Nearly a whole generation before the winning of that late success,

Bulwer-Lytton had tried the House of Commons, and miserably, ludicrously

failed. The young Tory members who vociferously cheered his great

anti-reform speech of 1860, were in their cradles when Bulwer-Lytton

first addressed the House of Commons, and having signally failed

withdrew, as people supposed, altogether from Parliamentary life. His

failure was even more complete than that of his friend Disraeli, and he

took the failure more to heart. Rumor affirms that the first serious

quarrel between Bulwer and his wife arose out of her vexation and

disappointment at his break-down, and the bitter, provoking taunts with

which she gave vent to her anger. I know no other instance of a

rhetorical triumph so long delayed, and at length so completely

effected. Nor can one learn that it was by any intervening practice or

training that Bulwer in his declining years atoned for the failure of

his youth. He was never that I know of a public speaker; he won his

Parliamentary success in defiance of Charles James Fox's famous axiom,

that a speaker can only improve himself at the expense of his audiences.

Between his failure and his triumph Bulwer-Lytton may be said to have

had no political audience.

A statesman Bulwer-Lytton never became, although he held high office in

a Tory Cabinet. He did little or nothing to distinguish himself, unless

there be distinction in writing some high-flown, eloquent despatches,

such as Ernest Maltravers might have penned, to the discontented

islanders of Ionia; and it was he, if I remember rightly, who thought of

sending out "Gladstone the Philhellene" on that mission of futile

conciliation which only misled the Ionians and amused England. It always

seemed to me that in his political career Bulwer acted just as one of

the heroes of his own romances might have done. Having suffered defeat

and humiliation, he vowed a vow to wrest from Fate a victory upon the

very spot which had seen his discomfiture; and he kept his word, won his

victory, and then calmly quitted the field forever. A more prosaic

explanation might perhaps be found in the fact that weak physical health

rendered it impossible for Bulwer to encounter the severe continuous

labor which English political life exacts. But I prefer for myself the

more romantic and less commonplace explanation, and I hope my readers

will do likewise. I prefer to think of the great romancist retrieving

after thirty years of silence his Parliamentary defeat, and then, having

reconciled himself with Destiny, retiring from the scene contented, to

struggle in that arena no more. In all seriousness, there must be some

quality of greatness in the man who, after bearing such a defeat for so

many years, can struggle with Fate again, and accomplish so conspicuous

a success.

Now this is in fact one grand explanation of Bulwer-Lytton's rank in

English literature. He has the self-reliance, the patience, the courage

so rare among literary men, by which one is enabled to extract their

full and utter value from whatsoever intellectual endowments he may

possess. Bulwer-Lytton alone among all famous English authors of our

days has apparently done all that he could possibly do--obtained from

his faculties their entire tribute. Readers of the letters of poor

Charlotte Bronte may remember the impatience with which she occasionally

complained that her idol Thackeray would not put forth his whole

strength. No such fault could possibly be found with Bulwer-Lytton.

Sooner or later he always put forth his whole strength. He had many

failures, but, as in the case of his political discomfiture, he had

always the art of learning from failure the way how to succeed, and

accordingly succeeding. When he wrote his wretched "Sea Captain," the

critics all told him he could not produce a successful drama. Bulwer

thought he could. He thought the very failure of that attempt would show

him how to succeed another time. He was determined not to give in until

he had satisfied himself as to his fitness, one way or the other, and so

he persevered. Now observe the character of the man, and see how much

superior he himself is to his works, and how much of their success the

works owe to the man's peculiar temper. We all know what authors usually

are, and how they receive criticism. In ordinary cases, when the critics

declare some piece of work a failure, the author either is crushed for

the time by the fiat, or he insists that the critics are idiots, hired

assassins, personal enemies, and so forth; he defiantly adheres to his

own notions and his own method--and he probably fails. Bulwer-Lytton

looked at the matter in quite a different light. He said, apparently, to

himself: "The critics only know what I have done; I know what I can do.

From their point of view they are quite right--this thing is a failure.

