THE INFLUENCE OF THE UNITED STATES IN CENTRAL AMERICA
The Economic and Political Interests of the United States in
Central America--Intervention in the Internal Affairs of the Five
Republics--Antagonism in Central America--Beneficial Effects and
Shortcomings of Our Policy--How the United States can Assist in
Promoting Good Government and Economic Development--Moral Influence of
the United States--The Ultimate Object of Our Policy.
The events of the last ten years have made it clear that the relations
between the United States and Central America must inevitably be
closer than our relations with countries whose well-being is of less
vital importance to us. However much we may dislike interfering in the
internal affairs of our neighbors, we cannot remain indifferent when
disorder and misrule paralyze agriculture and commerce and threaten
to provoke European intervention in a region where our political and
economic interests are so great as they are in the republics bordering
on the Caribbean Sea. Both for our own security and for the sake of
helping neighbors with whom we are united by powerful ties of proximity
and common interests, we must inevitably use our influence more and
more to aid the Central American republics in developing stable
political institutions which will insure their prosperity and their
continued independence.
The interests of the United States in the Isthmus are far greater
than those of any other foreign power. In the first place, like the
other countries around the Caribbean Sea, the five republics are one
of the most promising fields for the expansion of American commerce
and the investment of American capital. While no one of them is an
important customer of itself, together they make up a market which will
one day be of very great value. Our exports to them have increased
greatly in recent years and especially since the beginning of the
European war, and our imports from them are growing steadily. Only a
very small part of the food-producing possibilities of the tropics,
moreover, has as yet been realized, and economists say that it is not
improbable that the people of the temperate zone will be forced to rely
upon their equatorial neighbors for an increasingly large proportion
of their provisions in the not distant future. If this is so, the
development of that part of the tropics which is naturally tributary to
us commercially cannot be a matter of indifference. This development
can only take place with the improvement of political conditions, and
with the introduction of capital from wealthier countries which the
establishment of peaceful government will make possible.
The establishment of peaceful government in the Isthmus is a matter
in which we are deeply interested for political reasons. The Monroe
Doctrine must always be a paramount principle of our foreign policy,
at least in so far as it deals with the countries of the Caribbean,
because the exercise of political influence in that region by a foreign
power could not but be a constant menace to our peace and security.
Several European nations, however, have extensive and legitimate
interests in Central America, for many of their citizens reside and
own property there and most of the foreign debt of each of the five
republics is held in London or Paris. It is impossible to expect that
they should remain inactive when these investments are made worthless
by internal disorders or by the arbitrary action of irresponsible
native rulers. Whatever one may think of the morality of the protection
of foreign investments by intervention and the collection of public
debts by force, this is the established practice of most civilized
nations, and it is a practice which finds much justification in the
conditions which exist in certain Central American countries. The
landing of troops and the seizure of ports by a foreign power, so near
our shores and in the immediate vicinity of the Panama Canal, can
hardly fail to endanger the most vital interests of the United States,
because of the manifold opportunities which such measures afford for
exerting an influence over internal politics. The control of the policy
of one of the Central American governments by a European chancellory or
the grant of special economic privileges would of course be intolerable
to the United States. That such consequences might follow even a simple
intervention to enforce the payment of debts, is all too evident from
events which have occurred in other parts of the world. The American
government cannot, however, oppose measures adopted by European powers
for the protection of the legitimate interests of their nationals
without itself assuming a certain responsibility for the safeguarding
of foreign life and property. Even supposing that it were sufficiently
powerful to prevent other governments from intervening, it could
hardly allow its protection to be made a cloak for the confiscation of
foreign property and the repudiation of bonded debts by unscrupulous
professional revolutionists like those who have at one time or another
been in power in each of the Central American countries.
