that came down to the River, intending to go to a Town, but could
find none; and there were so many cross Paths that we could not tell
which way to go: and the Land here so exceedingly low and level,
that we could see no other thing but Trees. For altho I got up a Tree
to look if I could see the Dutch Fort, or discern any Houses, yet I
could not; and the Sun being right over our heads neither could that
direct us: insomuch that we wished our selves again in our old friend,
the River. So after so much wandring up and down we sat down under a
Tree waiting until the Sun was fallen, or some People came by. Which
not long after three or four Malabars did. One of which could speak
a little Portugueze. We told these Men, we were Hollanders, supposing
they would be the more willing to go with us, but they proved of the
same temper with the rest before mentioned. For until I gave one of
them a small Knife to cut Betel-nuts, he would not go with us: but for
the lucre of that he conducted us to a Town. From whence they sent
a Man with us to the next, and so we were passed from Town to Town,
until we arrived at the Fort called Arrepa: it being about four of the
Clock on Saturday afternoon. October the eighteenth MDCLXXIX. Which
day God grant us grace that we may never forget, when he was pleased
to give us so great a deliverance from such a long Captivity, of
nineteen years, and six Months, and odd days, being taken Prisoner
when I was nineteen years old, and continued upon the Mountains among
the Heathen till I attained to Eight and Thirty.
[He Travailed a Nights in the Woods without fear, and slept
securely.] In this my Flight thro the Woods, I cannot but take notice
with some wonder and great thankfulness, that this Travelling by
Night in a desolate Wilderness was little or nothing dreadful to me,
whereas formerly the very thoughts of it would seem to dread me,
and in the Night when I laid down to rest with wild Beasts round me,
I slept as soundly and securely, as ever I did at home in my own
House. Which courage and peace I look upon to be the immediate gift
of God to me upon my earnest Prayers, which at that time he poured
into my heart in great measure and fervency. After which I found my
self freed from those frights and fears, which usually possessed my
heart at other times.
In short, I look upon the whole Business as a miraculous Providence,
and that the hand of God did eminently appear to me, as it did of
old to his People Israel in the like circumstances, in leading and
conducting me thro this dreadful Wilderness, and not to suffer any
evil to approach nigh unto me.
The Hollanders much wondered at our Arrival, it being so strange
that any should escape from Cande; [Entertained very kindly.] and
entertained us very kindly that Night: and the next Morning being
Sunday, sent a Corporal with us to Manaar, and a Black Man to carry
our few things.
[Sent to Manaar. Received by the Captain of the Castle.] At Manaar
we were brought before the Captain of the Castle, the Cheif Governor
being absent. Who when we came in was just risen from Dinner; he
received us with a great deal of kindness and bad us set down to
eat. It seemed not a little strange to us, who had dwelt so long
in Straw Cottages among the Black Heathen, and used to sit on the
Ground and eat our Meat on Leaves, now to sit on Chairs and eat
out of China Dishes at a Table. Where were great Varieties, and a
fair and sumptuous House inhabited by White and Christian People;
we being then in such Habit and Guize, our Natural colour excepted,
that we seemed not fit to eat with his Servants, no nor his Slaves.
[Who intended them to Sail the next day to Jafnapatan.] After Dinner
the Captain inquired concerning the Affairs of the King and Countrey,
and the condition of their Ambassadors and People there. To all which
we gave them true and satisfactory Answers. Then he told us, That to
Morrow there was a Sloop to sail to Jafnapatan, in which he would send
us to the Commander or Governor, from whence we might have passage
to Fort St. George, or any other place on that Coast, according to
our desire. After this, he gave us some Money, bidding us go to the
Castle, to drink and be merry with our Country-men there. For all
which kindness giving him many thanks in the Portuguese Language,
we took our leaves of him.
[Here they meet with a Scotch and Irish man.] When we came to the
Court of Guard at the Castle, we asked the Soldiers if there were
no English men among them. Immediatly there came forth two men to
us, the one a Scotchman named Andrew Brown; the other an Irishman
whose name was Francis Hodges. Who after very kind salutes carried
us unto their Lodgings in the Castle, and entertained us very nobly,
according to their Ability, with Rack and Tobacco.
[The People flock to see them.] The News of our Arrival being spread in
the Town, the People came flocking to see us, a strange and wonderful
sight! and to enquire about their Husbands, Sons, and Relations,
which were Prisoners in Cande.
In the Evening a Gentleman of the Town sent to invite us to his House,
were we were gallantly entertained both with Victuals and Lodging.
[They are ordered a longer stay.] The next day being Munday, ready to
Embark for Jafnapatan, came Order from the Captain and Council, that
we must stay until the Commander of Jafnapatan who was daily expected,
came thither. Which we could not deny to do: and order was given to the
Victualers of the Soldiers, to provide for us. The Scotch and Irish
man were very glad of this Order, that they might have our company
longer; and would not suffer us to spend the Captains benevolence in
their company, but spent freely upon us at their own charges. Thanks
be to God we both continued in health all the time of our Escape:
but within three days after we came to Manaar, my Companion fell very
Sick, that I thought I should have lost him.
[They embark for Columbo.] Thus we remained some ten days; at which
time the expected Commander arrived, and was received with great
ceremonies of State. The next day we went before him to receive his
orders concerning us. Which were, to be ready to go with him on the
morrow to Columbo, there being a Ship that had long waited in that
Road to carry him, In which we embarked with him for Columbo. At our
coming on board to go to Sea, we could not expect but to be Sea-sick,
being now as Fresh men, having so long disused the Sea, but it proved
otherwise, and we were not in the least stirred.
CHAP. XII.
Their Arrival at Columbo, and entertainment there. Their departure
thence to Batavia. And from thence to Bantam: Whence they set Sail
for England.
[They are wondred at Columbo.] Being arrived safely at Columbo, before
the Ship came to an Anchor, there came a Barge on board to carry the
Commander ashore. But being late in the evening, and my Consort sick of
an Ague and Fevor, we thought it better for us to stay until Morning,
to have a day before us. The next morning we bid the Skipper farewel,
and went ashore in the first Boat, going strait to the Court of Guard:
where all the Soldiers came staring upon us, wondring to see White-men
in Chingulay Habit. We asked them if there were no English-men among
them; they told us, There were none, but that in the City there
were several. A Trumpetter being hard by, who had formerly sailed
in English Ships, hearing of us came and invited us to his Chamber,
and entertained my Consort being sick of his Ague, in his own Bed.
[Ordered to appear before the Governour.] This strange news of our
arrival from Cande, was presently spread all about the City, and all
the English men that were there immediatly come to bid us welcome out
of our long Captivity. With whom we consulted how to come to speech of
the Governour. Upon which one of them went and acquainted the Captain
of the Guard of our being on shore. Which the Captain understanding
went and informed the Governour thereof. Who sent us answer that to
morrow we should come before him.
[Treated by English there.] After my Consort's Fit was over, our
Countreymen and their Friends invited us abroad, to walk and see
the City. We being barefoot and in the Chingulay Habit, with great
long Beards, the People much wondred at us, and came flocking to see
who and what we were; so that we had a great Train of People about
us as we walked in the Streets. After we had walked to and fro, and
had seen the City, they carried us to their Land-Ladies House, where
we were kindly treated both with Victuals and Drink; and returned to
the Trumpetter's Chamber, as he had desired us, when we went out. In
the Evening came a Boy from the Governor's House to tell us, that the
Governor invited us to come to Supper at his House. But we having Dined
late with our Countreymen and their Friends, had no room to receive
the Governor's Kindness: and so Lodged that Night at the Trumpetters.
