For the same reason (and, without such aids, he would have had no

proper element in which to move his wings) he enriched his diction with

Hellenisms and with Hebraisms; [Footnote: The diction of Milton is a

case absolutely unique in literature: of many writers it has been said,

but of him only with truth, that he created a peculiar language. The

value must be tried by the result, not by inferences from _a priori_

principles; such inferences might lead us to anticipate an unfortunate

result; whereas, in fact, the diction of Milton is such that no other

could have supported his majestic style of thinking. The final result is

a _transcendant_ answer to all adverse criticism; but still it is to be

lamented that no man properly qualified has undertaken the examination

of the Miltonic diction as a separate problem. Listen to a popular

author of this day (Mr. Bulwer). He, speaking on this subject, asserts

(_England and the English_, p. 329), that, "_There is scarcely an

English idiom which Milton has not violated, or a foreign one which he

has not borrowed._" Now, in answer to this extravagant assertion, I will

venture to say that the two following are the sole cases of questionable

idiom throughout Milton:--1st, "Yet virgin of Proserpine from Jove;"

and, in this case, the same thing might be urged in apology which

Aristotle urges in another argument, namely, that _anonymon to pathos_,

the case is unprovided with _any_ suitable expression. How would it

be possible to convey in good English the circumstances here

indicated--namely, that Ceres was yet in those days of maiden innocence,

when she had borne no daughter to Jove? Second, I will cite a case

which, so far as I remember, has been noticed by no commentator; and,

probably, because they have failed to understand it. The case occurs

in the "Paradise Regained;" but where I do not at this moment remember.

"Will they _transact_ with God?" This is the passage; and a most

flagrant instance it offers of pure Latinism. _Transigere_, in the

language of the civil law, means to make a compromise; and the word

_transact_ is here used in that sense--a sense utterly unknown to the

English language. This is the worst case in Milton; and I do not know

that it has been ever noticed. Yet even here it may be doubted whether

Milton is not defensible; asking if they proposed to terminate their

difference with God after the fashion in use amongst courts of law, he

points properly enough to these worldly settlements by the technical

term which designated them. Thus, might a divine say: Will he arrest the

judgments of God by a _demurrer_? Thus, again, Hamlet apostrophizes the

lawyer's skull by the technical terms used in actions for assault,

&c. Besides, what proper term is there in English for expressing a

compromise? Edmund Burke, and other much older authors, express the idea

by the word _temperament_; but that word, though a good one, was at one

time considered an exotic term--equally a Gallicism and a Latinism.]

but never, as could be easy to show, without a full justification in the

result. Two things may be asserted of all his exotic idioms--1st, That

they express what could not have been expressed by any native idiom; 2d,

That they harmonize with the English language, and give a coloring of

the antique, but not any sense of strangeness to the diction. Thus, in

the double negative, "Nor did they not perceive," &c., which is classed

as a Hebraism--if any man fancy that it expresses no more than the

simple affirmative, he shows that he does not understand its force; and,

at the same time, it is a form of thought so natural and universal,

that I have heard English people, under corresponding circumstances,

spontaneously fall into it. In short, whether a man differ from others

by greater profundity or by greater sublimity, and whether he write as

a poet or as a philosopher, in any case, he feels, in due proportion

to the necessities of his intellect, an increasing dependence upon the

Latin section of the English language; and the true reason why Lord

Brougham failed to perceive this, or found the Saxon equal to his wants,

is one which I shall not scruple to assign, inasmuch as it does not

reflect personally on Lord Brougham, or, at least, on him exclusively,

but on the whole body to which he belongs. That thing which he and

they call by the pompous name of statesmanship, but which is, in fact,

_statescraft_--the art of political intrigue--deals (like the opera)

with ideas so few in number, and so little adapted to associate

themselves with other ideas, that, possibly, in the one case equally

as in the other, six hundred words are sufficient to meet all their

demands.

