dickonson_ wife, _Henry Priestley_ wife and her sone,

_Alice Hargreaves_ widdowe, _Jennet Davies_, _Wm. Davies_, uxor.

_Hen. Jacks_ and her sone _John_, _James Hargreaves_ of _Marsden_,

_Miles_ wife of _Dicks_, _James_ wife, _Saunders_ sicut credit,

_Lawrence_ wife of _Saunders_, _Loynd_ wife, _Buys_ wife of

_Barrowford_, one _Holgate_ and his wife sicut credit, _Little Robin_

wife of _Leonard's_, of the _West Cloase_.[57]

[Footnote 44: Wheatley-lane is still a place of note in Pendle.]

[Footnote 45: Wild plums.]

[Footnote 46: It would seem as if a case of witchcraft in Pendle,

without a Nutter in some way connected with it, could not occur.]

[Footnote 47: What Mr. Robinson is intended does not appear. It was a

common name in Pendle. It is, however, a curious fact, that a family

of this name, _with the alias of Swyer_, (see Potts, confession of

Elizabeth Device,) is even now, or very recently was, to be met with

in Pendle, of whom the John Robinson, _alias_ Swyer, one of the

supposed victims of Witchcraft, was probably an ancestor. There are

few instances of an _alias_ being similarly transmitted in families

for upwards of two centuries.]

[Footnote 48: Mother Dickenson, as Sir Walter Scott remarks, brings to

mind the magician Queen in the Arabian Tales.]

[Footnote 49: This house is still standing, and though it has

undergone some modernizations, has every appearance of having been

built about this period.]

[Footnote 50: The old barn, so famous as the scene of these exploits,

is no longer extant. A more modern and very substantial one has now

been erected on its site.]

[Footnote 51: Syleing, from the verb sile or syle, to strain, to pass

through a strainer. See Jamieson, under "sile."]

[Footnote 52: Frightened.]

[Footnote 53: Boggard Hole lies in a hollow, near to Hoarstones, and

is still known by that name.]

[Footnote 54: "It is the sport to see the engineer hoist with his own

petar." Her old occupation as witness having got into other hands,

Janet or Jennet Davies, or Device, for the person spoken of appears to

be the same with the grand-daughter of Old Demdike, on whose evidence

three members of her family were executed, has now to take her place

amongst the witnessed against.]

[Footnote 55: Seale, from sele, _s._ a yoke for binding cattle in the

stall. Sal (A.S.) denotes "a collar or bond." Somner. Sile (Isl.)

seems to bear the very same sense with our sele, being exp. a ligament

of leather by which cattle and other things are bound. Vide Jamieson,

under "sele."]

[Footnote 56: Heywood and Broome, in their play, "The late Lancashire

Witches," 1634, 4to, follow the terms of this deposition very closely.

It is very probable that they had seen and conversed with the boy, to

whom, when taken up to London, there was a great resort of company.

The Lancashire dialect, as given in this play, and by no means

unfaithfully, was perhaps derived from conversations with some of the

actors in this drama of real life, a drama quite as extraordinary as

any that Heywood's imagination ever bodied forth from the world of

fiction.

"_Enter Boy with a switch._

_Boy._ Now I have gathered Bullies, and fild my bellie pretty well,

i'le goe see some sport. There are gentlemen coursing in the medow

hard by; and 'tis a game that I love better than going to Schoole ten

to one.

_Enter an invisible spirit. J. Adson[D] with a brace of greyhounds._

What have we here a brace of Greyhounds broke loose from their

masters: it must needs be so, for they have both their Collers and

slippes about their neckes. Now I looke better upon them, me thinks I

should know them, and so I do: these are Mr. Robinsons dogges, that

dwels some two miles off, i'le take them up, and lead them home to

their master; it may be something in my way, for he is as liberall a

gentleman, as any is in our countrie, Come Hector, come. Now if I c'ud

but start a Hare by the way, kill her, and carry her home to my

supper, I should thinke I had made a better afternoones worke of it

than gathering of bullies. Come poore curres along with me.

