CHAPTER I

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THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE

(1743-1885)

BY NAHUM SLOUSCHZ

_Translated from the French_

* * * * *

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE

The modern chapter in the history of Hebrew literature herewith

presented to English readers was written by Dr. Nahum Slouschz as his

thesis for the doctorate at the University of Paris, and published in

book form in 1902. A few years later (1906-1907), the author himself put

his Essay into Hebrew, and it was brought out as a publication of the

_Tushiyah_, under the title _Korot ha-Safrut ha-'Ibrit ha-

Hadashah_. The Hebrew is not, however, a mere translation of the

French book. The material in the latter was revised and extended, and

the presentation was considerably changed, in view of the different

attitude toward the subject naturally taken by Hebrew readers, as

compared with a Western public, Jewish or non-Jewish.

The present English translation, which has had the benefit of the

author's revision, purports to be a rendition from the French. But the

Hebrew recasting of the book has been consulted at almost every point,

and the Hebrew works quoted by Dr. Slouschz were resorted to directly,

though, as far as seemed practicable, the translator paid regard to the

author's conception and Occidentalization of the Hebrew passages

revealed in his translation of them into French.

HENRIETTA SZOLD.

* * * * *

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I

In Italy--Moses Hayyim Luzzatto

CHAPTER II

In Germany--The Meassefim

CHAPTER III

In Poland and Austria--The Galician School

CHAPTER IV

In Lithuania--Humanism in Russia

CHAPTER V

The Romantic Movement--Abraham Mapu

CHAPTER VI

The Emancipation Movement--The Realists

CHAPTER VII

The Conflict with Rabbinism--Judah Leon Gordon

CHAPTER VIII

Reformers and Conservatives--The Two Extremes

CHAPTER IX

The National Progressive Movement--Perez Smolenskin

CHAPTER X

The Contributors to _Ha-Shahar_

CHAPTER XI

The Novels of Smolenskin

CHAPTER XII

Contemporaneous Literature

CONCLUSION

INDEX

* * * * *

INTRODUCTION

It was long believed that Hebrew had no place among the modern languages

as a literary vehicle. The circumstance that the Jews of Western

countries had given up the use of their national language outside of the

synagogue was not calculated to discredit the belief. The Hebrew, it was

generally held, had once been alive, but now it belonged among the dead

languages, in the same sense as the Greek and the Latin. And when from

time to time some new work in Hebrew, or even a periodical publication,

reached a library, the cataloguer classified it with theologic and

Rabbinic treatises, without taking the trouble to obtain information as

to the subject of the book or the purpose of the journal. In point of

fact, in the large majority of cases they were far enough removed from

Rabbinic controversy.

Sometimes it happened that one or another Hebraist was overcome with

astonishment at the sight of a Hebrew translation of a modern author.

And he stopped at that. He never went so far as to enable himself to

pass judgment upon it from the critical or the literary point of view.

To what purpose? he would ask himself. Hebrew has been dead these many

centuries, and to use it is an anachronism. He considered it only a

curiosity of literature, literary sleight of hand, nothing more.

The bare possibility of the existence of a modern literature in Hebrew

seemed so strange, so improbable, that the best-informed circles refused

to entertain the notion seriously--perhaps not without some semblance of

a reason for their incredulity.

The history of the development of modern Hebrew literature, its

character, the extraordinary conditions fostering it, its very

existence, are of a sort to surprise one who has not kept in touch with

the internal struggles, the intellectual currents that have agitated the

Judaism of Eastern Europe in the course of the past century.

So far from deserving a reputation for casuistry, modern Hebrew

literature is, if anything, distinctly rationalistic in character. It is

anti-dogmatic and anti-Rabbinic. Its avowed aim is to enlighten the

Jewish masses that have remained faithful to religious tradition, and to

interpenetrate the Jewish communities with the conceptions of modern

life.

Since the French Revolution the ghetto has produced valiant champions of

every good cause, politicians, legislators, poets, who have taken part

in all the movements of their day. But it has also given birth to a

legion of men of action sprung from the people and remaining with the

people, who, in the name of liberty of conscience and in the name of

science, fought the same battles upon the field of traditional Judaism

that the others were fighting outside.

A whole school of literary humanists undertook the work of emancipating

the Jewish masses, and pursued it for several generations with admirable

zeal. Hebrew became an excellent instrument of propaganda in their

hands. Thanks to their efforts, the language of the prophets,

inarticulate for nearly two thousand years, was developed to a striking

degree of perfection. It was shown to be a flexible medium, varied

enough to serve as the vehicle for any modern idea.

