CHAPTER XXIII.

"THE STAR THAT NEVER SETS."

There is little to interest any but the politician in the political

history of the State during the uneventful years of three decades

following the War of 1812. At the next election after the close of the

war the Republican party proved strong enough to elect to the

governorship its candidate, Jonas Galusha, who was continued in that

office for the five succeeding terms. When, in consequence of the

abduction of Morgan, the opposing parties were arrayed as Masonic and

anti-Masonic in the battle of ballots, the Masonic party of Vermont went

to the wall.

When the two great parties of the nation rallied under their distinctive

banners as Whigs and Democrats, Vermont took its place with the first,

and held it steadfastly alike through defeats and infrequent triumphs of

the party until its dissolution. So constantly was its vote given to the

state and national candidates of the Whigs that it gained the title of

"The Star that never sets."

From the adoption of its Constitution[108] in 1777, which prohibited

slave-holding, Vermont has been the opponent of slavery. The brave

partisan leader, Captain Ebenezer Allen, only expressed the

freedom-loving sentiment of the Green Mountain Boys when he declared he

was "conscientious that it is not right in the sight of God to keep

slaves," and set free those taken prisoners with the British troops on

Lake Champlain.

It was natural that among the descendants of those people, the

inhabitants of a mountain land such as ever nourishes the spirit of

liberty and wherein slavery has never found a congenial soil, there

should be found many earnest men ready to join the crusade which, under

the leadership of Garrison, began in 1833 to assail the great national

sin with a storm of denunciation.

They denounced the scheme of African colonization, which had a

respectable following in Vermont, as a device of the slave power to rid

itself of the dangerous element of free blacks, under pretense of

Christianizing Africa while here gradual emancipation should be brought

about; and thus they aroused the antagonism of the body of the clergy,

who had been hoodwinked by the pious plausibility of the plan.

A line of the Underground Railroad held its hidden way through Vermont,

along which many a dark-skinned passenger secretly traveled, concealed

during the day in the quiet stations, at night passing from one to

another, helped onward by friendly hands till he reached Canada and

gained the protection of that government which in later years was to

become the passive champion of his rebellious master.

The star-guided fugitive might well feel an assurance of liberty when

his foot touched the soil that in the old days had given freedom to

Dinah Mattis and her child, and draw a freer breath in the State whose

judge in later years demanded of a master, before his runaway slave

would be given up to him, that he should produce a bill of sale from the

Almighty.[109]

The abolitionists were no more given than other reformers to the choice

of soft words in their objurgations of what they knew to be a sin

against God and their fellow-men; yet they were men of peace, almost

without exception,--non-resistants,--and freedom of speech was their

right. It is humiliating to remember that there was an element in this

State base enough to oppose them by mob violence. An anti-slavery

meeting convened at the capital in 1835 was broken up by a ruffianly

rabble, who pelted the speakers with rotten eggs, and became so violent

in their demonstrations that it was unsafe for the principal speaker,

Rev. Samuel J. May of Boston, to leave the building, till a Quaker lady

quietly stepped forward, and, taking his arm, walked out with him

through the turbulent crowd, which, though noisy and threatening, had

decency enough to respect a lady and her escort. There were like

disturbances in some other Vermont towns where the abolitionists

gathered to advocate their cause, but the intensity of bitterness

against them gradually wore away, and they continued to gain adherents,

till the question of the extension of slave territory became the

all-absorbing subject of political controversy.

In 1820 the representatives of Vermont in Congress opposed the admission

of Missouri as a slave State, though her senators were divided. In 1825

the legislature passed resolutions deprecating slavery as an evil, and

declaring, "This General Assembly will accord in any measures which may

be adopted by the general government for its abolition in the United

States that are consistent with the right of the people and the general

harmony of the States." Ten years later, in the same year that the

anti-slavery meeting was broken up by the rabble in the very shadow of

the capitol, the legislature assembled there declared, that "neither

Congress nor the state governments have any constitutional right to

abridge the free expression of opinions, or the transmission of them

through the public mail," and that Congress possessed the power to

abolish slavery in the District of Columbia.

In 1841 the anti-slavery sentiment had so far increased in the State as

to take political form, and votes enough were cast for the candidate of

the Liberty party for governor to prevent an election by the people. Two

years later the assembly enacted that no officer or citizen of the State

should seize or assist in the seizure of "any person for the reason

that he is or may be claimed as a fugitive slave," and that no officer

or citizen should transport or assist in the transportation of such

person to any place in or out of the State; and that, for like reason,

no person should be imprisoned "in any jail or other building belonging

to the State, or to any county, town, city, or person therein." When

Congress in 1850, after a fierce storm of debate, passed the odious

Fugitive Slave Law, which made United States marshals, and at their

behest every citizen of the republic, servants of the arrogant slave

power, and withheld from whoever might be claimed as a slave the right

of testifying in his own behalf, Vermont was faithful to freedom and the

spirit of her Constitution. Her legislature of the same year passed an

act requiring States' attorneys "diligently and faithfully to use all

lawful means to protect, defend, and procure to be discharged, every

such person so arrested or claimed as a fugitive slave," and judicial

and executive officers in their respective counties to inform their

State's attorney of the intended arrest of any person claimed as a

fugitive slave.

In many of the Northern States slave-hunting waxed hot and eager under

the national law, but the hunters never attempted to seize their prey in

the land of the Green Mountain Boys, though there were fugitive slaves

living there, and an occasional passenger still fared along the

mysterious course of the Underground Railroad.

Consequent upon the annexation of Texas came war with Mexico,--a war

waged wholly in the interest of slavery extension, and forced by the

great republic upon her younger sister, weak and distracted by swiftly

recurring revolutions.

Having a purpose so opposite to the interest and sentiment of the people

of Vermont, no possible appeal to arms could have been less popular

among them. Yet upon the call of President Polk for volunteers, a

company was soon recruited in the State. Under Captain Kimball of

Woodstock, it formed a part of the 9th regiment, whose colonel was

Truman B. Ransom, a Vermonter, who had been a military instructor in the

Norwich University, and in a similar institution at the South. The 9th

was attached to the brigade of General Pierce, in General Pillow's

division, under General Scott. The army of Americans, always

outnumbered, often three to one, by the enemy, could not have fought

more bravely in a better cause; and the little band of Green Mountain

Boys gave gallant proof that, in the more than thirty years which had

elapsed since they were last called forth to battle, the valor of their

race had not abated. Colonel Ransom fell while leading his regiment in a

charge at Chepultepec; and the Vermont company was one of the foremost

at the storming of the castle, it being claimed for Captain Kimball and

Sergeant-Major Fairbanks that they hauled down the Mexican colors, and

raised the stars and stripes above the captured fortress.[110]

Upon the dissolution of the Whig party, the least subservient to the

slavery propagandists of the two great political parties in the North,

Vermont at once took her place under the newly unfurled banner of the

Republicans,--a place which she has ever since steadfastly maintained

through victory and defeat. In 1856 her vote was cast for Fremont, and

four years later, by an increased majority, for Lincoln. Few who cast

their votes at this memorable election foresaw that its result would so

soon precipitate the inevitable conflict. But five brief months passed,

and all were awakened to the terrible reality of war.

FOOTNOTES:

[108] E. P. Walton, in _Governor and Council_, vol. i. p. 92, says,

"This was the first emancipation act in America."

[109] Theophilus Harrington.

[110] Dana's _History of Woodstock_.

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