Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries.)
THE MODERN KU KLUX KLAN
BY HENRY P. FRY
BOSTON
SMALL, MAYNARD & COMPANY
PUBLISHERS
COPYRIGHT, 1922
BY SMALL, MAYNARD & COMPANY
(INCORPORATED)
Printed in the United States of America
THE MURRAY PRINTING COMPANY
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.
PREFACE
It seems strange that, in narrating events and analyzing an organization
existing in the United States of America in the year 1921, the most
appropriate introduction to the subject consists of a few pages from the
history of Germany during the Middle Ages. There existed in mediaeval
Germany a secret organization, which, in its highest stage of development
is said to have numbered over 200,000 members--the _Vehmgericht_, or
secret tribunal. Its origin is clouded in obscurity, some authorities
claiming that the system was first founded by Charlemagne, while others
say that it was handed down from the most remote pre-historic Germans, but
is understood generally to have first appeared in the year 1180 in
Westphalia, after which it scattered all over Germany.
Its head was the Emperor, assisted by the nobles of his court, and with
them men of all ranks, associated together for the formation of "free
courts," to try persons accused of crimes against persons and property.
The members of the organization were known as "_Wissende_," or initiated
ones. They were bound by solemn oaths not to reveal the circumstances of a
trial or the sentence imposed on the offender if found guilty; and in
order to become one of the brotherhood the applicant was required to be
of good character, and have two sureties who were already "free judges." A
ceremony of initiation, usually held in some out-of-the-way place,
inducted the outsider into the organization, and thereafter, he was
required under his solemn oath never to reveal the fact that he was a
member of the brotherhood. The initiated ones recognized each other by
signs.
The _Vehmgericht_ could be summoned at any time and place, in private
buildings, in the forests, in caves, or in the open fields; they were
occasionally held publicly, but usually they were closed against all but
the initiated and the accused person. The Emperor, or, in his absence, the
count or noble of highest dignity presided, and if any uninitiated person
intruded, he was immediately put to death. The secret tribunal met when
necessary and received complaints, to answer which they assumed the right
to summon any one in Germany. Ordinarily, the accused was arrested and
held by his captors for the secret trial, but if he had not been arrested,
he was summoned to appear by fastening on his door or gateway the summons
of the dreaded court, which usually had enclosed in it a small coin. If he
failed to appear or send a messenger, he was condemned, as despising the
jurisdiction of the Holy _Vehmgericht_, and once condemned there was
little chance of his life while he remained in Germany.
The condemnation of an offender by a Vehmic Court was known to the whole
brotherhood in a short time; and even if it were the father, brother, or
son of one of the initiated who was condemned, he not only might not warn
him of his danger, but was bound to aid in putting him to death under
penalty of losing his own life.
The death penalty, the usual decree of the court, was generally inflicted
by hanging. When executed the victim was hanged to the nearest tree,
nothing of value which he might have about him being removed, and a knife
was thrust into the ground as a token that the deed had been committed by
order of the brotherhood.
The _Vehmgericht_, although an irresponsible tribunal possessing this
extensive and dreadful authority, became a power so formidable that
Charles IV, in 1371, stipulated for its official recognition. Exercising
its despotic dominion under such obligations of severity, the brotherhood,
however, in 1461, incurred the hostility of those who feared to become its
victims, as well as those who saw in it an engine capable of terrible
oppression, and an association was formed to resist it. The result was
that, in 1495, Maximilian I established a new criminal code, materially
weakening the secret tribunals. Secret trials are said to have been held
as late as 1811, although the brotherhood ceased to excite terror or exert
any considerable influence before the close of the seventeenth century.
In the year 1914 the prosaic American people, self-satisfied in a
national peace and prosperity that superficially appeared to be a
permanent condition, were suddenly awakened to find themselves spectators
of the great drama staged by Emperor William Hohenzollern, who suddenly
plunged all Europe into the throes of a Napoleonic war.
In the year 1915 another "Emperor"--this time an American--conceived a
scheme, which, instead of reversing time merely for one hundred years,
would take the nation back to the days of German mediaevalism--back to the
_Vehmgericht_, the secret tribunal and the days of irresponsible
government clandestinely administered.
This monstrosity, conceived in a brain that must have been either inanely
visionary or superlatively cunning, has been let loose in the land, where
for the past twelve months, it has been vigorously propagated by a highly
organized, highly industrious, and highly paid force of experienced and
trained propagandists. Its appeal is to group hatred and group prejudice;
its organization, which is strictly secret, has, in some of its units,
already followed the methods of the _Vehmgericht_; the title of its
"wizard" comes from the "_Wissende_" or initiated of the German
brotherhood; its structure is military; its aims are political; and,
openly calling itself the "Invisible Empire," it is an autocracy in
government, ruled by an "Emperor" who has placed himself on the throne for
life.