The great wonder is that this modern literature in Hebrew made itself

without teachers, without patrons, without academies and literary

_salons_, without encouragement in any shape or form. Nor is that

all. It was impeded by inconceivable obstacles, ranging from the

fraudulence of an absurd censorship to the persecution of fanatics. In

such circumstances, only the purest idealism, and the most

disinterested, could have ventured to enter the lists, and could have

come off the victor.

While the emancipated Jew of the Occident replaced Hebrew by the

vernacular of his adopted country; while the Rabbis were distrustful of

whatever is not religion; and rich patrons refused to support a

literature that had not the _entrée_ of good society,--while these

held aloof, the _Maskil_ ("the intellectual") of the small

provincial town, the Polish vagabond _Mehabber_ ("author"),

despised and unknown, often a martyr to his conviction, who devoted

himself heart, soul, and might to maintaining honorably the literary

traditions of Hebrew,--he alone remained faithful to what has been the

true mission of the Bible language since its beginnings.

It is a renewal of the ancient literary impulse of the humble, the

disinherited, whence first sprang the Bible. It is a repetition of the

phenomenon of the popular prophet-orators, reappearing in modern Hebrew

garb.

The return to the language and the ideas of an eventful past marks a

decisive stage in the perturbed career of the Jewish people. It

indicates the re-awakening of national feeling.

The history of modern Hebrew literature thus forms an extremely

instructive page in the history of the Jewish people. It is especially

interesting from the point of view of social psychology, furnishing, as

it does, valuable documents upon the course taken by new ideas in

impregnating surroundings that are characteristically obdurate toward

intellectual suggestions from without. The century-long struggle between

free-thinking and blind faith, between common sense and absurdity

consecrated by age and exalted by suffering, reveals an intense social

life, a continual clashing of ideas and sentiments.

It is a literature that offers us the grievous spectacle of poets and

writers who are constantly expressing their anxiety lest it disappear

with them, and yet devote themselves unremittingly to its cultivation,

with all the ardor of despair. At their side, however, we see optimistic

dreamers, worthy disciples of the prophets. In the midst of the ruin of

all that made the past glorious, and in the face of the downfall of

cherished hopes, they lose not an iota of their faith in the future of

their people, in its speedy regeneration.

What we have before us is the issue of the supreme internal struggle

that engaged the great masses of the Jews torn from their moorings by

the disquietude of modern existence. A fervent desire for a better

social life took possession of all minds. The conviction that the

eternal people cannot disappear seems to have regained ground and to

have been stronger than ever, and the current again set in the direction

of auto-emancipation.

It is the true literature of the Jewish people that we are called upon

to examine, the product of the ghetto, the reflex of its psychic states,

the expression of its misery, its suffering, and also its hope. The

people of the Bible is not dead, and in its very own language we must

seek the true Jewish spirit, the national soul.

Let not the reader expect to find perfection of form, pure art, in its

often monotonous lyric poetry, or its prolix, didactic novels. The

authors of the ghetto felt too much, suffered too much, were too much

under the dominance of a life of misery, a semi-Asiatic, semi-mediaeval

_régime_, to have had heart for the cultivation of mere form. Does

the Song of Songs fall short of being a literary document of the first

order because it does not equal the dramas of Euripides in artistic

completeness? It is conceded that the proper aim of the artist is art,

finished and perfect art, but to the philosopher, the social

investigator, the important thing is the advance of ideas.

* * * * *

The object of the writer in presenting this essay to the public was not

to presume to give a detailed exposition of the development of modern

Hebrew literature, accomplishing itself under the most complex of social

and political conditions and in a social _milieu_ totally unknown

to the public at large. That would have led too far. It was not even

possible to give an adequate idea of all the authors requiring mention

within the limited frame adopted perforce. Besides, nothing or almost

nothing existed in the way of monographs that might have facilitated the

task. [Footnote: In point of fact, all that can be cited are the

following: the admirable biographical essays on Mapu, Smolenskin, etc.,

by Reuben Brainin; those of S. Bernfeld on Rapoport, etc., these two

critics writing in Hebrew; and the sketch of our subject by M. Klausner,

in the Russian language. Besides, mention may be made of an article in

the _Revue des Revues_, by M. Ludvipol, of Paris. In spite of the

diversity of schools and the conditions giving rise to them, which are

here to be treated for the first time from the point of view of a modern

history of literature, the reader will readily convince himself that the

subject lacks neither coherence nor unity. It is superfluous to say that

in this first attempt at a history of modern Hebrew literature, the

grouping of movements and schools borrowed from the Occidental

literatures is bound to have only relative value.]

