Capital placed at interest in the public funds 108,194
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£242,899
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These expences, however, greatly exceeded the idea which had been
formed by the company; they were occasioned by a concurrence of
circumstances which it was impossible to foresee, but which are
all properly explained in the different statements that have been
published by the directors.
The colonists arrived in the rainy season, which occasioned a general
sickness and many deaths. Several of the principal officers were
taken ill, and obliged to return to England; and a great many of
the subordinate agents fell sacrifices to the additional labour
which they in consequence had to perform. It appeared that the air
of Free-town, like that of all the positions on the coast, is bad,
and even dangerous during the rainy and stormy season; but that it
is good and agreeable for the rest of the year.
The cultivation went on slowly, and experienced many difficulties;
nevertheless the directors were of opinion that the soil of Africa
might be managed by its native inhabitants. They were of this
opinion from the apparent success of the plantations, which they
had undertaken; but they adhered to their system of making the
future progress of such plantations depend on the abolition of the
slave trade.
Under the article of civilization, the directors comprised a form
of government for the colony: it is founded on the principles of
the English constitution. The trial by jury perfectly succeeded;
and the Africans appeared to incline to the measures adopted in
the colony to introduce Christianity and civil regulations. But the
success of the enterprize was a subordinate consideration compared
with the grand object, the abolition of the slave trade. Yet to
overcome the first difficulties was far more easy, than what they
had afterwards to encounter: for they had some severe misfortunes
to try their constancy.
On the 27th of November, 1794, a French squadron entered the river
of Sierre Leone, and fired on Free-town. The inhabitants conceiving
all resistance useless, begged to capitulate, but in vain: the French
landed, plundered the houses and magazines, and conducted themselves
with extreme rigour. They were encouraged in their excesses by the
captains of two American ships employed in the slave trade. It was
impossible to check the animosity of Arnaud, the commander of the
expedition: he protested that he would burn all the houses belonging
to the English; and he kept his word. The books of the company were
seized and destroyed, and all the bibles and prayer-books were
trampled under foot. The collection of the botanist Afzelius was
ravaged; his plants, seeds, birds, insects, drawings, and memoranda
were dispersed and spoiled, and his mathematical instruments and
machines broken to pieces. Even the church was plundered, and the
sacred books consumed; nor did the invaders spare the drugs and
medicines for the use of the colony. The loss to the company on
this occasion was estimated at 40,000l. sterling.
This expedition was condemned by all rational Frenchmen, and was
disowned by the government, who caused the commander of the squadron
to be thrown into prison. His punishment would have been exemplary,
if it had not clearly appeared that he was ignorant of the injury
he had committed. It was proved from his journal, that he had been
led into the error by two American Negroes, and that he thought
he was doing a patriotic action by destroying an _establishment of
Pitt, for furnishing slaves_. It was evident that he had no other
motives for his conduct; but this did not diminish the evil, and the
company immediately employed themselves in repairing the injuries
which the colony had sustained, with the resources that remained
amongst them. It is remarkable that the turbulent colonists were the
very Negroes who had been transported from Nova Scotia to Africa,
and whom no inducement could attach to the establishment. Although
they were free, they complained that they were oppressed; and it
is probable that if these refractory beings had found the planters
and the remainder of the inhabitants inclined to take part in their
project, they would have infallibly attained their object, which
was that of a revolution: for the chief officers of the society had
neither power nor other means sufficient to keep them in subjection.
To obviate this inconvenience, the directors of the company obtained
in 1799 from the British government a letter of licence, on the
plan of those which had been granted to the India company at the
time of its institution; to which was added a corps of fifty men
taken from the garrison of Goree; and the sum of 7,000l. which
parliament allowed for the construction of a fort.