[They come into the Governor's presence. His state.] The next Morning
the Governor, whose Name was Ricklof Van Gons, Son of Ricklof Van Gons
General of Batavia, sent for us to his House. Whom we found standing in
a large and stately Room, paved with black and white Stones; and only
the Commander, who brought us from Manaar, standing by him: who was
to succeed him in the Government of that place. On the further side
of the Room stood three of the chief Captains bare-headed. First,
He bid us welcom out of our long Captivity, and told us, That we
were free men, and that he should have been glad if he could have
been an Instrument to redeem us sooner, having endeavoured as much
for us as for his own People. For all which we thanked him heartily,
telling him, We knew it to be true.
[Matters the Governor enquired of.] The Governor perceiving I could
speak the Portugueze Tongue, began to inquire concerning the Affairs
of the King and Countrey very particularly, and oftentimes asked about
such Matters as he himself knew better than I. To all his Questions
my too much Experience inabled me to give a satisfactory Reply. Some
of the most remarkable matters he demanded of me were these.
First, They inquired much about the reason and intent of our coming
to Cuttiar. To which I answered them at large. Then they asked,
If the King of Cande had any Issue? I told them, As report went,
he had none. And, Who were the greatest in the Realm next to him? I
answered. There were none of Renown left, the King had destroyed them
all. How the hearts of the People stood affected? I answered, Much
against their King. He being so cruel. If we had never been brought
into his presence? I told them, No, nor had ever had a near sight
of him. What strength he had for War. I answered, Not well able to
assault them, by reason the hearts of his People were not true to
him. But that the strength of his Countrey consisted in Mountains
and Woods, as much as in the People.
What Army he could raise upon occasion? I answered, I knew not well,
but as I thought about Thirty Thousand men.
Why he would not make Peace with them, they so much sueing for it,
and sending Presents to please him? I answered, I was not one of his
Council, and knew not his meaning.
But they demanded of me, What I thought might be the reason or occasion
of it? I answered, Living securely in the Mountains he feareth none;
and for Traffick he regardeth it not.
Which way was best and most secure to send Spyes or Intelligence
to Cande? I told them, By the way that goeth to Jafniputtan, and by
some of that Countrey People, who have great correspondence with the
People of Neurecaulava, one of the Kings Countries.
What I thought would become of that Land after this King's Decease? I
told them, I thought, He having no issue, it might fall into their
hands.
How many English men had served the King, and what became of
them? which I gave them an account of.
Whether I had any Acquaintance or Discourse with the great Men at
Court? I answered, That I was too small to have any Friendship or
Intimacy, or hold Discourse with them.
How the common People used to talk concerning them? I answered,
They used much to commend their Justice and good Government in the
Territories, and over the People belonging unto them.
Whether the King did take Counsel of any, or rule and act only by
his own will and pleasure? I answered, I was a Stranger at Court,
and how could I know that?
But, they asked further, What was my Opinion? I replied, He is so
great, that there is none great enough to give him counsel.
Concerning the French, If the King knew not of their coming before
they came? I answered, I thought, not, because their coming seemed
strange and wonderful unto the People.
How they had proceeded in treating with the King? I answered, as shall
be related hereafter; when I come to speak of the French detained in
this Land.
If I knew any way or means to be used whereby the Prisoners in Cande
might be set free? I told them, Means I knew none, unless they could
do it by War.
Also they enquired about the manner of Executing those whom the
King commands to be put to Death. They enquired also very curiously
concerning the manner of our Surprizal, and Entertainment or Usage
among them. And in what parts of the Land we had our Residence. And
particularly, concerning my self: in what Parts of the Land, and
how long in each I had dwelt, and after what manner I lived there,
and of my Age; and in what Part or Place when God sends me home,
I should take up my abode. To all which I gave answers.
They desired to know also, how many English men there were yet
remaining behind. I gave them an account of Sixteen Men, and also of
Eighteen Children born there. They much enquired concerning their
Embassadors detained there, and of their behaviour and manner of
living; also what the King allowed them for Maintenance; and concerning
several Officers of Quality Prisoners there, and in general about
all the rest of their Nation. And what Countenance the King shewed to
those Dutch men that came running away to him? I answered, The Dutch
Runnawayes the King looks upon as Rogues. And concerning the Portugueze
they enquired also. I told them, The Portugueze were about some fifty
or threescore persons, and six or seven of those, Europe men born.
They asked me moreover, How we had made our Escape, and which way,
and by what Towns we passed, and how long we were in our Journey? To
all which I answered at large.
[The Governor desires him to go to Batavia.] Then the Governor asked
me, What was my intent and desire. I told him, To have Passage to our
own Nation at Fort S. GEORGE. To which he answered, That suddenly
there would be no convenient opportunity. But his desire was that
we would go with him to Batavia, where the General his Father would
be very glad to see us. Which was not in our power to deny. Then he
commanded to call a Dutch Captain, who was over the Countreys adjacent,
subject to their jurisdiction. To him he gave Order to take us home
to his House, and there well to entertain us, [Cloths them.] and
also to send for a Tailor to make us Cloths. Upon which I told him,
his Kindness shewn us already was more than we could have desired;
it would be a sufficient favour now to supply us with a little Money
upon a Bill to be paid at Fort S. George, that we might therewith
Cloth our selves. To which he answered, That he would not deny me any
Sum I should demand, and Cloth us upon his own account besides. For
which we humbly thanked his Lordship: and so took our leaves of him;
and went home with the aforesaid Captain.
[Sends them Money.] The Governor presently sent me Money by his
Steward for Expences when we walked abroad in the City. We were
nobly entertained without lack of any thing all the time we stayed
at Columbo. My Consort's Ague increased, and grew very bad; [And a
Chirurgeon.] but the chief Chirurgeon by order daily came to see him,
and gave him such Potions of Physick, that by God's Blessing he soon
after recovered.
[The Author writes a Letter to the English at Cande.] During my
being here, I writ a Letter to my fellow Prisoners I left behind me
in Cande. Wherein I described at large the way we went, they might
plainly understand the same. Which I finding to be safe and secure,
advised them, when God permitted, to steer the same course. This
Letter I left with the new Governor, and desired him when opportunity
presented, to send it to them. Who said he would have it Copied out
into Dutch for the benefit of their Prisoners there, and promised to
send both together.
[The former Demands and Answers penned down in Portugueze by the
Governor's order.] The Governor seemed to be pleased with my aforesaid
Relations, and Replies to his Demands, insomuch that he afterwards
appointed one that well understood Portugueze to write down all the
former particulars. Which being done, for further satisfaction they
brought me Pen and Paper, desiring me to write the same that I had
related to them in English and sign it with my hand, which I was not
unwilling to do.
[They Embark for Batavia.] Upon the Governor's departure there were
great and royal Feasts made. To which he always sent for me. Here
were exceeding great Varieties of Food, Wine, and sweet Meats, and
Musick. Some two and twenty days after our Arrival at Columbo, the
Governor went on board ship to sail to Batavia, and took us with
him. At which time there were many Scores of Ordnance fired. We
Sailed all the way with Flag and Penant under it, being out both
Day and Night, in a Ship of about Eight hundred Tuns Burthen; and
a Soldier standing armed Sentinel at the Cabin door both Night and
Day. He so far favoured me, that I was in his own Mess, and eat at
his Table. Where every Meal we had Ten or Twelve Dishes of Meat with
variety of Wine. We set Sail from Columbo the Four and twentieth of
November, and the Fifth of January anchored in Batavia Road.
[His friendly Reception at Batavia with the Governor.] As we came to
greater Men so we found greater Kindness; for the General of Batavia's
Reception of us, and favours to us exceeded (if possible) those of the
Governor his Son. As soon as we came before him, seeming to be very
glad, he took me by the hand and bad us heartily welcom, thanking God
on our behalf that had appeared so miraculously in our deliverance;
telling us withal, That he had omitted no means for our Redemption,
and that if it had layd in his Power, we should long before have had
our Liberty. I humbly thanked his Excellency, and said, That I knew
it to be true; and that tho it missed of an effect, yet his good will
was not the less, neither were our Obligations, being ever bound to
thank and pray for him.