The aim set up by the present writer is merely to follow up the various

stages through which modern Hebrew literature has passed, to deduce and

specify the general principles that have moulded it, and analyze the

literary and social value of the works produced by the representative

writers of the epoch embraced.

In a word, the object is to show how Hebrew poetry was emancipated from

the tradition of the Middle Ages under the influence of the Italian

humanists, how it underwent a process of modernization, and served as

the model for a literary renascence in Germany and Austria. [Footnote:

Especially Moses Hayyim Luzzatto, in his "Glory to the Righteous",

published in 1743, which has been made the point of departure in the

present inquiry.] In these two countries Hebrew letters were enriched

and perfected from the point of view of form as well as content.

Finally, due to favorable circumstances, the Hebrew language captured

its place as the literary and national language among the Jews of

Poland, and particularly of Lithuania.

In this progress eastward, Hebrew literature has never been faithless to

its mission. Two currents of ideas, more or less distinct, characterize

it. On the one hand is the intellectual emancipation of the Jewish

masses, which had fallen into ignorance, and, as a consequence, the

conflict with prejudice and Rabbinic dogmatism; and, on the other hand,

the awakening of national sentiment and Jewish solidarity. These two

currents of ideas finally flow together in contemporaneous literature,

in the creation of the national Jewish movement in its various

modifications. During a period of about twenty years, since 1882, the

course of events has forced the national emancipation of the Jewish

masses upon their educated leaders. By the same token, Hebrew has been

assigned a dominating position in all vital questions agitating Judaism,

and there has been brought about a literary development that is truly

significant.

* * * * *

CHAPTER I

IN ITALY

MOSES HAYYIM LUZZATTO

In its precise sense, the term Renascence cannot be applied to the

movement that asserted itself in Hebrew literature at the end of the

fifteenth century, as little as the term Decadence can be applied to the

epoch preceding it.

Long before Dante and Boccaccio, as far back as the eleventh century,

Hebrew literature, particularly in Spain, and to a certain extent also

in the Provence, had reached a degree of development unknown in European

languages during the Middle Ages.

Though the persecutions toward the end of the fourteenth and the

fifteenth century crushed the Jewish communities in Spain and in the

Provence, they yet did not succeed in annihilating completely the

intellectual traditions of the Spanish and French Jews. Remnants of

Jewish science and Jewish literature were carried by the refugees into

the countries of their adoption, and in the Netherlands, in Turkey, even

in Palestine, schools were founded after a short interval.

But a literary revival was possible only in Italy. Elsewhere, in the

backward countries of the North and the East, the Jews, smarting from

blows recently inflicted, withdrew within themselves. They took refuge

in the most sombre of mysticisms, or, at least, in dogmatism of the

narrowest kind. The Italian Jewish communities, thanks to the more

bearable conditions prevailing around them, were in a position to carry

on the literary traditions of Jewish Spain. In Italy thinkers arose, and

writers, and poets. There was Azariah dei Rossi, the father of

historical criticism; Messer Leon, the subtle philosopher; Elijah

Levita, the grammarian; Leon of Modena, the keen-witted rationalist;

Joseph Delmedigo, of encyclopedic mind; the Frances brothers, both

poets, who combated mysticism; and many others too numerous to mention.

[Footnote: For the greater part of these writers, see Gustav Karpeles,

_Geschichte der jüdischen Literatur_, 2 vols., Berlin, 1886.]

These, together with a few stray writers in Turkey and the Netherlands,

imparted a certain degree of distinction to the Hebrew literature of the

sixteenth and the seventeenth century. Heirs to the Spanish traditions,

they nevertheless were inclined to oppose the spirit and particularly

the rules of Arabic prosody, which had put manacles upon Hebrew poetry.

Their efforts were directed to the end of introducing new literary forms

and new concepts into Hebrew literature.

They did not meet with notable success. The greater number of Jewish men

of letters, whose knowledge of foreign literatures was meagre, were

destined to remain in the thrall of the Middle Ages until a much later

time. As to the unlettered, they preferred to make use of the

vernacular, which presented fewer difficulties than the Hebrew.

The task of tearing asunder the chains that hampered the evolution of

Hebrew in a modern sense devolved upon an Italian Jew of amazing talent.

He became the true, the sovereign inaugurator of the Hebrew Renascence.

