The supremacy of his political genius was entirely beyond question. He

was the first statesman of the age. The quickness of his perception was

only equalled by the caution which enabled him to mature the results of

his observations. His knowledge of human nature was profound. He

governed the passions and sentiments of a great nation as if they had

been but the keys and chords of one vast instrument; and his hand rarely

failed to evoke harmony even out of the wildest storms. The turbulent

city of Ghent, which could obey no other master, which even the haughty

Emperor could only crush without controlling, was ever responsive to the

master-hand of Orange. His presence scared away Imbize and his bat-like

crew, confounded the schemes of John Casimir, frustrated the wiles of

Prince Chimay, and while he lived, Ghent was what it ought always to have

remained, the bulwark, as it had been the cradle, of popular liberty.

After his death it became its tomb.

Ghent, saved thrice by the policy, the eloquence, the self-sacrifices of

Orange, fell within three months of his murder into the hands of Parma.

The loss of this most important city, followed in the next year by the

downfall of Antwerp, sealed the fate of the Southern Netherlands.

Had the Prince lived, how different might have been the country's fate!

If seven provinces could dilate, in so brief a space, into the powerful

commonwealth which the Republic soon became, what might not have been

achieved by the united seventeen; a confederacy which would have united

the adamantine vigor of the Batavian and Frisian races with the subtler,

more delicate, and more graceful national elements in which the genius of

the Frank, the Roman, and the Romanized Celt were so intimately blended.

As long as the Father of the country lived, such a union was possible.

His power of managing men was so unquestionable, that there was always a

hope, even in the darkest hour, for men felt implicit reliance, as well

on his intellectual resources as on his integrity.

This power of dealing with his fellow-men he manifested in the various

ways in which it has been usually exhibited by statesmen. He possessed a

ready eloquence--sometimes impassioned, oftener argumentative, always

rational. His influence over his audience was unexampled in the annals

of that country or age; yet he never condescended to flatter the people.

He never followed the nation, but always led her in the path of duty and

of honor, and was much more prone to rebuke the vices than to pander to

the passions of his hearers. He never failed to administer ample

chastisement to parsimony, to jealousy, to insubordination, to

intolerance, to infidelity, wherever it was due, nor feared to confront

the states or the people in their most angry hours, and to tell them the

truth to their faces. This commanding position he alone could stand

upon, for his countrymen knew the generosity which had sacrificed his

all for them, the self-denial which had eluded rather than sought

political advancement, whether from king or people, and the untiring

devotion which had consecrated a whole life to toil and danger in the

cause of their emancipation. While, therefore, he was ever ready to

rebuke, and always too honest to flatter, he at the same time possessed

the eloquence which could convince or persuade. He knew how to reach

both the mind and the heart of his hearers. His orations, whether

extemporaneous or prepared--his written messages to the states-general,

to the provincial authorities, to the municipal bodies--his private

correspondence with men of all ranks, from emperors and kings down to

secretaries, and even children--all show an easy flow of language, a

fulness of thought, a power of expression rare in that age, a fund of

historical allusion, a considerable power of imagination, a warmth of

sentiment, a breadth of view, a directness of purpose--a range of

qualities, in short, which would in themselves have stamped him as one of

the master-minds of his century, had there been no other monument to his

memory than the remains of his spoken or written eloquence. The bulk of

his performances in this department was prodigious. Not even Philip was

more industrious in the cabinet. Not even Granvelle held a more facile

pen. He wrote and spoke equally well in French German, or Flemish; and

he possessed, besides; Spanish, Italian, Latin. The weight of his

correspondence alone would have almost sufficed for the common industry

of a lifetime, and although many volumes of his speeches and, letters

have been published, there remain in the various archives of the

Netherlands and Germany many documents from his hand which will probably

never see the light. If the capacity for unremitted intellectual labor

in an honorable cause be the measure of human greatness, few minds could

be compared to the "large composition" of this man. The efforts made to

destroy the Netherlands by the most laborious and painstaking of tyrants

were counteracted by the industry of the most indefatigable of patriots.

Thus his eloquence, oral or written, gave him almost boundless power

over his countrymen. He possessed, also, a rare perception of human

character, together with an iron memory which never lost a face, a place,

or an event, once seen or known. He read the minds even the faces of

men, like printed books. No man could overreach him, excepting only

those to whom he gave his heart. He might be mistaken where he had

confided, never where he had been distrustful or indifferent. He was

deceived by Renneberg, by his brother-in-law Van den Berg, by the Duke of

Anjou. Had it been possible for his brother Louis or his brother John to

have proved false, he might have been deceived by them. He was never

outwitted by Philip, or Granvelle, or Don John, or Alexander of Parma.

Anna of Saxony was false to him; and entered into correspondence with the

royal governors and with the King of Spain; Charlotte of Bourbon or

Louisa de Coligny might have done the same had it been possible for their

natures also to descend to such depths of guile.

As for the Aerschots, the Havres, the Chimays, he was never influenced

either by their blandishments or their plots. He was willing to use them

when their interest made them friendly, or to crush them when their

intrigues against his policy rendered them dangerous. The adroitness

with which he converted their schemes in behalf of Matthias, of Don John,

of Anjou, into so many additional weapons for his own cause, can never be

too often studied. It is instructive to observe the wiles of the

Macchiavelian school employed by a master of the craft, to frustrate,

not to advance, a knavish purpose. This character, in a great measure,

marked his whole policy. He was profoundly skilled in the subtleties of

Italian statesmanship, which he had learned as a youth at the Imperial

court, and which he employed in his manhood in the service, not of

tyranny, but of liberty. He fought the Inquisition with its own weapons.