The United States has already gone very far in its attempts to assist
its Central American neighbors to attain political and financial
stability. At first it limited its efforts to friendly advice and
mediation. By participating in the Washington Conference of 1907,
however, it became in a measure responsible for the enforcement of the
conventions drawn up by that body, in so far, at least, as they related
to the discouragement of revolutions, the compulsory arbitration of
disputes, and the neutralization of Honduras.[89] The continual
violation of the provisions of the Washington Treaties by President
Zelaya of Nicaragua led President Taft to break off relations with him
in 1909 and to intervene in the revolution of that year in such a way
that the fall of the Liberal administration was inevitable; and the
financial and military assistance which it was necessary to render to
Zelaya’s successors, in order to prevent the Republic from falling into
a state of anarchy, imposed new and still greater responsibilities upon
the United States. Since 1912, when a revolt against the established
authorities was suppressed by American troops, the Conservative
government at Managua has been kept in office by the presence of a
force of American marines, and the State Department has become deeply
involved in assisting the Republic to adjust its financial affairs.
The United States has recently acquired new interests in the Isthmus
by the treaty giving it the right to construct an interoceanic canal
through Nicaragua and to establish a naval base in the Gulf of Fonseca.
Meanwhile outbreaks of disorder have been discouraged in all parts of
the Isthmus by the influence exerted by the authorities at Washington
against violations of the 1907 conventions and by their refusal to
recognize governments which came into power through revolution.
The policy of the United States has aroused strong antagonism in
Central America. The people of the Isthmus are by no means convinced
of the disinterestedness or the friendly intentions of their
powerful neighbor, and it would be difficult to persuade them that
the interference of the latter in their affairs will ultimately be
for their own good. Their hostility is due partly to the inevitable
opposition among a proud and sensitive people to foreign intervention
in their domestic concerns, and partly to the failure of the American
government to convince the Central Americans of the altruism of its
aims. Our State Department has had no definite, well-understood, and
energetically enforced policy, but has been forced from step to step
by circumstances as they have arisen, and its course of action has
not always been such as to inspire confidence in the purity of its
motives. The attitude of the American government in the revolution
of 1909-10 in Nicaragua, for example, was hardly consistent in view
of its championship of the Washington Conventions, notwithstanding
the excellent reasons which the United States as well as the Central
American countries had for desiring President Zelaya’s fall. The
“Dollar Diplomacy” of Mr. Taft’s administration was regarded throughout
the Isthmus as the opening wedge for the political absorption of the
five republics by the United States. This feeling caused the emphatic
rejection of the proposed loan treaty by the Honduranean congress,
and aroused a violent opposition to the financial policy of the
Conservative government in Nicaragua,--an opposition which was greatly
intensified by the fact that the authorities who signed the loan
contracts and who turned over to American banking concerns the control
of the customs houses, the currency system, and the national railways,
were maintained in office by the armed forces of the United States. The
steps taken more recently in connection with the canal treaty have been
regarded by many Central Americans as final proof of the aggressive
intentions of the American government.
The United States has nevertheless achieved one of its main objects, in
that revolutions and international wars have been checked throughout
the Isthmus. There has been no very serious disturbance of the peace
since the suppression of Mena’s revolt in Nicaragua in 1912. This has
been due partly to the efforts of the State Department to secure the
strict observance of those provisions of the Washington Conventions
which restrain the Central American republics from intervening in one
another’s internal political affairs, and from allowing their territory
to be made the base of operations against neighboring governments, but
more to a fear on the part of native political leaders that a renewal
of the disorderly conditions which formerly existed would lead to
American intervention and to the domination of their affairs, as in
Nicaragua, by an outside power. This apprehension has exerted a most
valuable restraining influence on enemies of the established order in
many countries which had hardly ever known five years of continuous
peace before 1912. There were, it is true, small revolts in Nicaragua
and Guatemala in 1915 and 1916, but they were easily suppressed by the
authorities, and they hardly disturbed the tranquillity of the greater
part of the territory of the republics in which they occurred. Their
insignificance showed that no large or influential section of the
opposition party had participated in them. As the result even of this
short era of peace, there has been a marked improvement in economic and
political conditions in many sections of the Isthmus.