Moses Hayyim Luzzatto was born at Padua, in 1707. He was descended from

a family celebrated for the Rabbinic scholars and the writers it had

given to Judaism, a celebrity which it has continued to earn for itself

down to our own day.

His education was strictly Rabbinic, consisting chiefly of the study of

the Talmud, under the direction of a Polish teacher, for the Polish

Rabbis had attained to a position of great esteem as early as Luzzatto's

day. He lost little time in initiating his pupil into the mysteries of

the Kabbalah, and so the early childhood years of our poet were a sad

time spent in the stifling atmosphere of the ghetto. Happily for him, it

was an Italian ghetto, whence secular learning had not been banished

completely.

While pursuing his religious studies, the child became acquainted with

the Hebrew poetry of the Middle Ages and with the Italian literature of

his own time. In the latter accomplishment lies his superiority to the

Hebrew scholars of other countries, who were shut off from every outside

influence, and held fast to obsolete forms and ideas.

From early youth Luzzatto showed remarkable aptitude for poetry. At the

age of seventeen he composed a drama in verse entitled "Samson and

Delilah". A little later he published a work on prosody, _Leshon

Limmudim_ ("The Language of Learners", Mantua, 1727), and dedicated

it to his Polish teacher. The young man then decided to break with the

poetry of the Middle Ages, which hampered the development of the Hebrew

language. His allegorical drama, _Migdal 'Oz_ ("The Tower of

Victory"), inspired by the _Pastor fido_ of Guarini, was the first

token of this reform. Its style is marked by an elegance and vividness

not attained since the close of the Bible. [Footnote: Though it was

widely circulated in manuscript, _Migdal 'Oz_ did not appear in

print until 1837, at Leipsic, edited by M. H. Letteris.] In spite of its

prolixity and the absence of all dramatic action, it continues to this

day to make its appeal to the fancy of the literary. A poetic breath

animates it, and it is characterized by the artistic taste that is one

of the distinctions of its author.

It was a new world that _Migdal 'Oz_, by its laudation of rural

life, disclosed to the votaries of a literature the most enlightened

representatives of which refused to see in the Song of Songs anything

but religious symbolism, so far had their appreciation of reality and

nature degenerated.

In imitation of the pastorals of his time, though it may be with more

genuine feeling, Luzzatto sings the praises of the shepherd's life:

"How beautiful, how sweet, is the lot of the young shepherd of

flocks! Between the folds he leads his sheep, now walking, now

running hither and thither. Poor though he is, he is full of joy.

His countenance reflects the gladness of his heart. In the shade

of trees he reposes, and apprehends no danger. Poor though he is,

yet he is happy....

"The maiden who charms his eyes, and attracts his desire, in whom

his heart has pleasure, returns his affection with responsive

gladness. They know naught but delight--neither separation nor

obstacle affrights them. They sport together, they enjoy their

happiness, with none to disturb. When weariness steals over him,

he forgets his toil on her bosom; the light of her countenance

swiftly banishes all thought of his travail. Poor though he is,

yet he is happy!" (Act III, scene I.)

Alas, this call to a more natural life, after centuries of physical

degeneration and suppression of all feeling for nature, could not be

understood, nor even taken seriously, in surroundings in which air,

sunlight, the very right to live, had been refused or measured out

penuriously. The drama remained in manuscript, and did not become known

to the public at large.

It was Luzzatto's chief work that exercised decisive influence on the

development of Hebrew literature. _La-Yesharim Tehillah_ ("Glory to

the Righteous"), another allegorical drama, which appeared in 1743, is

considered a model of its kind until this day. It introduced a new

epoch, the modern epoch, in the history of Hebrew literature. The master

stands revealed by every touch. Everything betrays his skill--the style,

at once elegant, significant, and precise, recalling the pure style of

the Bible, the fresh and glowing figures of speech, the original poetic

inspiration, and the thought, which bears the imprint of a profound

philosophy and a high moral sense, and is free from all trace of

mystical exaggeration.

From the point of view of dramatic art, the piece is not of the highest

interest. The subject, purely moral and didactic, gives no opportunity

for a serious study of character, and, as in all allegorical pieces, the

dramatic action is weak.

The theme was not new. Even in Hebrew and before Luzzatto, it had been

treated several times. It is the struggle between Justice and Injustice,

between Truth and Falsehood. The allegorical personages who take part in

the action are, arrayed on one side, Yosher (Righteousness) aided by

Sekel (Reason) and Mishpat (Justice), and, on the other side, Sheker

(Falsehood) and her auxiliaries, Tarmit (Deceit), Dimyon (Imagination),

and Taäwah (Passion). The two hostile camps strive together for the

favor of the beautiful maiden Tehillah (Glory), the daughter of Hamon

(the Crowd). The struggle is unequal. Imagination and Passion carry the

day in the face of Truth and Righteousness. Then the inevitable _deus

ex machina_, in this case God Himself, intervenes, and Justice is

again enthroned.