[Furnishes them with the Cloths and Money.] Then his own Tailor
was ordered to take measure of us, and furnish us with two Sutes of
Apparel. He gave us also Moneys for Tobacco and Betel, and to spend
in the City. All the time we stayed there, our Quarters were in
the Captain of the Castle's House. And oftentimes the General would
send for me to his own Table, at which sat only himself and Lady;
who was all bespangled with Diamonds and Pearls. Sometimes his Sons
and Daughters-in-Law, with some other Strangers did eat with him;
the Trumpet founding all the while. We finding our selves thus kindly
entertained, and our Habits changed, saw, that we were no more Captives
in Cande, nor yet Prisoners elsewhere; therefore cut off our Beards
which we had brought with us out of our Captivity; for until then we
cut them not; God having rolled away the reproach of Cande from us.
Here also they did examine me again concerning the passages of Cande,
causing all to be writ down which I said, and requiring my hand to the
same. Which I refused, as I had done before, and upon the same account,
because I understood not the Dutch Language. Whereupon they persuaded
me to write a Certificate upon another Paper under my Hand, that what
I had informed them of, was true. Which I did. This Examination was
taken by two Secretaries, who were appointed to demand Answers of me
concerning the King of Ceilon and his Countrey: which they committed
to Writing from my mouth.
[Offer him passage in their Ships.] The General's youngest Son
being to go home Admiral of the Ships this year, the General kindly
offered us passage upon their Ships, promising me Entertainment at
his Son's own Table, as the Governor of Columbo had given me in my
Voyage hither. Which offer he made me, he said, That I might better
satisfie their Company in Holland concerning the Affairs of Ceilon,
which they would be very glad to know.
[Come home from Bantam in the Cæsar.] At this time came two English
Merchants hither from Bantam, with whom the General was pleased to
permit us to go. But when we came to Bantam, the English Agent very
kindly entertained us, and being not willing, that we should go to
the Dutch for Passage, since God had brought us to our own Nation,
ordered our Passage in the good Ship Cæsar lying then in the Road,
bound for England, the Land of our Nativity, and our long wished
for Port. Where by the good Providence of God we arrived safe in the
Month of September.
CHAP. XIII.
Concerning some other Nations, and chiefly Europæans, that now live
in this Island. Portugueze, Dutch.
Having said all this concerning the English People, it may not
be unacceptable to give some account of other Whites, who either
voluntarily or by constraint Inhabit there. And they are, besides the
English already spoken of, Portugueze, Dutch, and French. But before
I enter upon Discourse of any of these, I shall detain my Readers
a little with another Nation inhabiting in this Land, I mean, the
Malabars; both because they are Strangers and derive themselves from
another Countrey, and also because I have had occasion to mention
them sometimes in this Book.
[Concerning Malabars that inhabit this Island. Their
Territories.] These Malabars then are voluntary Inhabitants in this
Island, and have a Countrey here; tho the Limits of it are but small:
it lyes to the Northward of the King's Coasts betwixt him and the
Hollander. Corunda Wy River parts it from the King's Territories. Thro
this Countrey we passed, when we made our Escape. The Language they
speak is peculiar to themselves, so that a Chingulays cannot understand
them, nor they a Chingulays.
[Their Prince.] They have a Prince over them, called Coilat wannea,
that is independent either upon the King of Cande on one hand,
or the Dutch on the other, only that he pays an acknowledgment to
the Hollanders. Who have endeavoured to subdue him by Wars, but they
cannot yet do it: yet they have brought him to be a Tributary to them,
viz. To pay a certain rate of Elephants per annum. The King and this
Prince maintain a Friendship and Correspondence together. And when
the King lately sent an Army against the Hollanders, this Prince let
them pass thro his Countrey; and went himself in Person to direct
the King's People, when they took one or two Forts from them.
[The People how governed.] The People are in great subjection under
him: they pay him rather greater Taxes than the Chingulays do to their
King. But he is nothing so cruel. He Victualleth his Soldiers during
the time they are upon the Guard, either about the Palace or abroad
in the Wars: they are now fed at his Charge: whereas 'tis contrary
in the King's Countrey; for the Chingulay Soldiers bear their own
Expences. He hath a certain rate out of every Land that is sown,
which is to maintain his Charge.
[Their Commodities and Trade.] The Commodities of this Countrey are,
Elephants, Hony, Butter, Milk, Wax, Cows, wild Cattel: of the three
last great abundance. As for Corn it is more scarce than in the
Chingulays Countrey; neither have they any Cotton. But they come up
into Neure Caulava yearly with great droves of Cattel, and lade both
Corn and Cotton. And to buy these they bring up Cloth made of the same
Cotton, which they can make better than the Chingulays; also they
bring Salt and Salt Fish, and brass Basons, and other Commodities,
which they get of the Hollander: because the King permits not his
People to have any manner of Trade with the Hollander; so they receive
the Dutch Commodities at the second hand.
[Concerning the Portugueze. Their Power and Interest in this Island
formerly.] We now proceed unto the Europæan Nations. And we begin
with the Portugueze, who deserve the first place, being the oldest
Standers there.
The Sea-Coasts round about the Island were formerly under their Power
and Government, and so held for many years. In which time many of the
Natives became Christians, and learned the Portugueze Tongue. Which
to this day is much spoken in that Land: for even the King himself
understands and speaks it excellently well. The Portugueze have
often made Invasions throughout the whole Land, even to Cande the
Metropolis of the Island. Which they have burnt more than once,
with the Palace and the Temples: and so formidable have they been,
that the King hath been forced to turn Tributary to them, paying
them three Elephants per Annum. However the middle of this Island,
viz. Cand' Uda, standing upon Mountains, and so strongly fortified,
by Nature, could never be brought into subjection by them, much less
by any other, but hath always been under the Power of their own Kings.
[The great Wars between the King and them, force him to send in for
the Hollanders.] There were great and long Wars between the King of
Ceilon and the Portugueze: and many of the brave Portugal Generals
are still in memory among them: of whom I shall relate some passages
presently. Great vexation they gave the King by their irruptions
into his Dominions, and the Mischiefs they did him, tho oftentimes
with great loss on their side. Great Battels have been lost and won
between them, with great destruction of Men on both parts. But being
greatly distressed at last, he sent and called in the Hollander to
his aid. By whose reasonable assistance together with his own Arms,
the King totally disposessed the Portugueze, and routed them out of
the Land. Whose rooms the Dutch now occupy, paying themselves for
their pains.
[The King invites the Portugueze to live in his Countrey.] At the
Surrender of Columbo, which was the last place the Portugueze held,
the King made Proclamation, That all Portugueze, which would come
unto him, should be well entertained. Which accordingly many did,
with their whole Families, Wives, Children, and Servants, choosing
rather to be under him than the Dutch, and divers of them are alive
to this day, living in Cande Uda; and others are born there. [Their
Privileges.] To all whom he alloweth monthly maintenance; yea also,
and Provisions for their Slaves and Servants, which they brought
up with them. This People are privileged to Travel the Countreys
above all other Whites, as knowing they will not run away. Also when
there was a Trade at the Sea Ports, they were permitted to go down
with Commodities, clear from all Customs and Duties. Besides these
who came voluntarily to live under the King, there are others whom
he took Prisoners. The Portugueze of the best Quality the King took
into his Service, who are most of them since cut off according to his
kind Custom towards his Courtiers. The rest of them have allowance
from that King, and follow Husbandry, Trading about the Countrey,
Stilling Rack, keeping Taverns; the Women sew Womens Wastcoats,
the Men sew Mens Doublets for Sale.