But I know that it is a failure only because I went to work the wrong

way. I _can_ do something infinitely better. Their experience and their

comments have given me some valuable hints; I will forthwith go to work

on a better principle." So Bulwer-Lytton wrote "Richelieu," "Money," and

the "Lady of Lyons"--the last probably the most successful acting drama

produced in England since the days of Shakespeare, and the first hardly

below it in stage success. Of course I am not claiming for either of

these plays a high and genuine dramatic value. They probably bear the

same resemblance to the true drama that their author's Parliamentary

speech-making does to true eloquence. But of their popularity and their

transcendent technical success there cannot be the slightest doubt.

Bulwer-Lytton proved to his critics that he could do better than any

other living man the very thing they said he could never do--write a

play that should conquer the public and hold the stage. So to those who

affirmed that, whatever else he might do, he never could be a

Parliamentary speaker, he replied by standing up when approaching the

very brink of old age, and delivering speeches which won the willing and

generous applause of Disraeli, and extorted the reluctant but manly and

frank recognition of such an opponent as John Bright.

Bulwer-Lytton once insisted, in an address delivered to some English

literary institution, that the word "versatile" is generally used

wrongly when we speak of men who do a great many things well; that it is

a comprehensive, not merely a versatile mind, each of these men has; not

a knack of adroitly turning himself to many heterogeneous labors, but a

capacity so wide that it unfolds quite naturally many fields of labor.

In this sense Bulwer-Lytton has undoubtedly a more comprehensive mind

than any of his English contemporaries. He has written the most

successful dramas and some of the most successful novels of his day; and

he has so varied the method of his novel-writing that he may be said to

have at least three distinct and separate principles of construction.

Some of his poetic translations seem to me almost absolutely the best

done in England of late years; many of his essays approach a true

literary value, while all or nearly all of them are attractive reading;

his satire, "The New Timon," is the only thing of the kind which is

likely to outlive his age; and his political speeches are what I have

already described. Now, to estimate the personal value of these

successes, let us not fail to remember that their author never was

placed in a condition to make literary or other labor a necessity, and

that for nearly a whole generation he has been in the enjoyment of

actual wealth; that in England literature adds little or no social

distinction to a man of Bulwer-Lytton's rank; and that during a

considerable portion of his life the author of "The Caxtons" and "My

Novel" has been tortured by almost incessant ill-health. Almost

everything that could tend to make a man shun continuous and patient

labor (opulence and ill-health would be quite enough to make most of us

shun it) combined to render Bulwer-Lytton an idle or at least an

indolent man. Yet almost all the literary success he attained was due to

a patient toil which would have wearied out a penny-a-liner, and a

laborious self-study and self-culture which might have overtaxed the

nerves of a Koenigsberg professor. "Easy writing is cursed hard reading,"

is a maxim which Bulwer-Lytton fully understood, and of which he showed

his appreciation in his personal practice.