The policy of refusing to recognize any forcible change of government,
however, is a very difficult one to carry out consistently. It would
be manifestly impossible to prevent all revolutions. An attempt to do
so would involve continual armed intervention in the internal affairs
of the Central American republics, which would be as burdensome and
distasteful to the United States as it would be intolerable to the
people of the Isthmus. It is often equally impossible, and sometimes
exceedingly disastrous, to refuse to recognize a government which has
sprung from a revolution. After one administration has fallen and its
successor has established itself firmly in power, the refusal of the
United States to recognize the new authorities only weakens them, and
thus opens the way for a complete disintegration of the political
organization, without advancing appreciably the cause of constitutional
government. The restoration of the old regime is rarely either possible
or desirable. The ousted authorities, if they themselves secured
office, like almost all Central American administrations, as the
result of a successful revolution or an election controlled by the
government, can hardly lay claim to a higher degree of legality than
their successors, and a president who has once lost his prestige and
his following is not often able to re-establish a strong and efficient
government, even with foreign support.
The prevention of chronic civil war is indeed the first great requisite
for the improvement of political conditions in Central America, but
even peace will be a doubtful blessing in the long run if it is secured
by the maintenance in office by outside influence of presidents who
are responsible to no one and who have nothing to fear from popular
opposition. The mere discouragement of revolutions offers no solution
for the most serious of Central America’s political problems, for it
provides no guarantee of good government and no peaceful method of
removing authorities whose rule may have become intolerable.
The responsibility resting upon the United States is the more
serious, because the American government is not infrequently called
upon actually to decide who shall be president of one or the other
of the five republics. Even an intervention to protect foreign life
and property often determines, as a matter of fact, the outcome of a
civil war, and the influence upon internal politics is still greater
when the United States uses diplomatic pressure or force to prevent
a revolution or to bring about an agreement between the contending
factions. In either case, the United States practically imposes upon
the country affected the rule of one or the other political group. It
is impossible to intervene merely to prevent disorder, and then leave
to the people the choice of their own rulers, for elections, as we have
seen, are nothing more than a form for putting into effect the choice
of the government already in office. It would be foolish to attempt
to force democratic institutions upon the less advanced republics
of the Isthmus at the present time. No president of one of those
countries, however sincere he might be in his purpose, could really
hold a free election, and any attempt to do so would probably end in
bloodshed and disaster. An election supervised by the United States,
which was proposed as a solution of the recent presidential problem in
Nicaragua, would be equally unsatisfactory as a means of establishing
a new administration. Aside from the difficulty of ascertaining the
wishes of a nation where the majority of the voters have no interest in
political affairs, there are so many opportunities for fraud and for
the exercise of pressure by the government and by the local officials
at every stage of the campaign, as well as in the election itself, that
it would be practically impossible to guarantee the opposition party a
fair chance. An administration which has once obtained military control
can perpetuate itself indefinitely under constitutional forms until its
opponents become sufficiently strong to overthrow it by force of arms.
The United States, therefore, can hardly assist one party in securing
and holding the control of the government, without assuring itself that
the men whom it thus keeps in office are acceptable to the people under
their rule, and that they administer the affairs of their country with
at least a reasonable degree of honesty and efficiency. This can only
be done by establishing an administration which fairly represents the
best elements in the community. It should not be impossible to secure
such an administration by an agreement between the party leaders,
who for all practical purposes represent the country in political
affairs. Compromise between the various factions, which is the only
practicable means, except revolution, of changing the higher officials,
is the end towards which the diplomatic efforts of the United States
should be directed in cases where circumstances make a reorganization
of the government inevitable. The more respectable and patriotic
leaders of all parties would far prefer an adjustment of this kind to
a continuation of civil war, and even those who might be unwilling to
subordinate their own ambitions to the general welfare would probably
accept it rather than incur the danger of armed intervention by the
United States.