[Their Generals.] I shall now mention some of the last Portugueze
Generals, all within this present King's Reign, with some passages
concerning them.
[Constantine &c.] Constantine Sa, General of the Portugals Army
in Ceilon, when the Portugueze had footing in this Land, was very
successful against this present King. He ran quite thro the Island
unto the Royal City it self, which he set on Fire with the Temples
therein. Insomuch that the King sent a Message to him signifying,
that he was willing to become his Tributary. But he proudly sent him
word back again, That that would not serve his turn; He should not
only he Tributary, but Slave to his Master the King of Portugal. This
the King of Cande could not brook, being of an high Stomach, and
said, He would fight to the last drop of Blood, rather than stoop to
that. There were at this time many Commanders in the Generals Army
who were natural Chingulays; with these the King dealt secretly,
assuring them that if they would turn on his side, he would gratifie
them with very ample Rewards. The King's Promises took effect; and
they all revolted from the General. The King now daring not to trust
the Revolted, to make tryal of their Truth and Fidelity, put them
in the forefront of his Battel, and commanded them to give the first
Onset. The King at that time might have Twenty or Thirty thousand Men
in the Field. Who taking their opportunity, set upon the Portugueze
Army, and gave them such a total overthrow, that as they report in
that Countrey not one of them escaped. The General seeing this Defeat,
and himself like to be taken, called his Black Boy to give him water
to drink, [He loses a Victory and stabs himself.] and snatching the
Knife that stuck by his Boy's side, stabbed himself with it.
[Lewis Tisséra served as he intended to serve the King.] Another
General after him was Lewis Tifféra. He swore he would make the King
eat Coracan Tallipa, that is a kind hasty Pudding, made of Water
and the Coracan Flower; which is reckoned the worst fare of that
Island. The King afterwards took this Lewis Tisséra, and put him in
Chains in the Common Goal, and made him eat of the same fare. And
there is a Ballad of this Man and this passage, Sung much among the
common People there to this day.
[Simon Caree, of a cruel Mind.] Their next General was Simon
Caree, a Natural Chingulays, but Baptized. He is said to be a great
Commander. When he had got any Victory over the Chingulays, he did
exercise great Cruelty. He would make the Women beat their own Children
in their Mortars, wherein they used to beat their Corn.
[Gaspar Figari Splits Men in the middle.] Gaspar Figari, had a
Portugueze Father and Chingulays Mother. He was the last General they
had in this Countrey. And a brave Soldier: but degenerated not from
his Predecessors in Cruelty. He would hang up the People by the heels,
and split them down the middle. He had his Axe wrapped in a white
Cloth, which he carried with him into the Field to execute those he
suspected to be false to him, or that ran away. Smaller Malefactors
he was merciful to, cutting off only their right hands. Several whom
he hath so served, are yet living, whom I have seen.
[His Policy.] This Gaspar came up one day to fight against the King,
and the King resolved to fight him. The General fixed his Camp at
Motaupul in Hotteracourly. And in order to the King's coming down to
meet the Portugueze, Preparation was made for him at a place called
Cota coppul, which might be Ten or Twelve miles distant from the
Portugueze Army. Gaspar knew of the place by some Spies; but of the
time of the Kings coming he was informed, that it was a day sooner than
really it happened. According to this information he resolved privatly
to march thither, and come upon him in the night unawares. And because
he knew the King was a Polititian, and would have his Spies abroad to
watch the Generals motion, the General sent for all the Drummers and
Pipers to Play and Dance in his Camp, that thereby the Kings Spies
might not suspect that he was upon the March, but merry and secure in
his Camp. In the mean time, having set his People all to their Dancing
and Drumming, he left a small party there to secure the Baggage, and
away he goes in the night with his Army, and arrives to Catta coppul,
intending to fall upon the King. But when he came thither, he found
the King was not yet come: but into the Kings Tents he went, and,
sits him down in the seat appointed for the King. [Gives the King
a great overthrow.] Here he heard where the King was with his Camp:
which being not far off, he marched thither in the morning and fell
upon him: and gave him one of the greatest Routs that ever he had. The
King himself made a narrow escape; for had it not been for a Dutch
Company, which the Dutch had sent a little before for his Guard,
who after his own Army fled, turned head and stopped the Portugueze
for a while, he had been seized. The Portugueze General was so near
the King, that he called after him, Houre, that is Brother, stay,
I would speak with you, but the King being got a top of the Hills;
was safe. And so Gaspar retyred to his Quarters.
[Looses Columbo, and taken Prisoner.] This Gallant expert Commander,
that had so often vanquished the Chingulays, could not cope with
another Europæan Nation. For when the Hollanders came to beseige
Columbo, he was sent against them with his Army. They told him before
he went, that now he must look to himself, for he was not now to Fight
against Chingulays, but against Soldiers, that would look him in the
Face. But he made nothing of them, and said, he would serve them as he
had served the Chingulays. The Hollanders met him, and they fought:
but had before contrived a Stratagem, which he was not aware of:
they had placed some Field-pieces in the Rear of their Army. And
after a small skirmish they retreated as if they had been worsted;
which was only to draw the Portugueze nearer upon their Guns. Which
when they had brought them in shot of, they opened on a suddain to
the right and left, and fired upon them, and so routed them, and
drove them into Columbo. This Gaspar was in the City when it was
taken, and himself taken Prisoner. Who was afterwards sent to Goa,
where he died. And so much of the Portugueze.
[The Dutch the occasion of their coming in.] The Dutch succeeded the
Portugueze. The first occasion of whose coming into this Land was, that
the present King being wearied and overmatched with the Portugueze,
sent for them into his aid long ago from Batavia. And they did him
good service, but they feathered their own nests by the means, and
are now possessed of all the Sea-Coasts, and considerable Territories
thereunto adjoyning.
[The King their implacable enemy, and why!] The King of the Countrey
keeps up an irreconcileable War against them. The occasion of which
is said to be this. Upon the beseiging of Columbo, which was about
the year MDCLV. it was concluded upon between the King and the Dutch,
that their Enemies the Portugueze being expelled thence, the City
was to be delivered up by the Dutch into the Kings hands. Whereupon
the King himself in person with all his Power went down to this War
to assist and joyn with the Hollanders, without whose help, as it is
generally reported, the Dutch could not have taken the City. But being
surrendred to them, and they gotten into it, the King lay looking,
when they would come according to their former Articles, and put
him into possession of it. Mean while they turned on a suddain &
fell upon him, contrary to his expectation (whether the King had
first broke word with them,) and took Bag and Baggage from him:
Which provoked him in so high a manner, that he maintains a constant
hostility against them, detains their Ambassadours, and forbids his
People upon pain of Death to hold Commerce with them.
[The dammage the King does them.] So that the Dutch have enough to
do to maintain those places which they have. Oftentimes the King at
unawares falls upon them and does them great spoil, sometimes giving
no quarter, but cutting off the Heads of whomsoever he catches,
which are brought up, and hung upon Trees near the City, many of
which I have seen. Sometimes he brings up his Prisoners alive, and
keeps them by the Highway sides, a spectacle to the People in memory
of his Victories over them: many of these are now living there in a
most miserable condition, having but a very small Allowance from him;
so that they are forced to be, and it is a favour when they can get
leave to go abroad and do it.
[The means they use to obtain Peace with him.] The Dutch therefore
not being able to deal with him by the Sword, being unacquainted
with the Woods and the Chingulays manner of fighting, do endeavour
for Peace with him all they can, dispatching divers Embassadours to
him, and sending great Presents, by carrying Letters to him in great
State wrapped up in Silks wrought with Gold and Silver, bearing them
all the way upon their Heads in token of great Honour, honouring him
with great and high Titles, subscribing themselves his Subjects and
Servants, telling him the Forts they build are out of Loyalty to him,
to secure his Majesties Country from Forraign Enemies; and that when
they come up into his Countrey, tis to seek maintenance. And by these
Flatteries and submissions they sometimes obtain to keep what they keep
what they have gotten from him, and sometimes nothing will prevail,
he neither regarding their Embassadours nor receiving the Presents, but
taking his opportunities on a suddain of setting on them by his Forces.