I have used my privilege of discursiveness to step aside from

Demosthenes to another subject, no otherwise connected with the

Attic orator than, first, by the common reference of both subjects

to rhetoric; but, secondly, by the accident of having been jointly

discussed by Lord Brougham in a paper, which (though now forgotten)

obtained, at the moment, most undue celebrity. For it is one of the

infirmities of the public mind with us, that whatever is said or done by

a public man, any opinion given by a member of Parliament, however much

out of his own proper jurisdiction and range of inquiry, commands an

attention not conceded even to those who speak under the known privilege

of professional knowledge. Thus, Cowper was not discovered to be a poet

worthy of any general notice, until Charles Fox, a most slender critic,

had vouchsafed to quote a few lines, and that, not so much with a

view to the poetry, as to its party application. But now, returning

to Demosthenes, I affirm that his case is the case of nearly all the

classical writers,--at least, of all the prose writers. It is, I admit,

an extreme one; that is, it is the general case in a more intense

degree. Raised almost to divine honors, never mentioned but with

affected rapture, the classics of Greece and Rome are seldom read,

most of them never; are they, indeed, the closet companions of any man?

Surely it is time that these follies were at an end; that our practice

were made to square a little better with our professions; and that our

pleasures were sincerely drawn from those sources in which we pretend

that they lie.

The Greek language, mastered in any eminent degree, is the very rarest

of all accomplishments, and precisely because it is unspeakably the most

difficult. Let not the reader dupe himself by popular cant. To be an

accomplished Grecian, demands a very peculiar quality of talent; and

it is almost inevitable that one who is such should be vain of a

distinction which represents so much labor and difficulty overcome. For

myself, having, as a school-boy, attained to a very unusual mastery over

this language, and (though as yet little familiar with the elaborate

science of Greek metre) moving through all the obstacles and resistances

of a Greek book with the same celerity and ease as through those of

the French and Latin, I had, in vanquishing the difficulties of the

language, lost the main stimulus to its cultivation. Still, I read

Greek daily; but any slight vanity which I might connect with a power

so rarely attained, and which, under ordinary circumstances, so readily

transmutes itself into a disproportionate admiration of the author, in

me was absolutely swallowed up in the tremendous hold taken of my entire

sensibilities at this time by our own literature. With what fury would

I often exclaim: He who loveth not his brother whom he hath seen, how

shall he love God whom he hath not seen? You, Mr. A, L, M, O, you who

care not for Milton, and value not the dark sublimities which rest

ultimately (as we all feel) upon dread realities, how can you seriously

thrill in sympathy with the spurious and fanciful sublimities of the

classical poetry--with the nod of the Olympian Jove, or the seven-league

strides of Neptune? Flying Childers had the most prodigious stride of

any horse on record; and at Newmarket that is justly held to be a great

merit; but it is hardly a qualification for a Pantheon. The parting of

Hector and Andromache--that is tender, doubtless; but how many passages

of far deeper, far diviner tenderness, are to be found in Chaucer! Yet

in these cases we give our antagonist the benefit of an appeal to what

is really best and most effective in the ancient literature. For, if we

should go to Pindar, and some other great names, what a revelation of

hypocrisy as respects the _fade_ enthusiasts for the Greek poetry!