_Exit._"

* * * * *

"_Enter Boy with the Greyhounds._

A Hare, a Hare, halloe, halloe, the Divell take these curres, will

they not stir, halloe, halloe, there, there, there, what are they

growne so lither and so lazie? Are Mr. Robinsons dogges turn'd tykes

with a wanion? the Hare is yet in sight, halloe, halloe, mary hang you

for a couple of mungrils (if you were worth hanging,) and have you

serv'd me thus? nay then ile serve you with the like sauce, you shall

to the next bush, there will I tie you, and use you like a couple of

curs as you are, and though not lash you, yet lash you whilest my

switch will hold, nay since you have left your speed, ile see if I can

put spirit into you, and put you in remembrance what halloe, halloe

meanes.

_As he beats them, there appeared before him Gooddy_ Dickison, _and

the Boy upon the dogs, going in._

Now blesse me heaven, one of the Greyhounds turn'd into a woman, the

other into a boy! The lad I never saw before, but her I know well; it

is my gammer _Dickison_.

_G. Dick._ Sirah, you have serv'd me well to swindge me thus. You yong

rogue, you have vs'd me like a dog.

_Boy._ When you had put your self into a dogs skin, I pray how c'ud I

help it; but gammer are not you a Witch? if you bee, I beg upon my

knees you will not hurt me.

_Dickis._ Stand up my boie, for thou shalt have no harme,

Be silent, speake of nothing thou hast seene.

And here's a shilling for thee.

_Boy._ Ile have none of your money, gammer, because you are a Witch;

and now she is out of her foure leg'd shape, ile see if with my two

legs I can out-run her.

_Dickis._ Nay sirra, though you be yong, and I old, you are not so

nimble, nor I so lame, but I can overtake you.

_Boy._ But Gammer what do you meane to do with me

Now you have me?

_Dickis._ To hugge thee, stroke thee, and embrace thee thus,

And teach thee twentie thousand prety things,

So thou tell no tales; and boy this night

Thou must along with me to a brave feast.

_Boy._ Not I gammer indeed la, I dare not stay out late,

My father is a fell man, and if I bee out long, will both

chide and beat me.

_Dickis._ Not sirra, then perforce thou shalt along,

This bridle helps me still at need,

And shall provide us of a steed.

Now sirra, take your shape and be

Prepar'd to hurrie him and me.

_Exit._

Now looke and tell mee wher's the lad become.

_Boy._ The boy is vanisht, and I can see nothing in his stead

But a white horse readie sadled and bridled.

_Dickis._ And thats the horse we must bestride,

On which both thou and I must ride,

Thou boy before and I behinde,

The earth we tread not, but the winde,

For we must progresse through the aire,

And I will bring thee to such fare

As thou ne're saw'st, up and away,

For now no longer we can stay.

_She catches him up, and turning round._

_Boy._ Help, help.

_Exit._"

* * * * *

"_Rob._ What place is this? it looks like an old barne: ile peep in at

some cranny or other, and try if I can see what they are doing. Such a

bevy of beldames did I never behold; and cramming like so many

Cormorants: Marry choke you with a mischiefe.

_Gooddy Dickison._ Whoope, whurre, heres a sturre,

Never a cat, never a curre,

But that we must have this demurre.

_Mal._ A second course.

_Mrs. Gen._ Pull, and pull hard

For all that hath lately him prepar'd

For the great wedding feast.

_Mall._ As chiefe

Of Doughtyes Surloine of rost Beefe.

_All._ Ha, ha, ha.

_Meg._ 'Tis come, 'tis come.

_Mawd._ Where hath it all this while beene?

_Meg._ Some

Delay hath kept it, now 'tis here,

For bottles next of wine and beere,

The Merchants cellers they shall pay for't.

_Mrs. Gener._ Well,

What sod or rost meat more, pray tell.

_Good. Dick._ Pul for the Poultry, Foule, and Fish,

For emptie shall not be a dish.