[How he took Bibligom Fort.] His Craft and Success in taking Bibligom
Fort in the County of Habberagon, may deserve to be mentioned. The
Chingulays had beseiged the Fort: and knowing the Dutch had no Water
there; but all they had was conveyed thro a Trench wrought under
Ground from a River near by, they beseiged them so close, and planted
so many Guns towards the mouth of this Trench, that they could not
come out to fetch Water. They cut down Wood also, and made bundles
of Faggots therewith, which they piled up round about their Fort at
some distance, and every night removed them nearer and nearer. So
that their works became higher than the Fort. Their main intent by
these Faggot-works, was to have brought them just under the Fort, and
then to have set it on Fire, the Walls of the Fort being for the most
part of Wood. There was also a Bo-gahah Tree growing just by the Fort:
on which they planted Guns and shot right down into them. The houses
in the Fort being Thatched, they shot also Fire-Arrows among them:
So that the beseiged were forced to pull off the Straw from their
Houses, which proved a great inconvenience to them being a Rainy
Season: so that they lay open to the weather and cold. The Dutch
finding themselves in this extremity desired quarter which was granted
them at the Kings mercy. They came out and laid down their Arms, all
but the Officers, who still wore theirs. None were plundered of any
thing they had about them. The Fort they demolished to the Ground,
and brought up the Four Guns to the Kings Palace; where they among
others stand mounted in very brave Carriages before his Gate.
The Dutch were brought two or three days journey from the Fort into
the Countrey they call Owvah: and there were placed with a Guard
about them, having but a small allowance appointed them; insomuch that
afterwards having spent what they had, they perished for Hunger. So
that of about ninety Hollanders taken Prisoners, there were not above
five and twenty living when I came away.
[Several Embassadors detained by the King.] There are several white
Embassadours, besides other Chingulay People, by whom the Dutch have
sent Letters and presents to the King whom he keeps from returning
back again. They are all bestowed in several houses with Soldiers
to Guard them: And tho they are not in Chains, yet none is permitted
to come to them or speak with them; it not being the custom of that
Land for any to come to the speech of Embassadours. Their allowance
is brought them ready dressed out of the Kings Palace, being all
sorts of Varieties, that the Land affords. After they have remained
in this condition some years, the Guards are somewhat slackned, and
the Soldiers that are to watch them grow remiss in their Duty; so
that now the Ambassadours walk about the Streets, and any body goes
to their houses and talks with them: that is, after they have been
so long in the Countrey, that all their news is stale and grown out
of date. But this liberty is only winked at, not allowed. When they
have been there a great while, the King usually gives them Slaves,
both men and women, the more to alienate their minds from their own
Country, and that they may stay with him with the more willingness
and content. For his design is, to make them, if he can, inclinable
to serve him. As he prevailed with one of these Embasssadours to do
for the love of a woman. The manner of it I shall relate immediatly.
There are five Embassadors whom he hath thus detained since my coming
there; of each of whom I shall speak a little, besides two, whom he
sent away voluntarily.
[The first Embassador there detained since the Authors
remembrance.] The first of these was sent up by the Hollanders some
time before the Rebellion against the King; Who had detained him in
the City. After the Rebellion the King sent for him to him to the
Mountain of Gauluda whither he had retreated from the Rebels. The
King not long after removed to Digligy, where he now keeps his Court,
but left the Embassador at Gauluda remaining by himself, with a
Guard of Soldiers. In this uncomfortable condition, upon a dismal
Mountain void of all society, he continued many days. During which
time a Chingulay and his Wife falls out, and she being discontented
with her Husband to escape from him flies to this Embassadors house
for shelter. The woman being somewhat beautiful, he fell greatly in
love with her. And to obtain her he sent to the King, and profered
him his service, if he would permit him to enjoy her company, Which
the King was very willing and glad to do, having now obtained that
which he had long aimed at, to get him into his service.
[His preferment, and death.] Hereupon the King sent him word that he
granted his desire, and withall sent to both of them rich Apparel,
and to her many Jewels and Bracelets of Gold and Silver. Suddainly
after there was a great House prepared from them in the City, furnished
with all kind of furniture out of the Kings Treasure and at his proper
cost and charges. Which being finished he was brought away from his
Mountain into it. But from thence forward never saw his Wife more,
according to the custom of Court. And he was entertained in the Kings
Service, and made Courtalbad, which is cheif over all the Smiths and
Carpenters in Cande Uda. Some short time after the King about to send
his Forces against a Fort of the Hollanders, called Arundery built
by them in the year MDCLXVI. He tho in the Kings service, yet being
a well wisher to his Countrey, had privatly sent a Letter of advice
to the Dutch concerning the Kings intention and purpose, an Answer
to which was intercepted and brought to the King, wherein thanks
was returned him from the Dutch for his Loyalty to his own Nation,
and nhut they would accordingly prepare for the Kings assault. The
King having this Letter, sent for him, and bad him read it, which he
excused pretending it was so written, that he could not. Whereupon
immediatly another Dutchman was sent for, who read it before the King,
and told him the Contents of it. At which it is reported the King
should say, Beia pas mettandi hitta pas ettandi, That is, He serves
me for fear, and them for love; or his fear is here and his love
is there; And forth with commanded to carry him forth to Execution:
which was accordingly done upon him. Tis generally said, that this
Letter was framed by somebody on purpose to ruine him.
[The next Embassador dying there his Body is sent down to Columbo
in great State.] The next Ambassador after him was Hendrick Draak;
a fine Gentleman, and good friend of the English. This was he who
was Commissioned in the year MDCLXIV. to intercede with the King on
the behalf of the English, that they might have liberty to go home,
and with him they were made to beleive they should return: which
happened at the same time that Sir Edward Winter sent his Letters to
the King for us. Which I have already spoke of in the fifth Chapter
of this Part. This Embassador was much in the Kings favour, with whom
he was detained till he died. And then the King sent his Body down
to Columbo carried in a Pallenkine with great State and Lamention,
and accompanied with his great Commanders, and many Soldiers.
[The third Embassador. Gets away by his resolution.] Sometime after
the loss of the Fort of Arrundery which was about the year MDCLXX. the
Dutch sent up another Embassador to see if he could obtain a Peace,
which was the first time their Embassadors began to bring up Letters
upon their heads in token of extraordinary reverence. This man was
much favoured by the King, and was entertained with great Ceremony
and Honour, cloathing him in Chingulay Habit, Which I never knew done
before nor since. But being weary of his long stay, and of the delays
that were made; having often made motions to go down, and still
he was deferred from day to day, at length he made a resolution,
that if he had not leave by such a day, he would go without it;
saying that the former Embassador who died there, died like a Woman,
but it should be seen that he would die like a man. At the appointed
day, he girt on his Sword, and repaired to the Gates of the Kings
Palace, pulling off his Hat, and making his obeysance as if the
King were present before him, and thanking him for the Favours and
Honours he had done him, and so took his leave. And there being some
Englishmen present, he generously gave them some money to drink his
Health; and in this resolute manner departed, with some two or three
Black-servants that attended on him. The upshot of which was, that
the King, not being willing to prevent his resolution by Violence,
sent one of his Noblemen to conduct him down; and so he had the good
fortune to get home safely to Columbo.
[The fourth was of a milder Nature.] The next Ambassador after him was
John Baptista. A Man of a milder Spirit than the former, endeavouring
to please and shew compliance with the King. He obtained many Favours
of the King, and several Slaves both Men and Women. And living well
with Servants about him, is the more patient in waiting the King's
leisure till he pleaseth to send him home.
