the state of the colony, but, for some reason, none of them were
willing to go. The wish of the colony generally seemed to be that
White himself should undertake the mission. After some demur, chiefly
on the ground that his own private interests required his presence in
the settlement, White assented, and on the 27th of August he
sailed....
Soon after White's return Raleigh fitted out a fleet under the command
of Grenville. Before that fleet could sail Raleigh and Grenville were
called off to a task even more pressing than the relief of the
Virginia plantation. Yet, notwithstanding the prospect of a Spanish
invasion, White persuaded Raleigh to send out two small vessels, with
which White himself sailed from Bideford on the 25th of April, 1588.
The sailors, however, fell into the snare so often fatal to the
explorers of that age. In the words of a later writer, whose vigorous
language seemed to have been borrowed from some contemporary
chronicler, the captains, "being more intent on a gainful voyage than
the relief of the colony, ran in chase of prizes; till at last one of
them, meeting two ships of war, was, after a bloody fight, overcome,
boarded and rifled. In this maimed, ransacked, and ragged condition
she returned to England in a month's time; and in about three weeks
after the other also returned, having perhaps tasted of the same fare,
at least without performing her intended voyage, to the distress, and,
as it proved, the utter destruction of the colony of Virginia, and to
the great displeasure of their patron at home."
Raleigh had now spent forty thousand pounds on the colonization of
Virginia, with absolutely no return. In March, 1589, he made an
assignment, granting to Sir Thomas Smith, White and others the
privilege of trading in Virginia, while he proved at the same time
that he had not lost his interest in the undertaking by a gift of a
hundred pounds for the conversion of the natives. The unhappy
colonists gained nothing by the change. For a whole year no relief was
sent. When, at length, White sailed with three ships, he or his
followers imitated the folly of their predecessors, and preferred
buccaneering among the Spaniards in the West Indies to conveying
immediate relief to the colonists. On their arrival nothing was to be
seen of the settlers. After some search the name Croaton was seen
carved on a post, according to an arrangement made with White before
his departure, by which the settlers were thus to indicate the course
they had taken. Remnants of their goods were found, but no trace of
the settlers themselves. Years afterward, when Virginia had been at
length settled by Englishmen, a faint tradition found its way among
them of a band of white captives, who, after being for years kept by
the Indians in laborious slavery, were at length massacred. Such were
the only tidings of Raleigh's colonists that ever reached the ears of
their countrymen. White, with his three ships, returned, and the
colonization of Virginia was for a time at an end. Even Raleigh's
indomitable spirit gave way, and he seems henceforth to have abandoned
all hope of a plantation. Yet he did not, till after fifteen years of
disappointment and failure, give up the search for his lost settlers.
Before he died the great work of his life had been accomplished, but
by other hands. In spite of the intrigues of the Spanish court and the
scoffs of playwrights, Virginia had been settled and had become a
flourishing colony. A ship had sailed into London laden with Virginia
goods, and an Indian princess,[4] the wife of an Englishman, had been
received at court, and had for a season furnished wonder and amusement
to the fashionable world.
[1] From Doyle's "English Colonies in America." By permission of
the publishers, Henry Holt & Co.
[2] Sir Humphrey Gilbert, a half-brother of Raleigh, is here
referred to. In 1578 he had obtained royal permission to found a
colony in America, but his expedition, after starting, turned back,
a failure. In 1588 he again set out, landing at St. John's,
Newfoundland, where he established the first English colony in
North America. On returning home his ship was lost in a storm off
the Azores.
[3] See in the next chapter an account of Lane's return with Drake.
[4] Pocahontas, married to John Rolfe, went to England with Rolfe
and there died about a year later. She left a son who returned to
Virginia, where he left descendants, among whom was the famous John
Randolph of Roanoke. John Smith's account of the saving of his life
by Pocahontas is printed in Volume I of "The Best of the World's
Classics."
II
THE RETURN OF THE COLONISTS WITH SIR FRANCIS DRAKE
(1586)
BY RALPH LANE[1]
This fell out the first of June, 1586, and the eight of the same came
advertisement to me from captaine Stafford, lying at my lord Admirals
Island, that he had discovered a great fleet of three and twentie
sailes: but whether they were friends or foes, he could not yet
discerne. He advised me to stand upon as good guard as I could.