Bulwer-Lytton was born on the fringe of the aristocratic region. He can

hardly be said to belong to the genuine aristocracy, although of late,

thanks to his political opinions and his peerage, he has come to be

ranked among aristocrats. He is the brother of a distinguished

diplomatist, Sir Henry Bulwer, and the father of a somewhat promising

diplomatist, not quite unknown to Washington people, Robert Lytton,

"Owen Meredith." Bulwer-Lytton had advanced tolerably far upon his

career when he inherited through his mother a magnificent estate, which

enabled him to set up for an aristocrat. His baronetcy had been

conferred upon him by the Crown, as his peerage lately was. He started

in political life, like Mr. Disraeli, as a Liberal; indeed, it was, if I

am not greatly mistaken, on the introduction of Bulwer-Lytton that

Disraeli obtained the early patronage of Daniel O'Connell, which he so

soon forfeited by the political tergiversation that drew down from the

great Agitator the famous outburst of fierce and savage scorn wherein,

alluding to Disraeli's boasted Jewish origin, he proclaimed him

evidently descended in a right line from the blasphemous thief who died

impenitent on the cross. Disraeli's apostasy was sudden and glaring, and

he kept the field. Bulwer-Lytton soon faded out of politics altogether

for nearly thirty years, and when he reappeared in the House of Commons

and wore the garb of a Tory, his old friend and political patron

O'Connell had long become a mere tradition. Nearly all of those who

listened with curiosity to Bulwer-Lytton's speeches in 1859 and 1860,

were curious only to hear how a great romancist and dramatist would

acquit himself in a part which, so far as they were concerned, was

entirely a new appearance. They had no personal memory of his former

efforts; no recollection of the time when the young author of the

sparkling, piquant, and successful "Pelham" endeavored to take London by

storm as a political orator, and failed in the enterprise.

In one peculiarity, at least, Bulwer-Lytton the novelist surpassed all

his rivals and contemporaries. His range was so wide as to take in all

circles and classes of English readers. He wrote fashionable novels,

historical novels, political novels, metaphysical novels, psychological

novels, moral-purpose novels, immoral purpose novels. "Wilhelm Meister"

was not too heavy nor "Tristram Shandy" too light for him. He tried to

rival Scott in the historical romance; he strove hard to be another

Goethe in his "Ernest Maltravers"; he quite surpassed Ainsworth's "Jack

Sheppard," and the general run of what we in England call "thieves'

literature," in his "Paul Clifford"; he became a sort of pinchbeck

Sterne in "The Caxtons," and was severely classical in "The Last Days of

Pompeii." One might divide his novels into at least half a dozen

classes, each class quite distinct and different from all the rest, and

yet the one author, the one Bulwer-Lytton, showing and shining through

them all. Bulwer is always there. He is masquerading now in the garb of

a mediaeval baron, and now in that of an old Roman dandy; anon he is

disguised as a thief from St. Giles's, and again as a full-blooded

aristocrat from the region of St. James's. But he is the same man

always, and you can hardly fail to recognize him even in his cleverest

disguise. It may be questioned whether there is one spark of true and

original genius in Bulwer. Certain ideas commonly floating about in this

or that year he collects and brings to a focus, and by their aid he

burns a distinct impression into the public mind. Just as he expressed

the thin and spurious classicism of one period in his Pompeian romance,

so he made copy out of the pseudoscience and bastard psychology of a

later day in his "Strange Story." Never was there in literature a more

masterly and wonderful mechanic. Many-sided he never was, although

probably the fame of many-sidedness (if one may use so ungraceful an

expression) is the renown which he specially coveted and most

strenuously strove to win. Only genius can be many-sided, and

Bulwer-Lytton's marvellous capability never can be confounded with

genius. The nearest approach to genius in all his works may be found in

their occasional outbursts and flashes of audacious, preposterous

absurdity. The power which could palm off such outrageous nonsense as in

some instances he has done on two or three generations of novel-readers,

which could compel the public to swallow it and delight in it, despite

all that the satire of a Thackeray or a Jerrold could do, must surely,

one would almost say, have had something in it savoring of a sort of

genius. For there are in some even of the very best and purest of

Bulwer's novels whole scenes and characters which it seems almost

utterly impossible that any reader whatever could follow without

laughter. I protest that I think the author of "Ernest Maltravers" owed

much of his success to the daring which assumed that anything might be

imposed on the public, and to the absence of that sense of the ludicrous

which might have made a man of a different stamp laugh at his own

nonsense. I assume that Bulwer wrote in perfect faith and seriousness,

honestly believing them to be fine, the most ridiculous, bombastic,

fantastic passages in all his novels. I take it for granted that Mr.

Morris's sad hero, "The Man who never Laughed Again," must have been

frivolity itself when compared with Bulwer-Lytton at work upon a novel.