He dealt with Philip on his own ground. He excavated the earth beneath

the King's feet by a more subtle process than that practised by the most

fraudulent monarch that ever governed the Spanish empire, and Philip,

chain-mailed as he was in complicated wiles, was pierced to the quick by

a keener policy than his own.

Ten years long the King placed daily his most secret letters in hands

which regularly transmitted copies of the correspondence to the Prince of

Orange, together with a key to the ciphers and every other illustration

which might be required. Thus the secrets of the King were always as

well known to Orange as to himself; and the Prince being as prompt as

Philip was hesitating, the schemes could often be frustrated before their

execution had been commenced. The crime of the unfortunate clerk, John

de Castillo, was discovered in the autumn of the year 1581, and he was

torn to pieces by four horses. Perhaps his treason to the monarch whose

bread he was eating, while he received a regular salary from the King's

most determined foe, deserved even this horrible punishment, but casuists

must determine how much guilt attaches to the Prince for his share in the

transaction. This history is not the eulogy of Orange, although, in

discussing his character, it is difficult to avoid the monotony of

panegyric. Judged by a severe moral standard, it cannot be called

virtuous or honorable to suborn treachery or any other crime, even to

accomplish a lofty purpose; yet the universal practice of mankind in all

ages has tolerated the artifices of war, and no people has ever engaged

in a holier or more mortal contest than did the Netherlands in their

great struggle with Spain. Orange possessed the rare quality of caution,

a characteristic by which he was distinguished from his youth. At

fifteen he was the confidential counsellor, as at twenty-one he became

the general-in-chief, to the most politic, as well as the most warlike

potentate of his age, and if he at times indulged in wiles which modern

statesmanship, even while it practises, condemns, he ever held in his

hand the clue of an honorable purpose to guide him through the tortuous

labyrinth.

It is difficult to find any other characteristic deserving of grave

censure, but his enemies have adopted a simpler process. They have been

able to find few flaws in his nature, and therefore have denounced it in

gross. It is not that his character was here and there defective, but

that the eternal jewel was false. The patriotism was counterfeit; the

self-abnegation and the generosity were counterfeit. He was governed

only by ambition--by a desire of personal advancement. They never

attempted to deny his talents, his industry, his vast sacrifices of

wealth and station; but they ridiculed the idea that he could have been

inspired by any but unworthy motives. God alone knows the heart of man.

He alone can unweave the tangled skein of human motives, and detect the

hidden springs of human action, but as far as can be judged by a careful

observation of undisputed facts, and by a diligent collation of public

and private documents, it would seem that no man--not even Washington--

has ever been inspired by a purer patriotism. At any rate, the charge of

ambition and self-seeking can only be answered by a reference to the

whole picture which these volumes have attempted to portray. The words,

the deeds of the man are there. As much as possible, his inmost soul is

revealed in his confidential letters, and he who looks in a right spirit

will hardly fail to find what he desires.

Whether originally of a timid temperament or not, he was certainly

possessed of perfect courage at last. In siege and battle--in the deadly

air of pestilential cities--in the long exhaustion of mind and body which

comes from unduly protracted labor and anxiety--amid the countless

conspiracies of assassins--he was daily exposed to death in every shape.

Within two years, five different attempts against his life had been

discovered. Rank and fortune were offered to any malefactor who would

compass the murder. He had already been shot through the head, and

almost mortally wounded. Under such circumstances even a brave man might

have seen a pitfall at every step, a dagger in every hand, and poison in

every cup. On the contrary, he was ever cheerful, and hardly took more

precaution than usual. "God in his mercy," said he, with unaffected

simplicity, "will maintain my innocence and my honor during my life and

in future ages. As to my fortune and my life, I have dedicated both,

long since, to His service. He will do therewith what pleases Him for

His glory and my salvation." Thus his suspicions were not even excited

by the ominous face of Gerard, when he first presented himself at the

dining-room door. The Prince laughed off his wife's prophetic

apprehension at the sight of his murderer, and was as cheerful

as usual to the last.

He possessed, too, that which to the heathen philosopher seemed the

greatest good--the sound mind in the sound body. His physical frame was

after death found so perfect that a long life might have been in store

for him, notwithstanding all which he had endured. The desperate illness

of 1574, the frightful gunshot wound inflicted by Jaureguy in 1582, had

left no traces. The physicians pronounced that his body presented an

aspect of perfect health. His temperament was cheerful. At table,

the pleasures of which, in moderation, were his only relaxation, he was

always animated and merry, and this jocoseness was partly natural, partly

intentional. In the darkest hours of his country's trial, he affected a

serenity which he was far from feeling, so that his apparent gaiety at

momentous epochs was even censured by dullards, who could not comprehend

its philosophy, nor applaud the flippancy of William the Silent.

He went through life bearing the load of a people's sorrows upon his

shoulders with a smiling face. Their name was the last word upon his

lips, save the simple affirmative, with which the soldier who had been

battling for the right all his lifetime, commended his soul in dying

"to his great captain, Christ." The people were grateful and

affectionate, for they trusted the character of their "Father William,"

and not all the clouds which calumny could collect ever dimmed to their

eyes the radiance of that lofty mind to which they were accustomed, in

their darkest calamities, to look for light. As long as he lived, he was

the guiding-star of a whole brave nation, and when he died the little

children cried in the streets.

ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

Bribed the Deity

Forgiving spirit on the part of the malefactor

Great error of despising their enemy

Mistake to stumble a second time over the same stone

Modern statesmanship, even while it practises, condemns

Preferred an open enemy to a treacherous protector

Reformer who becomes in his turn a bigot is doubly odious

Unremitted intellectual labor in an honorable cause

Usual phraseology of enthusiasts

Writing letters full of injured innocence

The Rise of the Dutch Republic — Volume 32: 1582-84 · 第 5 / 5 段