The ninth of the sayd moneth he himselfe came unto me, having that
night before, and that same day travelled by land twenty miles: and I
must truely report of him from the first to the last; hee was the
gentleman that never spared labour or perill either by land or water,
faire weather or foule, to performe any service committed unto him.
He brought me a letter from the Generall Sir Francis Drake, with a
most bountifull and honourable offer for the supply of our necessities
to the performance of the action wee were entred into; and that not
only of victuals, munition, and clothing, but also of barks,
pinnesses, and boats; they also by him to be victualled, manned and
furnished to my contentation.
The tenth day he arrived in the road of our bad harborow: and comming
there to an anker, the eleventh day I came to him, whom I found in
deeds most honourably to performe that which in writing and message he
had most curteously offered, he having aforehand propounded the matter
of all the captaines of his fleet, and got their liking and consent
thereto.
With such thanks unto him and his captaines for his care both of us
and of our action, not as the matter deserved, but as I could both for
my company and myselfe, I (being aforehand prepared what I would
desire) craved at his hands that it would please him to take with him
into England a number of weake and unfit men for any good action,
which I would deliver to him; and in place of them to supply me of his
company with oare-men, artificers, and others.
That he would leave us so much shipping and victuall, as about August
then next following would cary me and all my company into England,
when we had discovered somewhat, that for lacke of needfull provision
in time left with us as yet remained undone.
That it woulde please him withall to leave some sufficient Masters not
onely to cary us into England, when time should be, but also to search
the coast for some better harborow, if there were any, and especially
to helpe us to some small boats and oare-men. Also for a supply of
calievers, hand weapons, match and lead, tooles, apparell, and such
like.
He having received these my requests, according to his usuall
commendable maner of government (as it was told me) calling his
captains to counsell; the resolution was that I should send such of my
officers of my company as I used in such matters, with their notes, to
goe aboord with him; which were the Master of the victuals, the Keeper
of the store, and the Vicetreasurer: to whom he appointed forthwith
for me _The Francis_, being a very proper barke of 70 tun, and tooke
present order for bringing of victual aboord her for 100 men for foure
moneths, with all my other demands whatsoever, to the uttermost.
And further, he appointed for me two pinnesses, and foure small boats:
and that which was to performe all his former liberality toward us,
was that he had gotten the full assents of two of as sufficient
experimented Masters as were any in his fleet, by judgment of them
that knew them, with very sufficient gings to tary with me, and to
employ themselves most earnestly in the action, as I should appoint
them, untill the terme which I promised of our returne into England
againe. The names of one of those Masters was Abraham Kendall, the
other Griffith Herne.
While these things were in hand, the provision aforesaid being
brought, and in bringing aboord, my sayd Masters being also gone
aboord, my sayd barks having accepted of their charge, and mine owne
officers, with others in like sort of my company with them (all which
was dispatched by the sayd Generall the 12 of the sayde moneth) the 13
of the same there arose such an unwoonted storme, and continued foure
dayes, that had like to have driven all on shore, if the Lord had not
held his holy hand over them, and the Generall very providently
foreseene the woorst himselfe, then about my dispatch putting himselfe
aboord: but in the end having driven sundry of the fleet to put to Sea
the _Francis_ also with all my provisions, my two Masters, and my
company aboord, she was seene to be free from the same, and to put
cleere to Sea.
This storme having continued from the 13 to the 16 of the moneth, and
thus my barke put away as aforesayd, the Generall comming ashore made
a new proffer unto me; which was a ship of 170 tunne, called The barke
_Bonner_, with a sufficient Master and guide to tary with me the time
appointed, and victualled sufficiently to cary me and my company into
England, with all provisions as before: but he tolde me that he would
not for any thing undertake to have her brought into our harbour, and
therefore he was to leave her in the road, and to leave the care of
the rest unto my selfe, and advised me to consider with my company of
our case, and to deliver presently unto him in writing what I would
require him to doe for us; which being within his power, he did assure
me as well for his Captaines as for himselfe, shoulde be most
willingly performed.