The friendly mediation of the United States would do much to improve
the political conditions of the Isthmus if it were directed towards
strengthening the influence of the better element in the educated
class. Numerous intelligent and patriotic men of high political ideals
are to be found in each country, but they have not hitherto had so
large a share in the direction of affairs as they should because the
revolutions have brought to the front military leaders and demagogues
rather than statesmen. Even where men of the highest character have
been at the head of the government, as has not infrequently been the
case, they have found themselves forced to place corrupt or unworthy
men in office for political reasons, because they have been unable to
free themselves from dependence upon the support of the professional
politicians. With the greater stability in the government which will
necessarily result from the discouragement of revolutions, however,
the less turbulent elements should become more and more prominent,
especially if they are supported by the influence of the United States.
The United States can at the same time materially assist its Central
American neighbors by aiding them in securing new loans for the
reorganization of their finances and the development of their natural
resources. The unenviable record of Central American bonds makes it
unlikely that any bankers, whether American or European, would lend
money to one of the five republics, unless it were on the most onerous
terms, without an effective guarantee of the protection of their
government in case of default. Considering the close relation between
the solvency of the countries of the Isthmus and the maintenance of the
Monroe Doctrine, it is evident that the United States must eventually
exert its good offices in cases where it has been impossible to reach
an agreement with foreign creditors by any other means.
In Santo Domingo and Nicaragua, the service of loans made by American
bankers has been guaranteed by placing the administration of the
customs duties in the hands of officials appointed by or at least
approved by the State Department. This is far from being an entirely
satisfactory solution of the problem. The collectorships thus far
established have provided a highly satisfactory guarantee for the
foreign creditors, and have decidedly increased the efficiency of the
customs service, but their existence has been very distasteful and
of doubtful advantage to the native community. Graft is abolished in
the customs houses themselves, but there is nothing to prevent that
portion of the receipts which is not used for the service of the
foreign debt from being misspent. Revolutions are not done away with,
for revolutionists fight, not, as is sometimes said, for the possession
of the customs houses, but rather for the control of the appointing
power and of the revenues, which the customs officials must necessarily
turn over to them when they become the _de facto_ government. The
chief result is the imposition upon the American government of a heavy
burden of responsibility which forces it to intervene continually in
the internal affairs of the native governments, and which often leads
to friction with the officials and to a feeling of dislike towards
the United States in the community at large. The acceptance of foreign
financial control, moreover, inevitably involves a lessening of the
sense of international responsibility and a certain loss of national
self-respect which cannot but react unfavorably upon internal politics.
It may well be questioned whether the bondholders could not be
satisfactorily protected by other methods. If, for instance, the
foreign loan were secured by the hypothecation of the customs revenues
or of some other easily collected source of revenue, with a promise
of the protection of the State Department in realizing the guarantee
of the loan in case of default, the interests of the creditor would
be adequately protected, while the Central American governments, so
long as they dealt honestly by the bondholders, would be spared the
humiliation of having to place one of their principal functions in
the hands of a foreign official who was in no way subject to their
control. This is the basis upon which Costa Rica’s external debt rests
at present, except that no foreign government participated officially
in the arrangement. There would probably be little difficulty about
maintaining the service of the loan under such conditions. The majority
of the Central American governments have shown little regard for
their credit in times past, but they would probably manifest little
inclination to default if their debts were reorganized on a fair basis,
and if they were aware that a failure to pay would involve the seizure
of their customs houses.
It is highly desirable that the United States should exercise a
measure of control over the operations not only of American bankers
but of other American corporations which do business in the Isthmus.
The economic development of the last twenty-five years has created a
situation in which some of the five republics are almost powerless
to protect themselves against the oppression and greed of foreign
interests, for corporations like the great fruit companies and
the railroad companies are able to bring to the support of their
projects financial resources which far exceed those of the local
government or of any group of natives. Some of these concerns, by the
corruption of officials or by the unscrupulous use of their control
of transportation facilities, have obtained special privileges which
have been an obstacle to the legitimate business of other foreigners
and to the development of the community as a whole. Moreover, serious
international difficulties have not infrequently arisen when subsequent
governments have attempted to annul or to modify these concessions.