[The fifth brings a Lion to the King as a Present.] The last
Embassador that came up while I was there, brought up a Lion:
which the Dutch thought would be the most acceptable Present that
they could send to the King, as indeed did all others. It was but a
Whelp. But the King did never receive it, supposing it not so famous
as he had heard by Report Lions were. This Man with his Lion was
brought up and kept in the County of Oudapollat, near Twenty Miles
from the King's Court. Where he remained about a year, in which
time the Lion died. The Embassador being weary of living thus like
a Prisoner with a Guard always upon him, often attempted to go back,
seeing the King would not permit him Audience. But the Guards would
not let him. Having divers times made disturbances in this manner
to get away home, the King commanded to bring him up into the City
to an House that was prepared for him, standing some distance from
the Court. Where having waited many days, and seeing no sign of
Audience, he resolved to make his Appearance before the King by
force, which he attempted to do, when the King was abroad taking his
Pleasure. The Soldiers of his Guard immediately ran, and acquainted
the Noblemen at Court of his coming, who delayed not to acquaint the
King thereof. Whereupon the King gave Order forthwith to meet him,
and where they met him, in that same place to stop him till further
order. And there they kept him, not letting him go either forward
or backward. In this manner and place he remained for three days,
till the King sent Order that he might return to his House whence he
came. This the King did to tame him. But afterwards he was pleased to
call him before him. And there he remained when I left the Countrey,
maintained with Plenty of Provisions at the King's charge.
[The number of Dutch there.] The number of Dutch now living there
may be about Fifty or Sixty. Some whereof are Ambassadors, some
Prisoners of War, some Runaways, and Malefactors that have escaped
the hand of Justice and got away from the Dutch Quarters. To all whom
are allotted respective allowances, but the Runaways have the least,
the King not loving such, tho giving them entertainment.
[They follow their Vice of Drinking.] The Dutch here love Drink, and
practise their proper Vice in this Countrey. One who was a great Man in
the Court, would sometimes come into the King's Presence half disguised
with Drink, which the King often past over; but once asked Him, Why do
you thus disorder yourself, that when I send for you about my Business,
you are not in a capacity to serve me? He boldly replied, That as soon
as his Mother took away her Milk from him, she supplied it with Wine,
and ever since, saith he, I have used myself to it. With this answer
the King seemed to be pleased. And indeed the rest of the white Men
are generally of the same temper: insomuch that the Chingulays have
a saying, That Wine is as natural to white Men, as Milk to Children.
[The Chingulays prejudiced against the Dutch, and why.] All differences
of Ranks and Qualities are disregarded among those Chingulay People
that are under the Dutch. Neither do the Dutch make any distinction
between the Hondrews, and the low and Inferior Casts of Men: and
permit them to go in the same Habit, and sit upon Stools, as well as
the best Hondrews; and the lower Ranks may eat and intermarry with the
higher without any Punishment, or any Cognizance taken of it. Which is
a matter that the Chingulays in Cand' Uda are much offended with the
Dutch for; and makes them think, that they themselves are sprung from
some mean Rank and Extract. And this prejudiceth this People against
them, that they have not such an Esteem for them. For to a Chingulay
his Rank and Honour is as dear as his life. And thus much of the Dutch.
CHAP. XIV.
Concerning the French: With some Enquiries what should make the
King detain white Men as he does. And how the Christian Religion is
maintained among the Christians there.
[The French come hither with a Fleet.] About the year MDCLXXII. or
LXXIII, there came Fourteen Sail of great Ships from the King of France
to settle a Trade here. Monsieur De la Hay Admiral, put in with this
Fleet, into the Port of Cottiar. From whence he sent up Three men by
way of Embassy to the King of Cande. Whom he entertained very Nobly,
and gave every one of them a Chain of Gold about their Necks, and a
Sword all inlay'd with Silver, and a Gun. And afterwards sent one
of them down to the Admiral with his Answer. Which encouraged him
to send up others: that is, an Ambassador and six more. Who were to
reside there till the return of the Fleet back again, being about to
Sail to the Coast.
[To whom the King sends Provisions, and helps them to build a Fort.] To
the Fleet the King sent all manner of Provision, as much as his Ability
could afford: and not only permitted but assisted them to build a
Fort in the Bay. Which they manned partly with their own People, and
partly with Chingulays, whom the King sent and lent the French. But
the Admiral finding that the King's Provisions, and what else could
be bought in the Island would not suffice for so great a Fleet, was
forced to depart for the Coast of Coromandel; promising the King,
by the Ambassador afore-mentioned, speedily to return again. So
leaving some of his Men with the King's Supplies to keep the Fort
till his return, he weighed Anchor, and set sail. But never came
back again. Some reported they were destroyed by a Storm, others
by the Dutch. The Admiral had sent up to the King great Presents,
but he would not presently receive them, that it might not seem as
if he wanted any thing, or were greedy of things brought him: but
since the French returned not according to their promise, he scorned
ever after to receive them. At first he neglected the Present out of
State, and ever since out of Anger and Indignation. This French Fort
at Cotiar was a little after easily taken by the Dutch.
[The French Ambassador offends the King.] But to return to the
Embassador and his Retinue. He rode up from Cotiar on Horseback, which
was very Grand in that Countrey. And being with his Company gotten
somewhat short of the City, was appointed there to stay, until an
House should be prepared in the City for their Entertainment. When it
was signified to him that their House was ready for their Reception,
they were conducted forward by certain Noblemen sent by the King,
carrying with them a Present for his Majesty. The Ambassador came
riding on Horse-back into the City. Which the Noblemen observing,
dissuaded him from, and advised him to walk on foot; telling him,
It was not allowable, nor the Custom. But he regarding them not,
rode by the Palace Gate. It offended the King, but he took not much
notice of it for the present.
[He refuses to wait longer for Audience.] The Ambassador alighted
at his Lodgings. Where he and his Companions were nobly Entertained,
Provisions sent them ready Dressed out of the King's Palace three times
a day, great Plenty they had of all things the Countrey afforded. After
some time the King sent to him to come to his Audience. In great
State he was Conducted to the Court, accompanied with several of the
Nobles that were sent to him. Coming thus to the Court in the Night,
as it is the King's usual manner at that Season to send for foreign
Ministers, and give them Audience, he waited there some small time,
about two hours or less, the King not yet admitting him. Which
he took in such great disdain, and for such an affront, that he
was made to stay at all, much more so long, that he would tarry no
longer but went towards his Lodging. Some about the Court observing
this, would have stopped him by Elephants that stood in the Court,
turning them before the Gate thro which he was to pass. But he would
not so be stopped, but laid his hand upon his Sword, as if he meant
to make his way by the Elephants; the People seeing his resolution,
called away the Elephants and let him pass.
[Which more displeased the King. Clapt in chains.] As soon as the King
heard of it, he was highly displeased; insomuch that he commanded
some of his Officers, that they should go and beat them, and clap
them in Chains: which was immediately done to all excepting the two
Gentlemen, that were first sent up by the Admiral: for these were not
touched, the King reckoning they did not belong unto this Ambassador;
neither were they now in his Company; excepting that one of them in
the Combustion got a few Blows. They were likewise disarmed, and so
have continued ever since. Upon this the Gentlemen, Attendants upon
the Embassador, made their Complaints to the Captain of their Guards,
excusing themselves, and laying all the blame upon their Ambassador;
urging, That they were his Attendants, and a Soldier must obey his
Commander and go where he appoints him. Which sayings being told
the King, he approved thereof, and commanded them out of Chains,
the Ambassador still remaining in them, and so continued for six
Months. After which he was released of his Chains by means of the
Intreaties his own men made to the great Men in his behalf.
