OF CONSOLATION FOR THE LOSS OF FRIENDS[78]

Why should I lead you on through the endless series of great men and

pick out the unhappy ones, as tho it were not more difficult to find

happy ones? for how few households have remained possest of all their

members to the end? what one is there that has not suffered some loss?

Take any one year you please and name the Consuls for it; if you like,

that of Lucius Bibulus[79] and Julius Caesar; you will see that, tho

these colleagues were each other's bitterest enemies, yet their

fortunes agreed. Lucius Bibulus, a man more remarkable for goodness

than for strength of character, had both his sons murdered at the same

time, and even insulted by the Egyptian soldiery, so that the agent of

his bereavement was as much a subject for tears as the bereavement

itself. Nevertheless Bibulus, who during the whole of his year of

office had remained hidden in his house, to cast reproach upon his

colleague Caesar on the day following that upon which he heard of both

his sons' deaths, came forth and went through the routine business of

his magistracy. Who could devote less than one day to mourning for

two sons? Thus soon did he end his mourning for his children, altho he

had mourned a whole year for his consulship. Gaius Caesar, after having

traversed Britain, and not allowed even the ocean to set bounds to his

successes, heard of the death of his daughter, which hurried on the

crisis of affairs. Already Cnaeus Pompey stood before his eyes, a man

who would ill endure that any one besides himself should become a

great power in the state, and one who was likely to place a check upon

his advancement, which he had regarded, as onerous even when each

gained by the other's rise: yet within three days' time he resumed his

duties as general, and conquered his grief as quickly as he was wont

to conquer everything else.

Why need I remind you of the deaths of the other Caesars, whom fortune

appears to me sometimes to have outraged in order that even by their

deaths they might be useful to mankind, by proving that not even they,

altho they were styled "sons of gods," and "fathers of gods to come,"

could exercise the same power over their own fortunes which they did

over those of others? The Emperor Augustus lost his children and his

grandchildren, and after all the family of Caesar had perished was

obliged to prop his empty house by adopting a son: yet he bore his

losses as bravely as tho he were already personally concerned in the

honor of the gods, and as tho it were especially to his interest that

no one should complain of the injustice of Heaven. Tiberius Caesar lost

both the son whom he begot and the son whom he adopted, yet he

himself pronounced a panegyric upon his son from the Rostra, and

stood in full view of the corpse, which merely had a curtain on one

side to prevent the eyes of the high priest resting upon the dead

body, and did not change his countenance, tho all the Romans wept: he

gave Sejanus, who stood by his side, a proof of how patiently he could

endure the loss of his relatives. See you not what numbers of most

eminent men there have been, none of whom have been spared by this

blight which prostrates us all: men, too, adorned with every grace of

character, and every distinction that public or private life can

confer. It appears as tho this plague moved in a regular orbit, and

spread ruin and desolation among us all without distinction of

persons, all being alike its prey. Bid any number of individuals tell

you the story of their lives: you will find that all have paid some

penalty for being born.

I know what you will say, "You quote men as examples: you forget that

it is a woman that you are trying to console." Yet who would say that

nature has dealt grudgingly with the minds of women and stunted their

virtues? Believe me, they have the same intellectual power as men, and

the same capacity for honorable and generous action. If trained to do

so, they are just as able to endure sorrow or labor. Ye good gods, do

I say this in that very city in which Lucretia and Brutus removed the

yoke of kings from the necks of the Romans? We owe liberty to Brutus,

but we owe Brutus to Lucretia--in which Cloelia,[80] for the

sublime courage with which she scorned both the enemy and the river,

has been almost reckoned as a man.

The statue of Coelia, mounted on horseback, in the busiest of

thoroughfares, the Sacred Way, continually reproaches the youth of the

present day, who never mount anything but a cushioned seat in a

carriage, with journeying in such a fashion through that very city in

which we have enrolled even women among our knights. If you wish me to

point out to you examples of women who have bravely endured the loss

of their children, I shall not go far afield to search for them: in

one family I can quote two Cornelias, one the daughter of Scipio, and

the mother of Gracchi, who made acknowledgment of the birth of her

twelve children by burying them all; nor was it so hard to do this in

the case of the others, whose birth and death were alike unknown to

the public, but she beheld the murdered and unburied corpses of both

Tiberius Gracchus and Gaius Gracchus, whom even those who will not

call them good must admit were great men. Yet to those who tried to

console her and called her unfortunate, she answered, "I shall never

cease to call myself happy, because I am the mother of the Gracchi."