Only a more careful supervision of the contracts entered into by
American concerns with native officials, who are not always above
temptation and who are in any event rarely in a position to ascertain
the financial responsibility of the concerns with which they are
dealing or the ultimate effects of the privileges which are asked,
can insure the United States against the possibility of being forced
to use its power to protect unscrupulous speculators and predatory
corporations in the exercise of rights which, even though legally
acquired, are in many cases extremely unfair and injurious to the
countries which have granted them.
The same interests which have obtained inequitable concessions by
dishonest methods have too often sought to secure influence with the
native governments by fomenting and assisting revolutions against
presidents from whom they cannot obtain what they desire. In recent
years influences of this kind have done even more to cause internal
disorder in some of the republics than the intervention and intrigues
of other Central American governments. Honduras has been the chief
sufferer, for the numerous outbreaks which occurred in that Republic
between 1907 and 1911 seem to have been financed in many cases by
interests in New Orleans, and to have received valuable assistance
from the foreign colony on the North Coast. In Nicaragua also the
indiscriminate granting of concessions on the one hand and the
dissatisfaction among the foreign interests which were injured by
these grants of special privileges on the other was one of the primary
causes of the revolution of 1909-10. If permanent peace is ever to
be established in the Isthmus, the encouragement of revolutions from
outside, whether it be for the satisfaction of the ambition or the
jealousy of petty despots in neighboring republics or for the pecuniary
profit of unprincipled foreigners, must be repressed by every possible
means.
Much can be done to promote stable government in Central America by the
consistent enforcement of the principles of the Washington conventions,
for few revolutions, except those which originate in genuine popular
discontent with the existing regime, would attain formidable
proportions if they were not allowed to use neutral territory as a
base and if they received no assistance from other Central American
countries or from friends in the United States. If the American
government exerts its influence to secure the observation of the 1907
treaties, and at the same time adopts effective means for restraining
its own citizens from disturbing the peace of the Isthmus, the position
of constituted governments throughout Central America will be greatly
strengthened. To be effective, such a policy must be vigorously
enforced, and its one end,--to prevent revolutions and international
wars in Central America,--should be pursued in such a way that there
can be no suspicion of selfish objects or ulterior political purposes.
Much depends upon the character and the ability of the men who are sent
to represent the United States diplomatically in the Central American
capitals. Unless they are fitted for their positions by disposition
and by training, their relations with the native governments can never
be entirely satisfactory. An acquaintance with the character of the
people and a command of Spanish are of the first importance, for
Central American political methods and the motives which govern the
action of men and parties, incomprehensible at best to the average
American, are entirely beyond the understanding of one who does not
speak the language and is thus barred from association with any but
a very small portion of the people. The cordiality of our relations
with the republics of the Isthmus depends to a very great extent upon
the capacity of our agents to win the confidence and friendship of
their people; and the extremely important position occupied by the
United States minister in these countries, where he is forced to play
a part far more influential than that which falls to the lot of the
average diplomat, makes it an act of injustice to the Central American
countries themselves to send ministers who are not properly qualified
for their position.
The influence and authority of the United States in Central America
are very great, for there are few educated men in the Isthmus who do
not realize that the future of their countries will be determined
almost entirely by their relations with their northern neighbor. The
people of the five republics have always admired our civilization
and our institutions, and they have often turned to the American
government, not only for protection against European powers, but also
for aid in adjusting their domestic difficulties. They have bitterly
resented the policy of the last five years, which they have regarded
as a menace to their independence, but their hostility to American
intervention would to a great extent disappear if they were convinced
that it was actuated by a desire to assist them and not by any purpose
of expansion. Even those elements which are most jealously opposed to
foreign control at present would not object so strongly to the exercise
of foreign influence if they themselves profited by it, and most of the
more intelligent and patriotic political leaders avow that they would
welcome the assistance of the American government in securing peace
and stability in the Isthmus and in bringing about the Central American
Union.