Heereupon calling such Captaines and gentlemen of my company as then
were at hand, who were all as privy as my selfe to the Generals offer;
their whole request was to me, that considering the case that we stood
in, the weaknesse of our company, the small number of the same, the
carying away of our first appointed barke, with those two speciall
Masters, with our principall provisions in the same, by the very hand
of God as it seemed, stretched out to take us from thence; considering
also, that his second offer, though most honourable of his part, yet
of ours not to be taken, insomuch as there was no possibility for her
with any safety to be brought into the harbour: seeing furthermore,
our hope for supply with Sir Richard Greenville, so undoubtedly
promised us before Easter, not yet come, neither then likely to come
this yeere, considering the doings in England for Flanders, and also
for America, that therefore I would resolve my selfe with my company
to goe into England in that fleet, and accordingly to make request to
the Generall in all our names, that he would be pleased to give us
present passage with him. Which request of ours by my selfe delivered
unto him, hee most readily assented unto: and so he sending
immediately his pinnesses unto our Island for the fetching away of a
few that there were left with our baggage, the weather was so
boisterous, and the pinnesses so often on ground, that the most of all
we had, with all our Cards, Books and writings were by the Sailers
cast overboard, the greater number of the fleet being much agrieved
with their long and dangereus abode in that miserable road.
From whence the Generall in the name of the Almighty, weying his
ankers (having bestowed us among his fleet) for the reliefe of whom
hee had in that storme susteined more perill of wracke then in all his
former most honourable actions against the Spanyards, with praises
unto God for all, set saile the nineteenth of June 1596, and arrived
in Portsmouth the seven and twentieth of July the same yeere.
[1] Ralph Lane went out to Virginia in 1585 with the ships
dispatched in that year by Raleigh and commanded by Sir Richard
Grenville, the company numbering one hundred householders. After
landing at Roanoke, Grenville returned to England for supplies,
leaving the colony in charge of Lane. Lane has left an important
account of the experiences and sufferings of the colonists during
the absence of Grenville, whose return was delayed. Drake,
meanwhile coming up from St. Augustine, which he had just
destroyed, put in at Roanoke in 1586, and the whole company
returned to England with him. Grenville afterward arrived in
Roanoke, finding no one there. He then returned to England, leaving
on the island fifteen men. In the following year Raleigh sent out
to Roanoke John White. When White arrived he found that these men
had all been massacred by the Indians. Other expeditions were sent
out later, but none was able to establish any colony at Roanoke.
Lane's account is printed In "Old South Leaflets."
III
THE BIRTH OF VIRGINIA DARE[1]
(1587)
BY JOHN WHITE
The two and twentieth day of July we came safely to Cape Hatteras,
where our ship and pinnace anchored. The Governor went aboard the
pinnace accompanied by forty of his best men, intending to pass up to
Roanoke. He hoped to find those fifteen Englishmen whom Sir Richard
Grenville had left there the year before. With these he meant to have
a conference concerning the state of the country and the savages,
intending then to return to the fleet and pass along the coast to the
Bay of Chesapeake. Here we intended to make our settlement and fort
according to the charge given us among other directions in writing
under the hand of Sir Walter Raleigh. We passed to Roanoke and the
same night at sunset went ashore on the island, in the place where our
fifteen men were left. But we found none of them, nor any sign that
they had been there, saving only that we found the bones of one of
them, whom the savages had slain long before.
The Governor with several of his company walked the next day to the
north end of the island, where Master Ralph Lane, with his men the
year before, had built his fort with sundry dwelling houses. We hoped
to find some signs here, or some certain knowledge of our fifteen men.
When we came thither we found the fort razed, but all the houses
standing unhurt, saving that the lower rooms of them, and of the fort
also, were overgrown with melons of different sorts, and deer were in
rooms feeding on those melons. So we returned to our company without
the hope of ever seeing any of the fifteen men living.
The same day an order was given that every man should be employed in
remodelling those houses which we found standing, and in making more
cottages.