Cornelia, the wife of Livius Drusus,[81] lost by the hands of an

unknown assassin a young son of great distinction, who was treading in

the footsteps of the Gracchi, and was murdered in his own house just

when he had so many bills half-way through the process of becoming

law: nevertheless she bore the untimely and unavenged death of her son

with as lofty a spirit as he had shown in carrying his laws.

Will you not, Marcia, forgive Fortune because she has not refrained

from striking you with the darts which she launched at the Scipios,

and the mothers and daughters of the Scipios, and with which she has

attacked the Caesars themselves? Life is full of misfortunes; our path

is beset with them: no one can make a long peace, nay, scarcely an

armistice with fortune. You, Marcia, have borne four children; now

they say that no dart which is hurled into a close column of soldiers

can fail to hit one--ought you then to wonder at not having been able

to lead along such a company without exciting the ill will of Fortune,

or suffering loss at her hands?...

Think how great a blessing is a timely death, how many have been

injured by living longer than they ought. If sickness had carried off

that glory and support of the empire, Cnaeus Pompey, at Naples, he

would have died undoubted head of the Roman people, but as it was, a

short extension of time cast him down from his pinnacle of fame: he

beheld his legions slaughtered before his eyes: and what a sad relic

of that battle, in which the Senate formed the first line, was the

survival of the general. He saw his Egyptian butcher, and offered his

body, hallowed by so many victories, to a guardsman's sword, altho,

even had he been unhurt, he would have regretted his safety: for what

could have been more infamous than that a Pompey should owe his life

to the clemency of a king? If Marcus Cicero had fallen at the time

when he avoided those dangers which Catiline aimed equally at him and

at his country, he might have died as the savior of the commonwealth

which he had set free: if his death had even followed upon that of his

daughter, he might have died happy. He would not then have seen swords

drawn for the slaughter of Roman citizens, the goods of the murdered

divided among the murderers, that men might pay from their own purse

the price of their own blood, the public auction of the Consul's spoil

in the civil war, the public letting out of murder to be done,

brigandage, war, pillage, hosts of Catilines. Would it not have been a

good thing for Marcus Cato if the sea had swallowed him up when he was

returning from Cyprus after sequestrating the king's hereditary

possessions, even if that very money which he was bringing to pay the

soldiers in the civil war had been lost with him? He certainly would

have been able to boast that no one would dare to do wrong in the

presence of Cato: as it was, the extension of his life for a very few

more years forced one who was born for personal and political freedom

to flee from Caesar and to become Pompey's follower. Premature death

therefore did him no evil: indeed, it put an end to the power of any

evil to hurt him....

Born for a very brief space of time, we regard this life as an inn

which we are soon to quit that it may be made ready for the coming

guest, Do I speak of our lives, which we know roll away incredibly

fast? Reckon up the centuries of cities: you will find that even those

which boast of their antiquity have not existed for long. All human

works are brief and fleeting: they take up no part whatever of

infinite time. Tried by the standard of the universe, we regard this

earth of ours, with all its cities, nations, rivers, and seaboard, as

a mere point: our life occupies less than a point when compared with

all time, the measure of which exceeds that of the world, for indeed

the world is contained many times in it. Of what importance, then, can

it be to lengthen that which, however much you add to it, will never

be much more than nothing? We can only make our lives long by one

expedient, that is, by being satisfied with their length: you may tell

me of long-lived men, whose length of days has been celebrated by

tradition, you may assign a hundred and ten years apiece to them: yet

when you allow your mind to conceive the idea of eternity, there will

be no difference between the shortest and the longest life, if you

compare the time during which any one has been alive with that during

which he has not been alive. In the next place, when he died his life

was complete; he had lived as long as he needed to live: there was

nothing left for him to accomplish.

The Best of the World's Classics, Restricted to prose. Volume II (of X) - Rome · 第 70 / 114 题