Still, in the Greek tragedy, however otherwise embittered against

ancient literature by the dismal affectations current in the scenical

poetry, at least I felt the presence of a great and original power. It

might be a power inferior, upon the whole, to that which presides in the

English tragedy; I believed that it was; but it was equally genuine,

and appealed equally to real and deep sensibilities in our nature. Yet,

also, I felt that the two powers at work in the two forms of the drama

were essentially different; and without having read a line of German at

that time, or knowing of any such controversy, I began to meditate on

the elementary grounds of difference between the Pagan and the Christian

forms of poetry. The dispute has since been carried on extensively in

France, not less than in Germany, as between the _classical_ and the

_romantic_. But I will venture to assert that not one step in advance

has been made, up to this day. The shape into which I threw the question

it may be well to state; because I am persuaded that out of that

one idea, properly pursued, might be evolved the whole separate

characteristics of the Christian and the antique: Why is it, I asked,

that the Christian idea of _sin_ is an idea utterly unknown to the Pagan

mind? The Greeks and Romans had a clear conception of a moral ideal, as

we have; but this they estimated by a reference to the will; and they

called it virtue, and the antithesis they called vice. The _lacheté_

or relaxed energy of the will, by which it yielded to the seductions

of sensual pleasure, that was vice; and the braced-up tone by which it

resisted these seductions was virtue. But the idea of holiness, and the

antithetic idea of sin, as a violation of this awful and unimaginable

sanctity, was so utterly undeveloped in the Pagan mind, that no word

exists in classical Greek or classical Latin which approaches either

pole of this synthesis; neither the idea of _holiness_, nor of its

correlate, _sin_, could be so expressed in Latin as at once to satisfy

Cicero and a scientific Christian. Again (but this was some years

after), I found Schiller and Goethe applauding the better taste of the

ancients, in symbolizing the idea of death by a beautiful youth, with a

torch inverted, &c., as compared with the Christian types of a skeleton

and hour-glasses, &c. And much surprised I was to hear Mr. Coleridge

approving of this German sentiment. Yet, here again I felt the peculiar

genius of Christianity was covertly at work moving upon a different

road, and under opposite ideas, to a just result, in which the harsh and

austere expression yet pointed to a dark reality, whilst the beautiful

Greek adumbration was, in fact, a veil and a disguise. The corruptions

and the other "dishonors" of the grave, and whatsoever composes the

sting of death in the Christian view, is traced up to sin as its

ultimate cause. Hence, besides the expression of Christian humility, in

thus nakedly exhibiting the wrecks and ruins made by sin, there is

also a latent profession indicated of Christian hope. For the Christian

contemplates steadfastly, though with trembling awe, the lowest point of

his descent; since, for him, that point, the last of his fall, is also

the first of his reäscent, and serves, besides, as an exponent of its

infinity; the infinite depth becoming, in the rebound, a measure of

the infinite reäscent. Whereas, on the contrary, with the gloomy

uncertainties of a Pagan on the question of his final restoration, and

also (which must not be overlooked) with his utter perplexity as to the

nature of his restoration, if any were by accident in reserve, whether

in a condition tending downwards or upwards, it was the natural resource

to consult the general feeling of anxiety and distrust, by throwing a

thick curtain and a veil of beauty over the whole too painful subject.

To place the horrors in high relief, could here have answered no purpose

but that of wanton cruelty; whereas, with the Christian hopes, the

very saddest memorials of the havocs made by death are antagonist

prefigurations of great victories in the rear.

These speculations, at that time, I pursued earnestly; and I then

believed myself, as I yet do, to have ascertained the two great and

opposite laws under which the Grecian and the English tragedy has each

separately developed itself. Whether wrong or right in that belief, sure

I am that those in Germany who have treated the case of classical

and romantic are not entitled to credit for any discovery at all. The

Schlegels, who were the hollowest of men, the windiest and wordiest (at

least, Frederic was so), pointed to the distinction; barely indicated

it; and that was already some service done, because a presumption

arose that the antique and the modern literatures, having clearly some

essential differences, might, perhaps, rest on foundations originally

distinct, and obey different laws. And hence it occurred that many

disputes, as about the unities, etc., might originate in a confusion of

these laws. This checks the presumption of the shallow criticism, and

points to deeper investigations. Beyond this, neither the German nor the

French disputers on the subject have talked to any profitable purpose.

I have mentioned Paley as accidentally connected with my _début_ in

literary conversation; and I have taken occasion to say how much I

admired his style and its unstudied graces, how profoundly I despised

his philosophy. I shall here say a word or two more on that subject. As

respects his style, though secretly despising the opinion avowed by my

tutor (which was, however, a natural opinion for a stiff lover of the

artificial and the pompous), I would just as unwillingly be supposed to

adopt the extravagant opinions, in the other extreme, of Dr. Parr and

Mr. Coleridge. These two gentlemen, who privately hated Paley, and,

perhaps, traduced him, have hung like bees over one particular paragraph

in his Evidences, as though it were a flower transplanted from Hymettus.