The sensitive distrust of one's own capacity, the high-minded doubt of

the value of one's own works, which is probably the companion, the

Mentor, the tormentor often, and not unfrequently the conqueror and

destroyer of true genius, never seems to have vexed the author of

"Eugene Aram" and "Godolphin." Bulwer-Lytton won a great name partly

because he was not a man of genius. The kind of thing he tried to do

could not have been done truly and successfully, in the high artistic

sense, by any one with a capacity below that of a Shakespeare, or at

least a Goethe. A man of genius, but inferior genius, would have made a

wretched failure of it. Between the two stools of popularity and art, of

time and eternity, he must have fallen to the ground. But where genius

might fail to achieve a splendid success, talent and audacity might turn

out a magnificent sham. This is the sort of success, this and none

other, which I believe Bulwer-Lytton to have achieved. He is the finest

_faiseur_ in the literature of to-day. His wax-work gallery surpasses

Madame Tussaud's; or rather his sham art is as much superior to that of

a James or an Ainsworth as Madame Tussaud's gallery is to Mrs. Jarley's

show. That sort of sentiment which lies somewhere down in the heart of

every one, however commonplace, or busy, or cynical--the sentiment which

is represented by the applause of the galleries in a popular theatre,

and which cultivated audiences are usually ashamed to acknowledge--was

the feeling which Bulwer-Lytton could always reach and draw forth. He

had so much at least of the true artistic instinct as to recognize that

the strongest element of popularity is the sentimental; and he knew that

out of ten persons who openly laugh at such a thing, nine are secretly

touched by it. Bulwer-Lytton found much of his stock and capital in the

human emotions which sympathize with youthful ambition and youthful

love, just as Dickens makes perpetual play with the feelings which are

touched by the death of children. When Claude Melnotte, transfigured

into the splendid Colonel Morier, rushes forward just at the critical

moment, outbids yon sordid huckster for his priceless jewel Pauline,

flings down the purse containing double the needful sum, declares that

he has bought every coin of it in the cause of nations with a

Frenchman's blood, and sweeps away his ransomed bride amid the thunder

of the galleries, of course we all know that sort of thing is not

poetry, or high art, or anything but splendiferous rubbish. Yet it does

touch most of us somehow. I know I always feel divided between laughter

and enthusiastic sympathy even still, when I see it for the hundred and

fiftieth time or so. In the same way, when Paul Clifford charges on

society the crimes of his outlaw career; when Rienzi vows vengeance for

his brother's blood; when Zanoni resigns his immortal youth that "the

flower at his feet may a little longer drink the dew"; when Ernest

Maltravers silently laments amid all his splendor of success the obscure

Arcadia of his boyish love, we can all see at a glance how bombastic,

gaudy, melodramatic, is the style in which the author works out his

ideas; how utterly unlike the simple, strong majesty of true art the

whole thing is; but yet we must acknowledge that the author understands

thoroughly how to touch a certain vein of what may be called elementary

emotion, common almost to all minds, which it is the object of society

to repress or suppress, and the object of the popular artist to stir up

into activity. Preach, advise, remonstrate, demonstrate as you will, the

majority of us will always feel inclined to give alms to beggar-women

and whining little children in the snowy streets. We know we are doing

unwisely, and perhaps even wrongly; we know that the misery which

touches us is probably a trumped-up and sham misery; we know that

whatever we give to the undeserving and the insincere is practically

withdrawn from the deserving and the sincere; we are ashamed to be seen

giving the money, and yet we do give it whenever we can. Because, after

all, our common emotion of sympathy with the more obvious, intelligible,

and I would almost say vulgar forms of human suffering, are far too

strong for our moderating maxims and our more refined mental conditions.

So of the sympathies which heroes and heroines, aspirations and agonies

of the style of Bulwer-Lytton awaken in us. Virtue cannot so inoculate

our old stock but we shall relish it; and is not he something of an

artist who recognizes this great fact in human nature, and plays upon

that vibrating, imperishable chord, and compels it to give him back such

an applauding echo? After all, I think there is just as much of sham and

of Madame Tussaud, and of the beggar-child in the snow, about Paul

Dombey's deathbed and Little Dorrit's filial devotion, as about the mock

heroics of Claude Melnotte or the domestic virtues of the Caxtons. Of

course I am not comparing Bulwer-Lytton with Dickens. The latter was a

man of genius, and one of the greatest humorists known at least to

modern literature. But nearly all the pathetic side of Dickens seems to

me of much the same origin as the heroic side of Bulwer-Lytton, and I

question whether the greater part of the popularity won by the author of

"Bleak House" has not been gained by a mastery of the very same kind of

art as that which sets galleries applauding for Claude Melnotte, and

young women in tears for Eugene Aram.