[The rest of the French refuse to dwell with the Ambassador.] The rest
of the French men, seeing how the Embassador's imprudent carriage
had brought them to this misery, refused any longer to dwell with
him. And each of them by the King's Permission dwells by himself
in the City; being maintained at the King's charge. Three of these,
whose Names were Monsieur Du Plessy, Son to a Gentleman of note in
France, and Jean Bloom, the third whose Name I cannot tell, but was
the Ambassador's Boy, the King appointed to look to his best Horse,
kept in the Palace. This Horse sometime after died, as it is supposed
of old Age. Which extremely troubled the King; and imagining they had
been instrumental to his Death by their carelessness, he commanded
two of them, Monsieur Du Plessy and Jean Bloom to be carried away into
the Mountains, and kept Prisoners in Chains, where they remained when
I came thence.
The rest of them follow Employments; some whereof Still Rack, and
keep the greatest Taverns in the City.
[The King uses means to reconcile the French to their
Ambassador.] Lately, a little before I came from the Island; the King
understanding the disagreements and differences that were still kept
on foot betwixt the Ambassador and the rest of his Company, disliked
it and used these means to make them Friends. He sent for them all,
the Ambassador and the rest, and told them, That it was not seemly
for Persons as they were at such a distance from their own Countrey,
to quarrel and fall out; and that if they had any love for God, or
the King of France, or himself, that they should go home with the
Ambassador and agree and live together. They went back together,
not daring to disobey the King. And as soon as they were at home,
the King sent a Banquet after them of Sweetmeats and Fruits to eat
together. They did eat the King's Banquet, but it would not make
the Reconcilement. For after they had done, each man went home and
dwelt in their own Houses as they did before. It was thought that
this carriage would offend the King, and that he would at least take
away their Allowance. And it is probable before this time the King
hath taken Vengeance on them. But the Ambassador's carriage is so
imperious, that they would rather venture whatsoever might follow
than be subject to him. And in this case I left them.
[The Author acquaints the French Ambassador in London, with the
condition of these Men.] Since my return to England, I presumed by a
Letter to inform the French Ambassador then in London of the abovesaid
Matters, thinking my self bound in Conscience and Christian Charity
to do my endeavour, that their Friends knowing their Condition,
may use means for their Deliverance. The Letter ran thus,
These may acquaint your Excellency, That having been a Prisoner
in the Island of Ceilon, under the King of that Countrey
near Twenty years; by means of this my long detainment
there, I became acquainted with the French Ambassador,
and the other Gentlemen his Retinue; being in all Eight
Persons; who was sent to Treat with the said King in the
Year MDCLXXII. by Monsieur De la Hay, who came with a Fleet
to the Port of Cotiar or Trinkemalay, from whence he sent
these Gentlemen. And knowing that from thence it is scarce
possible to send any Letters or Notice to other Parts, for
in all the time of my Captivity I could never send one word,
whereby my Friends here might come to hear of my Condition,
until with one more I made an Escape, leaving Sixteen English
men yet there; The Kindness I have received from those French
Gentlemen, as also my Compassion for them, being detained in
the same place with me, hath obliged and constrained me, to
presume to trouble your Lordship with this Paper; not knowing
any other means where I might convey Notice to their Friends
and Relations, which is all the Service I am able to perform
for them. The Ambassador's Name I know not; there is a Kinsman
of his called Monsieur le Serle, and a young Gentleman called
Monsieur du Plessey, and another named Monsieur la Roche. The
rest by Name I know not. And then an account of them is given
according to what I have mentioned above. I shall not presume
to be farther tedious to your Honour; craving Pardon for my
boldness which my Affection to those Gentlemen being detained
in the same Land with me hath occasioned. Concerning whom if
your Lordship be pleased farther to be informed, I shall be
both willing and ready to be,
Yours, &c.
The Ambassador upon the receipt of this, desired to speak with me. Upon
whom I waited, and he after some Speech with me told me he would send
word into France of it, and gave me Thanks for this my Kindness to
his Countreymen.
[An inquiry into the reason of this King's detaining Europæans] It
may be worth some inquiry, what the reason might be, that the King
detains the Europæan People as he does. It cannot be out of hope
of Profit or Advantage; for they are so far from bringing him any,
that they are a very great Charge, being all maintained either by
him or his People. Neither is it in the power of Money to redeem any
one, for that he neither needs nor values. Which makes me conclude,
it is not out of Profit, nor Envy or ill will, but out of Love and
Favour, that he keeps them, delighting in their Company, and to have
them ready at his Command. For he is very ambitious of the Service of
these Men, and winks at many of their failings, more than he uses to
do towards his Natural Subjects. [The King's gentleness towards his
white Soldiers.] As may appear from a Company of White Soldiers he
hath, who upon their Watch used to be very negligent, one lying Drunk
here and another there. Which remisness in his own Soldiers he would
scarce have indured, but it would have cost them their lives. But with
these he useth more Craft than Severity to make them more watchful.
[They watch at his Magazine.] These Soldiers are under two Captains,
the one a Dutch man and the other a Portugueze. They are appointed
to Guard one of the King's Magazines, where they always keep Sentinel
both by Day and Night. This is a pretty good distance from the Court,
and here it was the King contrived their Station, that they might swear
and swagger out of his hearing, and that no body might disturb them,
nor they no body. The Dutch Captain lyes at one side of the Gate,
and the Portugueze at the other.
[How craftily the King corrected their Negligence.] Once the King
to employ these his white Soldiers, and to honour them by letting
them see what an assurance he reposed in them, sent one of his Boys
thither to be kept Prisoner, which they were very Proud of. They
kept him two years, in which time he had learnt both the Dutch and
Portugueze Language. Afterwards the King retook the Boy into his
Service, and within a short time after Executed him. But the King's
reason in sending this Boy to be kept by these Soldiers was, probably
not as they supposed, and as the King himself outwardly pretended,
viz. To shew how much he confided in them, but out of Design to make
them look the better to their Watch, which their Debauchery made them
very remiss in. For the Prisoners Hands only were in Chains, and not
his Legs; so that his possibility of running away, having his Legs
at liberty, concerned them to be circumspect and wakeful. And they
knew if he had escaped it were as much as their lives were worth. By
this crafty and kind way did the King correct the negligence of his
white Soldiers.
[The King's Inclinations are towards white Men.] Indeed his
inclinations are much towards the Europæans; making them his great
Officers, accounting them more faithful and trusty than his own
People. With these he often discourses concerning the Affairs of
their Countreys, and promotes them to places far above their Ability,
and sometimes their Degree or Desert. [The colour of white honoured
in this Land.] And indeed all over the Land they do bear as it were
a natural respect and reverence to White Men, in as much as Black,
they hold to be inferior to White. And they say, the Gods are White,
and that the Souls of the Blessed after the Resurrection shall be
White; and therefore, that Black is a rejected and accursed colour.
[Their Privilege above the Natives.] And as further signs of the King's
favour to them, there are many Privileges, which White Men have and
enjoy, as tolerated or allowed them from the King; which I suppose may
proceed from the aforesaid Consideration; as, to wear any manner of
Apparel, either Gold, Silver, or Silk, Shoes and Stockings, a shoulder
Belt and Sword; their Houses may be whitened with Lime, and many such
like things, all which the Chingulayes are not permitted to do.