It was my privilege to have been a member--one of the "_Wissende_"--in
this secret movement, which is legally known as the Knights of the Ku Klux
Klan; and I had the opportunity of investigating it from the inside,
observing its direful potentialities.
When I became thorough acquainted with the thing, I withdrew from it, as I
felt that it was dangerous, vicious and absolutely out of place in the
American Republic. I therefore decided to expose it, and to make the
"Invisible Empire" visible to the people of the United States. To
accomplish this desired end, I turned over to the _New York World_ all of
the information I possessed; and that great newspaper, after three months
of nation-wide investigation, told the people the truth about Ku Kluxism,
and the "Invisible Empire."
Supplementary to the work of the _New York World_, I offer this book,
which consists largely of articles written as an investigator for that
newspaper, many of which were used as a basis for its investigations. To
the _World_ belongs all the credit for this exposure and investigation,
and when the American people fully understand and thoroughly realize what
Ku Kluxism means, they will, of course, feel obligated to the _World_ for
its work in undertaking and carrying out the task of eliminating this
un-American movement from this country.
Personally, I wish to express my deep appreciation to Mr. Herbert B.
Swope, Executive Editor, Mr. William P. Beazell, Assistant Managing
Editor, and Mr. Rowland Thomas, of the _New York World_, both for having
taken hold of the matter and so ably handling it, and also for their many
acts of courtesy shown to me while the work was in progress.
HENRY P. FRY.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
_Page_
PREFACE iii
_Chapter_
I. INTRODUCTION 1
II. JOINING THE KU KLUX KLAN 12
III. MY WITHDRAWAL 17
IV. WHAT IS THE "INVISIBLE EMPIRE?" 31
V. PROPAGATION NEWS-LETTERS 52
VI. THE KU KLUX OATH 66
VII. THE KU KLUX RITUAL 82
VIII. ANTI-NEGRO PROPAGANDA 94
IX. RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA 107
X. THE ORIGINAL KU KLUX KLAN 121
XI. THE PRESCRIPT OF THE OLD KLAN 138
XII. COMPARISON OF OLD AND NEW KLANS 163
XIII. LAWLESSNESS AND CRIME 180
XIV. SIMMONS FORCED TO ACT 196
XV. SUGGESTED LEGAL REMEDIES 211
XVI. THE "WORLD'S" EXPOSURE 223
XVII. THE KLAN BEFORE CONGRESS 234
XVIII. CONCLUSION 251
THE MODERN KU KLUX KLAN
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
If the psychologist, looking over the diversified and conflicting
interests and classes of the American people, attempted to find a common
state of mind, he would probably discover one thing that applies to all
American men, without regard to "race, color, or previous condition of
servitude." He would learn that there is a common American trait possessed
by the white man and the negro, the Jew and the Gentile, the Catholic and
the Protestant, the native and the foreign-born--in fact by every
conceivable group of the males of the United States.
They are all "joiners"!
One has to search far and wide for an American who does not "belong" to
some sort of organization, and who would not, under proper circumstances,
join another.
I am a joiner-by-birth.
My joining developed at the early age of ten, when I organized a secret
society among the boys at school. We had an awful oath to which we swore,
and in imitation of Huckleberry Finn and Tom Sawyer, sealed it with our
blood. We had no fees or dues, but each boy was required to contribute a
copy of _Nick Carter_ or _Diamond Dick_ or _Old Cap Collier_. The
organization survived a brief period and was then ruthlessly destroyed by
an irate parent who disapproved of its intellectual standards.
I had scarcely reached the age of twenty-one and started life in
Chattanooga as a newspaper reporter, when I took up seriously the habit of
joining fraternal orders. In five years I had taken degrees in practically
every one to which I was eligible. I became a Mason, a Knight of Pythias,
an Odd Fellow, a Red Man, a member of the Junior Order United American
Mechanics, of the Royal Arcanum, of the Woodmen, an Elk, an Eagle, an Owl,
and an associate member of the Theatrical Mechanics Association.
The last "order" I joined was the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.