This simple and not strikingly original frame encloses beautiful

descriptions of nature and, above all, sublime thoughts, which make the

piece one of the gems of Hebrew poetry. The predominant idea of the book

is to glorify God and admire the "innumerable wonders of the Creator."

"All who seek will find them, in every living being, in every

plant, in every lifeless object, in all things on earth and in

the sea, in whatsoever the human eye rests upon. Happy he who

hath found knowledge and wisdom, happy he if their speech hath

fallen upon an attentive ear!" (Act II, scene I.)

But the Creator is not capricious. Reason and Truth are His attributes,

and they appear in all His acts. Humanity is a mob, and two opposing

forces contend for the mastery over it: Truth with Righteousness on one

side, Falsehood and her ilk on the other. Each of these two forces seeks

to rule the crowd and prevail in triumph.

The Reason personified by the poet has nothing in common with the

positive Reason of the rationalists, which takes the world to be

directed by mechanical and immutable laws. It is supreme Reason, obeying

moral laws too sublimated for our powers of appreciation. How could it

be otherwise? Are we not the continual plaything of our senses, which

are incapable of grasping absolute truths, and deceive us even about the

appearance of things?

"Truly, our eyes are deluded, for eyes of flesh they are.

Therefore they change truth into falsehood, darkness they make

light, and light darkness. Lo, a small chance, a mere accident,

suffices to distort our view of tangible things; how much more do

we stray from the truth with things beyond the reach of our

senses? See the oars in the water. They seem crooked and twisted.

Yet we know them to be straight....

"Verily, man's heart is like the ocean ceaselessly agitated by

the battling winds. As the waves roll forward and backward in

perpetual motion, so our hearts are stirred by never-ending pain

and trouble, and as our emotions sway our will, so our senses

suffer change within us. We see only what we desire to see, hear

only what we long to hear, what our imagination conjures up."

(Act II, scene i.)

This philosophy of externalism and of the impotence of the human mind

threw the poet, believer and devotee of the Kabbalah, into a most

dangerous mysticism. He continued to write for some time: an imitation

of the Psalms; a treatise on logic, _Ha-Higgayon_, not without

value; another treatise on ethics, _Mesilat Yesharim_ ("The Path of

the Righteous"); and a large number of poetic pieces and Kabbalistic

compositions, the greater part of which were never published; and this

enumeration does not exhaust the tale of his literary achievements.

[Footnote: The greater part of Luzzatto's works have never been

published.] Then his powers were used up, the tension of his mind

increased to the last degree; he lost his moral equilibrium. The day

came when he strayed so far afield as to believe himself called to play

the rôle of the Messiah. The Rabbis, alarmed at the gloomy prospect of a

repetition of the pseudo-Messianic movements which time and again had

shaken the Jewish world to its foundations, launched the ban against

him. His fate was sealed by his ingenious imitation of the Zohar,

written in Aramaic, of which only fragments have been preserved. Obliged

to leave Italy, Luzzatto wandered through Germany, and took up his abode

at Amsterdam. He enjoyed the gratification of being welcomed there by

literary men among his people as a veritable master. At Amsterdam he

wrote his last works. But he did not remain there long. He went to seek

Divine inspiration at Safed in Palestine, the far-famed centre of the

Kabbalah. There he died, cut off by the plague at the age of forty.

Such was the sad life of the poet, a victim of the abnormal surroundings

in which he lived. Under more favorable conditions, he might have

achieved that which would have won him universal recognition. His main

distinction is that he released the Hebrew language forever from the

forms and ideas of the Middle Ages, and connected it with the circle of

modern literatures. He bequeathed to posterity a model of classic

poetry, which ushered in Hebrew humanism, the return to the style and

the manner of the Bible, in the same way as the general humanistic

movement led the European mind back upon its own steps along the paths

marked out by the classic languages. No sooner did his work become known

in the north countries and in the Orient than it raised up imitators.

Mendes and Wessely, leaders of literary revivals, the one at Amsterdam,

the other in Germany, are but the disciples and successors of the

Italian poet.

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The Renascence of Hebrew Literature (1743-1885) · 第 1 / 12 章