While their political and economic interests have become so closely
interdependent, cultural ties between the United States and Central
America have also grown far stronger in the last quarter century as a
result of the increasing prosperity of the coffee-producing countries
and the improvement in means of communication. The wealthier families
of the Isthmus travel more and more in the United States, and a very
large proportion of them send their children to be educated in our
schools and colleges. English has taken the place formerly held by
French as the most widely spoken foreign language, and North American
news services and periodicals are the principal sources of information
on events occurring in the outside world. The creation of ties of this
kind will have more influence than treaties and diplomatic conferences
in determining whether our relations with Central America shall be
friendly and mutually profitable rather than characterized by dictation
and compulsion on the one side and bitter resentment on the other.
The influence of North American civilization in the Isthmus, which is
daily becoming stronger under present conditions, could be greatly
increased if the missionary educational enterprise which has been so
successful in the Orient could be turned in some measure to these
countries at our own doors. The establishment by American philanthropic
societies of institutions for higher education and for technical
training in agriculture and engineering would perhaps do more than any
other one factor could to improve both the economic and the political
conditions of the Isthmus. Many of the governments have advanced far in
the primary instruction of their people, but they have been prevented
from making corresponding progress in higher education by the expense
involved and by the lack of properly trained teachers. There is no form
of assistance which the people of the Isthmus would appreciate more,
and which would do more to convince them of the friendly intentions of
their great neighbor.
The political stability and the prosperity of the Central American
countries have been the one great object which the United States has
sought in its relations with their governments. Modern conditions have
made the maintenance of peace and the development of commerce and
natural resources in the Isthmus far more important to the American
people than ever before. It is inevitable, therefore, that the United
States should exert a decided influence in the internal affairs of
the five republics, so long as disorder and insolvency expose them
to aggression by European powers. But it should never be forgotten
that the ultimate purpose of the American policy is to enable the
countries of the Isthmus to attain a position where they can manage
their own affairs without outside interference. Careless talk about
the ultimate absorption of these countries by the United States is as
unwarranted as it is mischievous, for none of the measures thus far
taken in any Central American state have had as their object or their
logical outcome permanent political domination. If the efforts of our
government to assist its weaker neighbors are to attain any measure of
success, its sincerity and its freedom from any desire for territorial
expansion must be placed beyond all doubt.
The present political condition of the Isthmus is a transitory one,
which is changing rapidly with the economic development of the
country and the spread of education among the common people. If they
are given a fair chance, the five republics will work out their own
salvation, but they will not be aided in doing so either by the
establishment of foreign protectorates over them or by the attempt of
a foreign government to impose upon their people responsibilities
of self-government for which they are not as yet ready. The ultimate
solution of their political problems must be sought in making a reality
the democratic institutions which each of them already possesses on
paper, by preparing their people for the intelligent exercise of the
suffrage. When the people are fitted to take an active part in choosing
their own officials, as they already do in Costa Rica, and when they
have learned the respect for the constitution and for the will of
the majority which can only come with experience in self-government,
there will be no need for foreign intervention to protect life and
property from destruction at the hands of revolutionary armies. To aid
in bringing that time nearer should be one of the primary aims of the
foreign policy of the United States.
FOOTNOTES:
[89] “The Treaties and Conventions of Washington of 1907, ... were
conceived, debated, and concluded through the friendly intervention of
the Government of the United States of America. These conventions have,
therefore, the moral guaranty of that great nation.” (Case of Costa
Rica against Nicaragua before the Central American Court of Justice,
1916, p. 9.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
_of the more important historical and descriptive material dealing with
Central America_
A. OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS.
1. Publications of the United States Government, especially:
Foreign Relations of the United States.