_Robin._ A pox take them, must only they feed upon hot meat, and I

upon nothing but cold sallads.

_Mrs. Gener._ This meat is tedious, now some Farie,

Fetch what belongs unto the Dairie,

_Mal._ Thats Butter, Milk, Whey, Curds and Cheese,

Wee nothing by the bargaine leese.

_All._ Ha, ha, ha.

_Goody Dickison._ Boy, theres meat for you.

_Boy._ Thanke you.

_Gooddy Dickis._ And drinke too.

_Meg._ What Beast was by thee hither rid?

_Mawd._ A Badger nab.

_Meg._ And I bestrid

A Porcupine that never prickt.

_Mal._ The dull sides of a Beare I kickt.

I know how you rid, Lady Nan.

_Mrs. Gen._ Ha, ha, ha, upon the knave my man.

_Rob._ A murrein take you, I am sure my hoofes payd for't.

_Boy._ Meat lie there, for thou hast no taste, and drinke there, for

thou hast no relish, for in neither of them is there either salt or

savour.

_All._ Pull for the posset, pull.

_Robin._ The brides posset on my life, nay if they come to their

spoone meat once, I hope theil breake up their feast presently.

_Mrs. Gen._ So those that are our waiters nere,

Take hence this Wedding cheere.

We will be lively all,

And make this barn our hall.

_Gooddy Dick._ You our Familiers, come.

In speech let all be dumbe,

And to close up our Feast,

To welcome every gest

A merry round let's daunce.

_Meg._ Some Musicke then ith aire

Whilest thus by paire and paire,

We nimbly foot it; strike.

_Musick._

_Mal._ We are obeyd.

_Sprite._ And we hels ministers shall lend our aid.

_Dance and Song together. In the time of which the Boy speakes._

_Boy._ Now whilest they are in their jollitie, and do not mind me, ile

steale away, and shift for my selfe, though I lose my life for't.

_Exit._"

* * * * *

"_Dought._ He came to thee like a Boy thou sayest, about thine own

bignesse?

_Boy._ Yes Sir, and he asked me where I dwelt, and what my name was.

_Dough._ Ah Rogue!

_Boy._ But it was in a quarrelsome way; Whereupon I was as stout, and

ask'd him who made him an examiner?

_Dough._ Ah good Boy.

_Mil._ In that he was my Sonne.

_Boy._ He told me he would know or beat it out of me,

And I told him he should not, and bid him doe his worst;

And to't we went.

_Dough._ In that he was my sonne againe, ha boy; I see him at it now.

_Boy._ We fought a quarter of an houre, till his sharpe nailes made my

eares bleed.

_Dough._ O the grand Divell pare 'em.

_Boy._ I wondred to finde him so strong in my hands, seeming but of

mine owne age and bignesse, till I looking downe, perceived he had

clubb'd cloven feet like Oxe feet; but his face was as young as mine.

_Dought._ A pox, but by his feet, he may be the Club-footed

Horse-coursers father, for all his young lookes.

_Boy._ But I was afraid of his feet, and ran from him towards a light

that I saw, and when I came to it, it was one of the Witches in white

upon a Bridge, that scar'd me backe againe, and then met me the Boy

againe, and he strucke me and layd mee for dead.

_Mil._ Till I wondring at his stay, went out and found him in the

Trance; since which time, he has beene haunted and frighted with

Goblins, 40 times; and never durst tell any thing (as I sayd) because

the Hags had so threatned him till in his sicknes he revealed it to

his mother.

_Dough._ And she told no body but folkes on't. Well Gossip Gretty, as

thou art a Miller, and a close thiefe, now let us keepe it as close as

we may till we take 'hem, and see them handsomly hanged o'the way: Ha

my little Cuffe-divell, thou art a made man. Come, away with me.

_Exeunt._"

Discovery of Witches The Wonderfull Discoverie of Witches in the Countie of Lancaster · 第 3 / 102 题