Dr. Parr pronounced it the finest sentence in the English language. It

is a period (that is, a cluster of sentences) moderately well, but not

_too_ well constructed, as the German nurses are accustomed to say. Its

felicity depends on a trick easily imitated--on a balance happily placed

(namely, "_in which the wisest of mankind would rejoice to find an

answer to their doubts, and rest to their inquiries_"). As a _bravura_,

or _tour de force_, in the dazzling fence of rhetoric, it is surpassed

by many hundreds of passages which might be produced from rhetoricians;

or, to confine myself to Paley's contemporaries, it is very far

surpassed by a particular passage in Burke's letter upon the Duke of

Bedford's base attack upon him in the House of Lords; which passage I

shall elsewhere produce, because I happen to know, on the authority of

Burke's executors, that Burke himself considered it the finest period

which he had ever written. At present, I will only make one remark,

namely, that it is always injudicious, in the highest degree, to cite

for admiration that which is not a _representative_ specimen of the

author's manner. In reading Lucian, I once stumbled on a passage of

German pathos, and of German effect. Would it have been wise, or would

it have been intellectually just, to quote this as the text of an

eulogium on Lucian? What false criticism it would have suggested to

every reader! what false anticipations! To quote a formal and periodic

pile of sentences, was to give the feeling that Paley was what the

regular rhetorical artists designate as a periodic writer, when, in

fact, no one conceivable character of style more pointedly contradicted

the true description of his merits.

But, leaving the style of Paley, I must confess that I agree with Mr.

Bulwer (_England and the English_) in thinking it shocking and almost

damnatory to an English university, the great well-heads of creeds,

moral and evangelical, that authors such in respect of doctrine as Paley

and Locke should hold that high and influential station as teachers, or

rather oracles of truth, which has been conceded to them. As to Locke,

I, when a boy, had made a discovery of one blunder full of laughter and

of fun, which, had it been published and explained in Locke's lifetime,

would have tainted his whole philosophy with suspicion. It relates

to the Aristotelian doctrine of syllogism, which Locke undertook to

ridicule. Now, a flaw, a hideous flaw, in the _soi-disant_ detecter of

flaws, a ridicule in the exposer of the ridiculous--_that_ is fatal;