[The King loves to send and talk with them.] He will also sometimes
send for them into his Presence, and discourse familiarly with
them, and entertain them with great Civilities, especially white
Ambassadors. They are greatly chargeable unto his Countrey, but he
regards it not in the least. So that the People are more like Slaves
unto us than we unto the King. In as much as they are inforced by his
Command to bring us maintenance. Whose Poverty is so great oftentimes,
that for want of what they supply us with, themselves, their Wives,
and Children, are forced to suffer hunger, this being as a due Tax
imposed upon them to pay unto us. Neither can they by any Power or
Authority refuse the Payment hereof to us. For in my own hearing
the People once complaining of their Poverty and Inability to give
us any longer our Allowance, the Magistrate or Governor replied,
It was the King's special Command, and who durst disannul it. And
if otherwise they could not supply us with our maintenance he bad
them sell their Wives and Children, rather than we should want of
our due. Such is the favour that Almighty God hath given Christian
People in the sight of this Heathen King; whose entertainment and
usage of them is thus favourable.
[How they maintain Christianity among them.] If any enquire into the
Religious exercise and Worship practised among the Christians here,
I am sorry I must say it, I can give but a slender account. For
they have no Churches nor no Priests, and so no meetings together
on the Lord's Dayes for Divine Worship, but each one Reads or Prays
at his own House as he is disposed. They Sanctifie the Day chiefly
by refraining work, and meeting together at Drinking-houses. They
continue the practice of Baptism; and there being no Priests, they
Baptize their Children themselves with Water, and use the words,
In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost;
and give them Christian Names. They have their Friends about them
at such a time, and make a small Feast according to their Ability:
and some teach their Children to say their Prayers, and to Read,
and some do not.
[In some things they comply with the worship of the Heathen.] Indeed
their Religion at the best is but Negative, that is, they are not
Heathen, they do not comply with the Idolatry here practised; and they
profess themselves Christians in a general manner, which appears by
their Names, and by their Beads and Crosses that some of them wear
about their Necks. Nor indeed can I wholly clear them from complyance
with the Religion of the Countrey. For some of them when they are
Sick do use the Ceremonies which the Heathen do in the like case,
as in making Idols of clay, and setting them up in their Houses, and
Offering Rice to them, and having Weavers to Dance before them. But
they are ashamed to be known to do this; and I have known none to
do it, but such as are Indians born. Yet I never knew any of them,
that do inwardly in Heart and Conscience incline to the ways of the
Heathen, but perfectly abhor them: nor have there been any, I ever
heard of, that came to their Temples upon any Religious account, but
only would stand by and look on; [An old Priest used to eat of their
Sacrifices.] without it were one old Priest named Padre Vergonce,
a Genoez born, and of the Jesuits Order who would go to the Temples,
and eat with the Weavers and other ordinary People of the Sacrifices
offered to the Idols: but with this Apology for himself, that he
eat it as common Meat, and as God's Creature, and that it was never
the worse for their Superstition that had past upon it. But however
this may reflect upon the Father, another thing may be related for
his Honour. There happened two Priests to fall into the hands of the
King; on whom he conferred great Honours; for having laid aside their
Habits they kept about his Person, and were the greatest Favourites
at Court. The King one day sent for Vergonse, and asked him, if
it would not be better for him to lay aside his old Coat and Cap,
and to do as the other two Priests had done, and receive Honour from
him. He replied to the King, That he boasted more in that old habit
and in the Name of Jesus, than in all the honour that he could do
him. And so refused the King's Honour. The King valued the Father
for this saying. He had a pretty Library about him, and died in his
Bed of old Age: whereas the two other Priests in the King's Service
died miserably, one of a Canker, and the other was slain. The old
Priest had about Thirty or Forty Books, which the King, they say,
seized on after his Death, and keeps.
[The King permitted the Portugueze to build a Church.] These Priests,
and more lived there, but all deceased, excepting Vergonse, before
my time. The King allowed them to build a Church; which they did,
and the Portugueze assembled there, but they made no better than a
Bawdy-house of it; for which cause the King commanded to pull it down.
Although here be Protestants and Papists, yet here are no differences
kept up among them, but they are as good Friends, as if there were no
such Parties. And there is no other Distinctions of Religion there,
but only Heathens and Christians: and we usually say, We Christians.
FINIS.
Books printed for, and sold by Richard Chiswel.
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Speed's Maps and Geography of Great Britain and Ireland, and of
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Dr. Cave's Lives of the Primitive Fathers.
Dr. Cary's Chronological Account of Ancient time.
Wanly's Wonders of the little World, or History of Man.
Sir Tho. Herbert's Travels into Persia, &c.
Holyoak's large Dictionary, Latin and English.
Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle of England.
Causin's Holy Court.
Wilson's compleat Christian Dictionary.
Bishop Wilkin's Real Character, or Philosophical Language.
Pharmacopoeia Regalis Collegii Medicorum Londineisis reformata.
Judge Jone's Reports in Common Law.
Judge Vaughn's Reports in Common Law.
Cave Tabula Ecclesiasticorum Scriptorum.
Hobbe's Leviathan.
Lord Bacon's Advancement of Learning.
Sir W. Dugdale's Baronage of England, in 2 Vol.
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Bishop Nicholson on the Church Catechism.
The Compleat Clerk.
History of the late Wars of New England.
Dr. Outram de Sacrificiis.
Bishop Taylor's Disswasive from Popery.
Dr. Gibb's Sermons.
Parkeri Disputationes de Deo.
History of the future State of Europe.
Dr. Fowler's Defence of the Design of Christianity, against John
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Dr. Sherlock's Visitation-Sermon at Warrington.
Dr. West's Assize-Serm. at Dorchester, 1671.
Lord Hollis's Relation of the Unjust Accusation of certain French
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The Magistrates Authority asserted, in a Sermon by James Paston.
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Dr. Burnet's Vindication of the Ordination of the Church of England.
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Lord Hollis's Vindication of the Judicature of the House of Peers,
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Dr. Tillotson's Rule of Faith.
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Dr. Cox's Discourse of the Interest of the Patient in reference to
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Organon Salutis: Or an Instrument to cleanse the Stomach: with divers
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Dr. Cave's Primitive Christianity, in three Parts.
Allen's Discourse of two Covenants, 1672.
Ignatius Fuller's Sermons of Peace and Holiness.
Buckler of State and Justice against France's Design of Universal
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A free Conference touching the Present State of England at home and
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Bishop Taylor of Confirmation.
Mystery of Jesuitism, third and fourth Parts.
Dr. Salmon's Dispensatory.
Dr. Samway's Unreasonableness of the Romanists.
Record of Urines.
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Grotius de Veritate Religionis Christianæ.
Bishop Hacket's Christian Consolations.
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Guide to Heaven.
Books lately printed.
Guillim's Display of Herauldry, with large Additions.
Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation of the Church of England,
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Dr. Burlace's History of the Irish Rebellion, folio.
Herodoti Historia, Græ. Lat. Fol.
Cole's Latin and English Dictionary, with large Additions.
William's Sermon before the Lord Mayor, Octob. 12. 1679.
----Impartial Consideration of the Speeches of the Five Jesuits
Executed for Treason, Fol.
Dr. Burnet's Relation of the Massacre of the Protestants in France,
Quarto.
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the Jesuits and other Casuists, Quarto.
Tryals of the Regicides, Octavo.
Mr. James Brome's Two Fast Sermons.
Dr. Jane's Fast Sermon before the House of Commons, April 11. 1679.
Mr. John James's Visitation Sermon, April 9. 1671. Quarto.
Mr. John Cave's Fast Sermon on Jan. 30. 1679. quarto.
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Certain Genuine Remains of the Lord Bacon, in Arguments Civil,
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Dr. Puller's Discourse of the Moderation of the Church of England,
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Dr. Saywel's Original of all the Plots in Christendom; with the Danger
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Sir John Munson Baronet, of Supreme Power and Common Right. Octavo.
Dr. Edw. Bagshaw's Discourses upon Select Texts, Octavo.
Mr. Rushworth's Historical Collections: The Second Part. Fol.
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Speculum Baxterianum, or Baxter against Baxter. Quarto.
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Dr. Burnet's Sermon upon the Fast for the Fire, 1680. quarto.
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FINIS.