On the eighteenth a daughter was born in Roanoke to Eleanor, the
daughter of the Governor and the wife of Ananias Dare. This baby was
christened on the Sunday following, and because this child was the
first Christian born in Virginia she was named Virginia Dare.
By this time our shipmasters had unloaded the goods and victuals of
the planters and taken wood and fresh water, and were newly calking
and trimming their vessels for their return to England. The settlers
also prepared their letters and news to send back to England.
[1] Virginia Dare was the first child of English parentage born in
America. Her father was Ananias Dare. She was named Virginia after
the colony which had already received the name in compliment to
Queen Elizabeth.
BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD'S DISCOVERY OF CAPE COD[1]
(1602)
I
BY GABRIEL ARCHER, ONE OF HIS COMPANIONS
The said captain [Gosnold] did set sail from Falmouth the day and year
above written accompanied with thirty-two persons, whereof eight
mariners and sailors, twelve purposing upon the discovery to return
with the ship for England, the rest remain there for population. The
fourteenth of April following, we had sight of Saint Mary's, an island
of the Azores....
The fifteenth day of May we had again sight of the land, which made
ahead, being as we thought an island, by reason of a large sound that
appeared westward between it and the main, for coming to the west end
thereof, we did perceive a large opening, we called it Shoal Hope.
Near this cape we came to anchor in fifteen fathoms, where we took
great store of codfish, for which we altered the name, and called it
Cape Cod.[2] Here we saw sculls of herring, mackerel, and other small
fish, in great abundance. This is a low sandy shoal, but without
danger, also we came to anchor again in sixteen fathoms, fair by the
land in the latitude of 42 degrees. This cape is well near a mile
broad, and lieth north-east by east. The captain went here ashore and
found the ground to be full of pease, strawberries, whortleberries,
&c., as then unripe, the sand also by the shore somewhat deep, the
firewood there by us taken in was of cypress, birch, witch-hazel and
beech. A young Indian came here to the captain, armed with his bow and
arrows, and had certain plates of copper hanging at his ears; he
showed a willingness to help us in our occasions.
The sixteenth, we trended the coast southerly, which was all champaign
and full of grass, but the island somewhat woody. Twelve leagues from
Cape Cod, we descried a point with some breach, a good distance off,
and keeping our luff to double it, we came on the sudden into shoal
water, yet well quitted ourselves thereof. This breach we called
Tucker's Terror, upon his exprest fear. The point we named Point Care;
having passed it we bore up again with the land, and in the night came
with it anchoring in eight fathoms, the ground good.
The seventeenth, appeared many breaches round about us, so as we
continued that day without remove. The eighteenth, being fair we sent
forth the boat, to sound over a breach, that in our course lay of
another point, by us called Gilbert's Point, who returned us four,
five, six, and seven fathoms over. Also, a discovery of divers islands
which after proved to be hills and hammocks, distinct within the land.
This day there came unto the ship's side divers canoes, the Indians
apparelled as aforesaid, with tobacco and pipes steeled with copper,
skins, artificial strings and other trifles to barter; one had hanging
about his neck a plate of rich copper, in length a foot, in breadth
half a foot for a breastplate, the ears of all the rest had pendants
of copper. Also, one of them had his face painted over, and head stuck
with feathers in manner of a turkey-cock's train. These are more
timorous than those of the Savage Rock, yet very thievish.
The nineteenth, we passed over the breach of Gilbert's Point in four
or five fathoms, and anchored a league or somewhat more beyond it;
between the last two points are two leagues, the interim, along shoal
water, the latitude here is 41 degrees two third parts.
The twentieth, by the ship's side, we there killed penguins, and saw
many sculls of fish. The coast from Gilbert's Point to the supposed
isles lieth east and by south. Here also we discovered two inlets
which might promise fresh water, inwardly whereof we perceived much
smoke, as though some population had there been. This coast is very
full of people, for that as we trended the same savages still run
along the shore, as men much admiring at us.