I went into this one partly because I was a joiner and was curious to see
what it was all about, but principally because I thought it was a
fraternal order which was actually a revival of the original Ku Klux Klan
which played so important a part in the history of the South during the
days of the Reconstruction. That old organization has always had a certain
glamour for me as it has for every Southerner, and I could see no reason
why a fraternal order commemorating the deeds of the original Klansmen
should not fill a need in the country today. I knew absolutely nothing
about the structure of the new Ku Klux Klan, took it on faith, and assumed
that in its government and administration, it would function like any
other of the standard fraternal orders. I thought, from the meager
information with which I was furnished, that I was thoroughly in accord
with its principles, and that it would be more or less a pleasure to
belong to it.
In the case of the Ku Klux Klan I took an immediate interest in the work
of the organizer, brought him into touch with prominent friends of mine
whom I induced to join, and did all I could to make his work a success.
Shortly afterward I was made one of the organizers, and in this capacity
devoted nearly all my time for three months to the work, conferring
degrees, talking to people who were in favor of the Klan and to some who
were opposed, and carefully studying the entire system of organization.
The fraternal order man who can really visualize an organization is the
man who absorbs its work by observation and study, and there is no better
method of doing this than performing the duties of an organizer. In my
work as an organizer for the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, I was first
impressed with the fact, that, on account of its radical nature, it was
dangerous. The first thing to which a candidate is enjoined is absolute
secrecy. This is carried to the utmost extremity. A newly made "citizen"
must not tell his wife or his family that he belongs to the organization,
and must give no hint of it to his most intimate friends and business
associates. I at once saw that any movement built along such a line was
dangerous, regardless of its intentions, because secrecy of this sort
places upon the organization the vital necessity of receiving as members
only men of the highest character whose positions and reputations in the
community would be an absolute safeguard against mischief. A secret
organization composed of men of a low standard of civic responsibility
would be the worst thing that could get into any community.
My experience as a fraternal order man has been that the personnel of the
order varies with different localities. Therefore, while it might be
perfectly proper to build a strictly secret organization in Kingsport,
Tennessee, there might be, in another town an entirely different class of
membership which would cause the movement to jeopardize the peace and
dignity of the community. The potential danger of the Ku Klux organization
in this respect was the first thing that dawned upon my consciousness, and
it made me careful of the class of people whom I permitted to become
members.
My duties took me into several towns, and night after night I administered
the obligation and put on the degree work until I became thoroughly
familiar with the mechanical end of it. Gradually, however, a feeling
developed within me that there was something wrong with the
organization--that it was not the sort of "fraternal society" to which I
had been accustomed for nearly twenty years. I thought at first that this
was due to the fact that I had done so much lodge work in my lifetime that
I was growing stale. But certain portions of the obligation, which at
first had seemed merely perfunctory, stood out in my mind and challenged
serious thought and consideration.
I studied everything I could find to help me in my work; I received
printed matter from the organization: I talked with Klansmen from other
cities; and I delved deeply into the origin and history of the original Ku
Klux Klan. But business men of standing and prominence in the places where
I worked asked me pointed questions about the organization, questions that
I could not answer and on which I could get no satisfactory answers from
above. Slowly my vague fears that there was something vitally wrong
crystallized into stronger belief. I spoke to a few close friends in the
organization, and asked them to give me their frank opinions about it.
Without any prompting from me they voiced the same thoughts and gave
expressions to the same doubts I had myself.
After much thoughtful deliberation, I reached the decision that the Ku
Klux obligation was radically wrong. It was not the kind of obligation men
take in _fraternal_ organizations--it was a _political_ obligation. I saw
that the ritual, which had previously been to me merely a badly written
mass of words was really a sacriligious mockery. I realized that the whole
scheme was vicious in principle, and a menace to the peace and safety of
America. The basis for these conclusions can be stated briefly:
_First_: While the organization was incorporated under the laws of the
State of Georgia, as a fraternal order, the claim being advanced by the
promoters that it should have similar powers to the Masons and Knights of
Pythias, it is not a fraternal organization in the sense usually
understood, but an attempt to create in this republic of ours an
"Invisible Empire," entirely political and military in nature and designed
to function bodily.
_Second_: The "Invisible Empire" is under the control of one man who
openly calls himself an "Emperor," holds position for life, and exercises
despotic control over the affairs of the organization.
_Third_: Candidates--designated as "aliens"--who are received into the
organization, are not regarded as "members," but as "citizens" of this
"Invisible Empire," and instead of being "initiated," as is usually the
case in fraternal orders, are "naturalized" and become "subjects" of the
"Emperor."
_Fourth_: Membership is restricted to a limited class of American
citizens, including only white, Gentile, American-born Protestants, all
other Americans being ineligible.
_Fifth_: In propagating this "Invisible Empire," the work, which is being
done all over the United States by a highly paid and highly efficient
field force, is being carried on by stirring up prejudice and hatred
against the Catholic, the Jew, the negro, and the foreign-born American
citizen.