There are, moreover, two points of superiority in artistic purpose which

may be claimed for Bulwer-Lytton over either Dickens or Thackeray. They

do not, perhaps, "amount to much" in any case; but they are worth

mentioning. Bulwer-Lytton has more than once drawn to the best of his

power a gentleman, and he has often drawn, or tried to draw, a man

possessed by some great, impersonal, unselfish object in life. The

former of these personages Dickens never seemed to have known or

believed in; the latter, Thackeray never even attempted to paint. Why

has Dickens never drawn a gentleman? I am not using the word in the

artificial, conventional, snobbish sense. I mean by a gentleman a

creature with intellect as well as heart, with refined and cultivated

tastes, with something of personal dignity about him. I do not care from

what origin he may have sprung, or to what class he may have belonged:

there is no reason, even in England, why a man born in a garret might

not acquire all the ways, and thoughts, and refinements of a gentleman.

Among the class to which most of Dickens's heroes are represented as

belonging, have we not all in England known gentlemen of intellect and

culture? Yet Dickens has never painted such a being. Nicholas Nickleby

is a plucky, honest, good-hearted blockhead; Tom Pinch is a benevolent

idiot; Eugene Wrayburn is a low-bred, impertinent snob--a mere "cad," as

Londoners would say. I have had no sympathy with the "Saturday Review"

in its perpetual accusations of vulgarity against Dickens; and I think a

recent English critic was pleasantly and purposely extravagant when he

charged the author of the "Christmas Carol" with having no loftier idea

of human happiness than the eating of plum pudding and kissing girls

under the mistletoe. But I do say that Dickens never drew a cultivated

English gentleman or lady--a cultivated and refined English man or

woman, if you will; and yet I know that there are such personages to be

found without troublesome quest among the very classes of society which

he was always describing.

Now Thackeray could draw and has drawn English gentlemen and

gentlewomen; but has he ever drawn a high-minded, self-forgetting man or

woman devoted to some, to any, great object, or cause, or purpose of

any kind in life--absorbed by it and faithful to it? Is it true that

even in London society men are wholly given up to dining, and paying

visits, and making and spending money? Is it true that all men, even in

London society, pass their lives in a purposeless, drifting way, making

good resolves and not carrying them out; doing good things now and then

out of easy, generous impulse; loving lightly, and recovering from love

quickly? Are there in London society, on the one hand, no passions; on

the other hand, no simple, strong, consistent, unselfish, high-minded

lives? Assuredly there are; but Thackeray, the greatest painter of

English society England has ever had, chose, for some reason or another,

to ignore them. Only when he comes to speak of artists, more especially

of painters, does he ever hint that he is aware of the existence of men

whose lives are consistent, steadfast, and unselfish. Surely this is a

great omission. One does not care to drag into this discussion the names

of living illustrations; but I should like to have pointed Thackeray's

attention to this and that and the other man whom, to my certain

knowledge, he knew and warmly, fully appreciated, and asked him, "Why,

when you were painting with such incomparable fidelity such

illustrations of English life as you chose to select, did you not think

fit to picture such a simple, strong, consistent, magnanimous,

self-forgetting, self-devoting nature as that, or that, or that?"--and

so on, through many examples which I or anybody could have named. I

suppose the honest answer would have been, "I cannot draw that kind of

character; I cannot quite enter into its experiences and make it look

life-like as I see it; it is not in my line, and I prefer not to attempt

it." Now, I think it to the credit of Bulwer-Lytton, as a mere artist,

that he did include such figures even in his wax-work gallery. He could

not make them look like life; but he showed at least that he was aware

of their existence, and that he did his best to teach the world to

recognize them.

Modern Leaders: Being a Series of Biographical Sketches · 第 24 / 37 段