The one-and-twentieth, we went coasting from Gilbert's Point to the
supposed isles, in ten, nine, eight, seven, and six fathoms, close
aboard the shore, and that depth lieth a league off. A little from the
supposed isles, appeared unto us an opening, with which we stood,
judging it to be the end which Captain Gosnold descried from Cape Cod,
and as he thought to extend some thirty or more miles in length, and
finding there but three fathoms a league off, we omitted to make
further discovery of the same, calling it Shoal Hope.
From this opening the main lieth southwest, which coasting along we
saw a disinhabited island, which so afterward appeared unto us: we
bore with it, and named it Martha's Vineyard; from Shoal Hope it is
eight leagues in circuit, the island is five miles, and hath 41
degrees and one quarter of latitude. The place most pleasant; for the
two-and-twentieth, we went ashore, and found It full of wood, vines,
gooseberry bushes, whortleberries, raspberries, eglantines, &c. Here
we had cranes, stearnes, shoulers, geese, and divers other birds which
there at that time upon the cliffs being sandy with some rocky stones,
did breed and had young. In this place we saw deer: here we rode in
eight fathoms near the shore where we took great store of cod,--as
before at Cape Cod, but much better.
The three-and-twentieth we weighed, and toward night came to anchor at
the northwest part of this island, where the next morning offered unto
us fast running thirteen savages apparelled as aforesaid, and armed
with bows and arrows without any fear. They brought tobacco,
deer-skins, and some sodden fish. These offered themselves unto us in
great familiarity, who seemed to be well-conditioned. They came more
rich in copper than any before. This island is sound, and hath no
danger about it.
The four-and-twentieth, we set sail and doubled the Cape of another
island next unto it, which we called Dover Cliff, and then came into a
fair sound[3], where we rode all night; the next morning we sent off
one boat to discover another cape, that lay between us and the main,
from which were a ledge of rocks a mile into the sea, but all above
water, and without danger; we went about them, and came to anchor in
eight fathoms, a quarter of a mile from the shore, in one of the
stateliest sounds that ever I was in. This called we Gosnold's Hope;
the north bank whereof is the main, which stretcheth east and west.
This island Captain Gosnold called Elizabeth's isle, where we
determined our abode; the distance between every one of these islands
is, viz, from Martha's Vineyard to Dover Cliff, half a league over the
sound, thence to Elizabeth's isle[4], one league distant. From
Elizabeth's island unto the main is four leagues. On the north side,
near adjoining unto the island Elizabeth, is an islet in compass half
a mile, full of cedars, by me called Hill's Hap, to the northward of
which, in the mouth of an opening on the main, appeareth another the
like, that I called Hap's Hill, for that I hope much hap may be
expected from it.
The eight-and-twentieth we entered counsel about our abode and
plantation, which was concluded to be in the west part of Elizabeth's
island. The north-east thereof running from out our ken. The south and
north standeth in an equal parallel....
The one-and-thirtieth, Captain Gosnold, desirous to see the main
because of the distance, he set sail over; where coming to anchor,
went ashore with certain of his company, and immediately there
presented unto him men, women, and children, who, with all courteous
kindness entertained him, giving him certain skins of wild beasts,
which may be rich furs, tobacco, turtles, hemp, artificial strings
colored, chains, and such like things as at the instant they had about
them. These are a fair-conditioned people. On all the sea-coast along
we found mussel shells that in color did represent mother-of-pearl,
but not having means to dredge, could not apprehend further knowledge
thereof. This main is the goodliest continent that ever we saw,
promising more by far than we any way did expect; for it is
replenished with fair fields, and in them fragrant flowers, also
meadows, and hedged in with stately groves, being furnished also with
pleasant brooks, and beautified with two main rivers that (as we
judge) may haply become good harbors, and conduct us to the hopes men
so greedily do thirst after....
The first of June we employed ourselves in getting sassafras, and the
building of our fort. The second, third, and fourth, we wrought hard
to make ready our house for the provision to be had ashore to sustain
us till our ship's return. This day from the main came to our ship's
side a canoe, with their lord or chief commander, for that they made
little stay only pointing to the sun, as in sign that the next day he
would come and visit us, which he did accordingly.