In the month of February, 1800, a quarrel broke out between king
Tom, who lived in the vicinity of Free-town, and the captain of a
slave-ship belonging to Liverpool, relative to certain rights of
anchorage which this king had received, from vessels that entered
St. George’s bay, and which the English captain refused to pay. The
affair was laid before the governor and council; but the discontented
persons, and such of the colonists as were in the interest of Tom,
would not abide by the decision of the tribunal; but demanded, on
the contrary, that the captain should be delivered up to them, or
pay a heavy sum as a ransom. The governor and council endeavouring
to oppose the violence of the discontented, who appeared determined
to support their pretensions, condemned the captain to pay the sum
required; promising him, however, a reimbursement from the company.
The affair was thus determined: but the condescension of the council
seemed to pave the way for the ruin of the colony; for from this
instant the discontented, led by the chiefs of their districts, who
were called _Hundreders_, committed the greatest excesses, refused to
submit to any authority, and on the 25th of September, 1800, issued
a formal proclamation, in which they forbade the inhabitants, under
a penalty of 20l. sterling, from obeying any orders of the governor
and council. They then published a new constitution, which vested
all the authority in the hands of the hundreders, and established a
maximum for the sale of articles of sustenance. Certain crimes, such
as the stealing of cattle, adultery, defamation, disobedience towards
parents, the destruction of fences, &c. were punished by fines; and
the debts contracted by the inhabitants towards the company, were
left to the decision of the hundreders, who interdicted not only
every kind of reimbursement, but even the paying of the interest,
under pain of banishment from the colony.
The revolters, whose numbers amounted to about fifty, were headed
by three fellows named Robinson, Anderson, and Zirier. The colony
then had at its disposal eighty Negroes and twelve Europeans, who
were determined to defend it. Nevertheless, though their force was
so much superior, they made no attempts to subdue the insurgents; but
chance threw in their way a great assistance: for at this very time a
large English ship arrived from Nova Scotia, having on board, under
the command of Lieutenants Smith and Tolley, forty-five soldiers,
and five hundred and fifty Maroons, besides a number of other men,
women, and children. The revolters were therefore attacked on the
2d of October, and easily overcome; thirty-five were made prisoners,
three of whom were found guilty of various crimes, and condemned to
death; and seven were sent as malefactors to Goree: the remainder
were transported to Bulam, on the northern coast of Sierra Leone.
The Maroons who came from Nova Scotia, have assigned to them the
town of Granville, where the government watches attentively over
them. This measure, however, is unnecessary: for as late as the
month of May, 1801, they had not shewn any disposition to offend
the laws; and it is expected that great advantages may be derived
from their industry.
Hitherto the commerce of the company has not been attended with
much success; it has lost one after another, four large ships,
the cargoes of which were worth upwards of 30,000l. The French have
also taken two other vessels belonging to this establishment, worth
about 7,000l. The company has received from the British government
a grant of 21,000l.; and at the end of 1799, its capital consisted
of about 82,332l. while in December, 1800, it amounted to 122,563l.;
and its debts at the last mentioned period were 26,995l. It therefore
possessed at that time a capital of 95,567l.
This company sustained a great loss by the death of an alderman
of Free-town, named Thomas Cooper, who was of the African race:
the Blacks considered him as their common father, and still weep
after him.
Every means is adopted to enlarge and accomplish the expectations of
the colonists; and with this view different kinds of instruction are
given. Amongst other efforts towards civilization, may be mentioned a
printing-office, at which is published once a fortnight a newspaper,
called the Sierra Leone Gazette.
The principal productions of this colony are sugar-canes, Cayenne
pepper, cotton, ginger, and coffee; the last of which is as good as
that from the Levant. The animals which they endeavour principally
to breed are asses and cows; but there is much difficulty to extend
the race of those useful quadrupeds.
Such is the present state of the English company: it has experienced
misfortunes foreign and domestic, which have threatened its
existence; and it has encountered enormous losses, which have
consumed great parts of its fund. From a comparison of the sums
already mentioned, it will appear that the money which has been
employed or lost amounts to 175,352l. The company, nevertheless,
is powerful; its means are more proportionate than its wants, and
its enterprise is too great to be ruined by a few injuries; while
by gradually proceeding with firmness, it will attain its objects.