Commerce Reports.
Congressional Documents.
Congressional Record.
Annual Reports of the Navy Department.
Treaties and Conventions of the United States.
2. Publications of Central American governments.
Each of the Central American Republics publishes the annual reports
of the principal executive departments, under the titles _Memoria
de Relaciones Exteriores_, _Memoria de Hacienda y Crédito Público_,
etc. Most of them also have statistical bureaus, which publish annual
reports containing interesting although too often inaccurate material.
They also publish official gazettes, collections of laws and treaties,
and other material.
B. HISTORICAL WORKS.
1. General histories of Central America.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe: History of Central America. (3 vols.) San
Francisco, 1883-90.
Fortier, A., and Ficklen, J. R.: Central America and Mexico. (Vol. IX
of G. C. Lee’s History of North America.) Philadelphia, 1907.
Fuentes y Guzman, Francisco Antonio de: Historia de Guatemala, ó
Recordación Florida. (Deals only with the sixteenth century.) Madrid,
1882-83.
Gómez Carillo, Augustín: Estudio Histórico de la América Central. San
Salvador, 1884.
---- ----: Compendio de Historia de la América Central. Guatemala,
1906.
Jaurros, Domingo: History of Guatemala. (Translated from the Spanish.)
London, 1823.
Milla, José: Historia de la América Central, 1502-1821. (2 vols.)
Guatemala, 1879-82.
Montúfar, Lorenzo: Reseña Histórica de Centro América. (A collection
of source material in 7 volumes.) Guatemala, 1878-87.
Montúfar, Manuel: Memorias para la Historia de la Revolución de Centro
América. San Salvador, 1905.
Squier, Ephraim G. Historia Política de Centro América. Paris, 1856.
2. Nicaragua.
Gámez, José Dolores: Historia de Nicaragua. Managua, 1889.
3. Costa Rica.
Mora, Manuel Argüello: Páginas de Historia, Recuerdos é Impresiones.
San José, 1898.
Fernández Guardia, Ricardo: Historia de Costa Rica: El Descubrimiento
y la Conquista. San José, 1905.
---- ----: Same, translated into English. New York, 1913.
---- ----: Cartilla Histórica de Costa Rica. San José, 1909.
Fernández, León. Historia de Costa Rica durante la Dominación
Española, 1502-1821. Madrid, 1889.
---- ----: Colección de Documentos para la Historia de Costa Rica. San
José, 1881-83.
Montero Barrantes, Francisco: Elementos de Historia de Costa Rica. (2
vols.) San José, 1892-94.
4. The Mosquito Coast and the Nicaragua Canal.
Keasbey, L. M.: Early Diplomatic History of the Nicaragua Canal.
Newark, 1890. (Columbia Ph.D. dissertation.)
---- ----: The Nicaragua Canal and the Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1896.
Peralta, Manuel M. de: Costa Rica y Costa de Mosquitos. Paris, 1898.
Travis, Ira D.: History of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. Ann Arbor, 1900.
---- ----: British Rule in Central America. Ann Arbor, 1895.
Williams, Mary W.: Anglo-American Isthmian Diplomacy, 1815-1915.
Washington, 1916.
5. Walker’s expeditions to Nicaragua.
Doubleday, Charles William: The Filibusters’ War in Nicaragua. New
York, 1886.
Lucas, D. B.: Nicaragua: War of the Filibusters. Richmond, Va., 1896.
Montúfar, Lorenzo: Walker en Centro América. Guatemala, 1887.
Nicaise, Auguste: Les Filibustiers Américains. Paris, 1861.
Scroggs, William O.: Filibusters and Financiers. New York, 1916.
Wells, William V.: Walker’s Expedition to Nicaragua. New York, 1856.
6. Miscellaneous material for more recent history.
Buchanan, William I.: Report of the Central American Peace Conference,
1907. Washington (U. S. State Department), 1908.
Corte de Justicia Centroamericana. Sentencia en el Juicio promovido
por la Republica de Honduras contra las Republicas de El Salvador y
Guatemala, 1908. San José, Costa Rica, 1908.