_Sixth_: Under the claim of the enforcement of "law and order," the
"Invisible Empire" is attempting to take into its grasp the entire
law-enforcing machinery of the United States, including the officers and
men of the Regular Army and Reserve Corps, the National Guard, sheriffs
and their deputies, mayors, police officials and men, judges and all
persons connected with law administration, with the exception of those
ineligible under the rules above stated.
_Seventh_: The "citizens" of the "Invisible Empire" are urged by the
organization to purchase white robes and helmets, which are used for the
purpose of going abroad in disguise for the concealment of the identity of
the wearer, and in many localities there have been parades and
demonstrations of strength made by the organization, all having the effect
of intimidating certain classes of people of these communities.
_Eighth_: The sale of these robes is a monopoly in the hands of the Gate
City Manufacturing Company, a concern associated with the organization,
and from this monopoly somebody is deriving an enormous revenue.
_Ninth_: The propagation of the organization is being conducted in such a
way that it is clearly a money-making scheme run for the benefit of a few
insiders.
_Tenth_: The claim that this is the "genuine original Klan" is a
historical fraud, not supported by the history and prescript of the old
Klan which are available for public inspection.
_Eleventh_: The Ku Klux propaganda is vicious, un-American and evil and
will have a tendency to stir up racial and religious hatred in this
country to such an extent as to result, unless checked, in a serious
religious-racial war.
_Twelfth_: The ritualistic work, while clumsy, ignorant, plagiaristic, and
poorly written is an attempt to use the cloak of religion to promote the
financial fortunes of the insiders; and its principal feature--the
ceremony of "naturalization"--is a mockery and parody on the sacred and
holy rite of baptism.
_Thirteenth_: The organization should be exposed for what it is, and the
Congress of the United States should enact suitable legislation to make it
illegal and bar its literature and propaganda from the mails.
_Fourteenth_: Suitable and necessary legislation should be enacted by
Congress and the State legislatures of a general nature which will forever
prevent the organization and operation of a secret movement of this
character.
The portentous nature of my conclusions, however, weighed heavily upon me,
and after the most serious consideration, I finally decided to repudiate
the entire organization, and as an American citizen to expose the whole
system, calling public attention to what seems to me to be the greatest
menace that has ever been launched in this country.
My decision to take this step was a most difficult one to reach. In the
first place, to give to the public the facts and inside workings of the
"Invisible Empire" means to subject oneself to the penalty of death for
disclosing a secret of the order. This is stated unequivocally in the
secret Ku Klux ritual. It also means becoming the target for a torrent of
abuse that is likely to tear one to shreds before it has spent its fury.
The most disagreeable feature of the whole procedure is the absolute
necessity of going on record publicly as violating a solemn oath, a pledge
of honor, and an obligation that would ordinarily be considered sacred. Is
a man, having taken an oath, ever justified in breaking it? In my opinion,
when one is convinced that the oath in question is illegal, and that a
certain portion of it is of a nature to incite riot and lawlessness, a man
is not only justified in breaking it, but is morally required to break it.
It is a public duty he owes the state. The inherent strength of the
"Invisible Empire" lies in the fact that its "citizens" having once taken
its vicious obligation will not dare to violate it.
I have, therefore, deliberately and with careful thought, decided to
violate and repudiate this obligation, with the exception of a certain
portion pledging allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and
my State, which portion is, in my judgment, mere camouflage for the
purpose of concealing the fangs of the rattlesnake. The question as to
whether I am right or wrong is one that will have to be decided by public
opinion. If I have divulged facts and exposed the secret workings of what
is merely a _fraternal_ organization, then I am unquestionably guilty of
reprehensible conduct. If I am wrong in my viewpoint, I do not deserve to
be allowed to mingle with honorable men and women, and should be set apart
from my fellows as a social outcast.
On the other hand, if I am right in the stand that I take, that the Ku
Klux Klan is a secret, political, military machine, actually developing
into an "Invisible Empire" and possessing potentialities that may
undermine the very idea of representative government; if I am correct in
my position that the whole scheme is an attempt to create class hatred and
antagonism, which in the end will array race against race, class against
class, and religion against religion; if my contention is just that the
proposition is a money-making scheme; and, if the public adopts my
viewpoint to the extent of demanding that the organization be legislated
out of existence and made an outlaw in the world of open things, then I
shall feel satisfied that the violation of this oath has been a public
service.
There is no middle ground. I am either entirely right, or else I am
entirely wrong.