All the institutions of this company, and its great exertions to
promote the happiness of the Africans, are founded on the abolition
of the slave trade. It is evident that without this praise-worthy
resource, it promises itself nothing from all the undertakings and
sacrifices which it makes to support them; but notwithstanding its
wishes, it is surrounded with several establishments entirely devoted
to the slave trade, and vessels are continually arriving for the
same purpose: so that this trade is carried on under the very eyes
of the company, with the same ardour as ever. Yet this society is
equally as sanguine as it was at first, respecting the abolition of
the slave trade, which it hopes to see accomplished; and therefore
continues its labours with unshaken fortitude, and the resolution to
do nothing but what it pledged itself to perform. It has, however,
shewn us that it cannot attach to the soil the Negroes which have
been brought from Nova Scotia, and they have retired to Free-town
for the purposes of traffic. Hence the question naturally presents
itself—by whom can the company have its grounds cultivated? On
this subject it is silent; but I think I can give an answer.
I have said that the population of Africa is composed of one-fourth
free men and three-fourths slaves. It is an admitted fact, that the
free Negroes never work; it is therefore necessary to employ slaves,
and to pay their masters for their hire. If, however, the company
were to employ them, it would depart from its primitive regulations,
which positively stipulate that there shall never be any slaves in
the colony. If it were to buy them in order to render them free,
and employ them in cultivation, I would ask if it could then be
satisfied with their labour, or could hope to attach them to the
soil? I should wish that this important question were ascertained
beyond all doubt; but I must confess my doubts of its success;
and I fear that the Negroes whom the company may render free,
will imitate all other Negroes that are their own masters, and who
will do nothing, or in other words, that they will prefer slavery
to labour. This apprehension is founded on the knowledge which I
posses of their natural and invincible indolence. I must, therefore,
repeat with freedom my opinion of the rigorous conditions which the
company has imposed on itself; and I really think that there will
always be an obstacle to the accomplishment of its views. But to
attain its wishes, I would propose an opposite mode, which I will
point out in a few words.
I would make use of the Africans in their present state, that is to
say, slaves, and would pay their masters the price of their labour;
I would render them subservient to mild, humane, and benevolent
laws; and I would incite them to work, and to like the place of
their residence, by the inducement of property and land. Having
thus prepared them for the charms of liberty, I should hasten to
purchase them and make them free, that they might enjoy it. This
method would, in my opinion, produce many cultivators: for even
those who have been of no advantage during several years, might be
thus dismissed and sent home. In short, I would leave off exactly
where the company began; and I should thus hope to see my colony
composed of industrious and experienced men. Hence, like the
company, I should not only renounce the slave trade, but should
deliver the Africans from bondage. I should buy them as formerly,
only under the sacred condition of having them for a certain time to
cultivate our American colonies, which it is impolitic to abandon;
and under a condition equally sacred of making them proprietors
at the expiration of their servitude, provided they would reside
on the spot. Should they, however, be disinclined to stay in the
colonies, I would comply with their wishes, and convey them back
to Africa. Those who might turn out bad, or be guilty of crimes,
ought to be banished from the colonies, but scrupulously restored
to their own countries.
With respect to laws, I think that the colonies ought to be governed
not only by a particular code, but that certain regulations should
be adopted by each of them; as it appears impossible to me, that
general laws can insure the prosperity of all such establishments.
I shall add another reflection, of public utility. The Blacks are
a kind of men destined by Nature to inhabit Africa and America;
she has created them for burning regions: let us, therefore, take
care not to oppose her views, or overthrow the barriers which she
has established; but let us preserve their races in their natural
purity, and not permit the Negroes to inhabit Europe. This mixture
of black and white is dangerous to our population, and in time it
may change, corrupt, and even destroy it.
* * * * *