and I am surprised that Lee, who wrote a folio against Locke in his

lifetime, and other examiners, should have failed in detecting this. I

shall expose it elsewhere; and, perhaps, one or two other exposures

of the same kind will give an impetus to the descent of this falling

philosophy. With respect to Paley, and the naked _prudentialism_ of

his system, it is true that in a longish note Paley disclaims that

consequence. But to this we may reply, with Cicero, _Non quoero quid

neget Epicurus, sed quid congruenter neget_. Meantime, waiving all this

as too notorious, and too frequently denounced, I wish to recur to

this trite subject, by way of stating an objection made to the Paleyan

morality in my seventeenth year, and which I have never since seen

reason to withdraw. It is this:--I affirm that the whole work, from

first to last, proceeds upon that sort of error which the logicians

call _ignoratio elenchi_, that is, ignorance of the very question

concerned--of the point at issue. For, mark, in the very vestibule of

ethics, two questions arise--two different and disconnected questions,

A and B; and Paley has answered the wrong one. Thinking that he was

answering A, and meaning to answer A, he has, in fact, answered B. One

question arises thus: Justice is a virtue; temperance is a virtue; and

so forth. Now, what is the common principle which ranks these several

species under the same genus? What, in the language of logicians, is the

common differential principle which determines these various aspects

of moral obligation to a common genius? Another question, and a more

interesting question to men in general, is this,--What is the motive to

virtue? By what impulse, law, or motive, am I impelled to be virtuous

rather than vicious? Whence is the motive derived which should impel

me to one line of conduct in preference to the other? This, which is

a practical question, and, therefore, more interesting than the other,

which is a pure question of speculation, was that which Paley believed

himself to be answering. And his answer was,--That utility, a perception

of the resulting benefit, was the true determining motive. Meantime, it

was objected that often the most obvious results from a virtuous action

were far otherwise than beneficial. Upon which, Paley, in the long note

referred to above, distinguished thus: That whereas actions have many

results, some proximate, some remote, just as a stone thrown into the

water produces many concentric circles, be it known that he, Dr. Paley,

in what he says of utility, contemplates only the final result, the very

outermost circle; inasmuch as he acknowledges a possibility that the

first, second, third, including the penultimate circle, may all happen

to clash with utility; but then, says he, the outermost circle of all

will never fail to coincide with the absolute maximum of utility.

Hence, in the first place, it appears that you cannot apply this test of

utility in a practical sense; you cannot say, This is useful, _ergo_, it

is virtuous; but, in the inverse order, you must say, This is virtuous,

_ergo_, it is useful. You do not rely on its usefulness to satisfy

yourself of its being virtuous; but, on the contrary, you rely on its

virtuousness, previously ascertained, in order to satisfy yourself

of its usefulness. And thus the whole practical value of this test

disappears, though in that view it was first introduced; and a vicious

circle arises in the argument; as you must have ascertained the

virtuousness of an act, in order to apply the test of its being

virtuous. But, _secondly_, it now comes out that Paley was answering a

very different question from that which he supposed himself answering.

Not any practical question as to the motive or impelling force in

being virtuous, rather than vicious,--that is, to the _sanctions_ of

virtue,--but a purely speculative question, as to the issue of virtue,

or the common _vinculum_ amongst the several modes or species of virtue

(justice, temperance, etc.)--this was the real question which he was

answering. I have often remarked that the largest and most subtle source

of error in philosophic speculations has been the confounding of the two

great principles so much insisted on by the Leibnitzians, namely, the

_ratio cognoscendi_ and the _ratio essendi_. Paley believed himself

to be assigning--it was his full purpose to assign--the _ratio

cognoscendi_; but, instead of that, unconsciously and surreptitiously,

he has actually assigned the _ratio essendi_; and, after all, a false

and imaginary _ratio essendi_.

THE PAGAN ORACLES

It is remarkable--and, without a previous explanation, it might seem

paradoxical to say it--that oftentimes under a continual accession of

light important subjects grow more and more enigmatical. In times when

nothing was explained, the student, torpid as his teacher, saw nothing

which called for explanation--all appeared one monotonous blank. But no

sooner had an early twilight begun to solicit the creative faculties

of the eye, than many dusky objects, with outlines imperfectly defined,

began to converge the eye, and to strengthen the nascent interest of the

spectator. It is true that light, in its final plenitude, is calculated

to disperse all darkness. But this effect belongs to its consummation.

In its earlier and _struggling_ states, light does but reveal darkness.

It makes the darkness palpable and "visible." Of which we may see a

sensible illustration in a gloomy glass-house, where the sullen lustre

from the furnace does but mass and accumulate the thick darkness in

the rear upon which the moving figures are relieved. Or we may see an

intellectual illustration in the mind of the savage, on whose blank

surface there exists no doubt or perplexity at all, none of the pains

connected with ignorance; he is conscious of no darkness, simply because

for _him_ there exists no visual ray of speculation--no vestige of

prelusive light.

Similar, and continually more similar, has been the condition of ancient

history. Once yielding a mere barren crop of facts and dates, slowly

it has been kindling of late years into life and deep interest under

superior treatment. And hitherto, as the light has advanced, _pari

passu_ have the masses of darkness strengthened. Every question solved

has been the parent of three new questions unmasked. And the power of

breathing life into dry bones has but seemed to multiply the skeletons

and lifeless remains; for the very natural reason--that these dry bones

formerly (whilst viewed as incapable of revivification) had seemed

less numerous, because everywhere confounded to the eye with stocks

and stones, so long as there was no motive of hope for marking the

distinction between them.

Memorials and Other Papers — Volume 1 · 第 15 / 24 段