---- ----: Anales. San José, 1911--
Council of the Corporation of Foreign Bondholders; Annual Reports.
London.
Crichfield, Geo. W.: American Supremacy. New York, 1908.
Espinoza, Rudolfo: Nicaraguan Affairs. Memorial to the U. S. Senate.
San José, Costa Rica, 1912.
Harrison, F. C., and Conant, C. A.: Report Presenting a Plan of
Monetary Reform for Nicaragua. Presented to Messrs. Brown Brothers and
Company and Messrs. J. and W. Seligman and Company. New York, 1912.
Knox, Philander C.: Speeches in the Countries of the Caribbean.
Washington, 1912.
Kraus, Herbert: Die Monroedoktrin. Berlin, 1913.
Jones, Chester Lloyd: Caribbean Interests of the United States. New
York, 1916.
Legation of Salvador in Washington: Before the Central American Court
of Justice. The Republic of El Salvador vs. the Republic of Nicaragua.
Complaint of the Republic of El Salvador. (Translated.) Washington,
1916.
Legation of Costa Rica in Washington: Before the Central American
Court of Justice. The Republic of Costa Rica vs. the Republic of
Nicaragua. Complaint of Costa Rica. Washington, 1916.
---- ----: Same title. Decision of the Court in the Case of Costa Rica
vs. Nicaragua. Washington, 1916.
Moncada, José María: Cosas de Centro América. Madrid, 1908.
---- ----: The Social and Political Influence of the United States in
Central America. New York, 1911.
Oficina Internacional Centroamericana: Centro América. (Quarterly
organ of the Bureau.) Published in Guatemala City.
---- ----: El Arreglo de la Deuda Externa de Costa Rica. Guatemala,
1911.
---- ----: Informes de las Conferencias Centroamericanas. Guatemala,
1908-13.
Rojas Corrales, Ramón: El Tratado Chamorro-Weitzel ante Centro América
y ante El Derecho Internacional. San José, 1914.
World Peace Foundation: The New Panamericanism. Pt. III. (Pamphlet
series.) The Central American League of Nations, Boston, February,
1917.
Zelaya, José Santos: La Revolución de Nicaragua y los Estados Unidos.
Madrid, 1910.
C. DESCRIPTIVE WORKS, TRAVELERS’ ACCOUNTS, ETC.
1. Central America in general.
Bailey, John: Central America. London, 1850.
Bates, H. W.: Central America, the West Indies, and South America. (In
Stanford’s Compendium of Geography and Travel.) London, 1878.
Batres, Luís: Centro América. San José, 1879.
Dunlap, Robert G.: Travels in Central America. London, 1847.
Dunn, Henry: Guatemala, or the United Provinces of Central America in
1827-28. New York, 1828.
Froebel, Julius. Seven Years’ Travel in Central America, Northern
Mexico, and the Far West of the United States. London, 1859.
Keane, A. H.: Central and South America. London, 1901.
Morelet, Arthur: Travels in Central America. New York, 1871.
Palmer, Frederick: Central America and its Problems. New York, 1910.
Perigny, Maurice de: Les Cinq Republiques de l’Amerique Centrale.
Paris, 1911.
Sapper, Karl: Mittelamerikanische Reisen und Studien aus den Jahren
1888 bis 1900. Braunschweig, 1902.
---- ----: Das Noerdliche Mittel-Amerika. Braunschweig, 1897.
Squier, Ephraim G.: Notes on Central America. New York, 1855.
---- ----: States of Central America. New York, 1858.
Stephens, John Lloyd: Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas,
and Yúcatan. London, 1854.
2. Guatemala.
Brigham, W. T.: Guatemala, the Land of the Quetzal. New York, 1887.
Crowe, F.: The Gospel in Central America. London, 1850.
Domville-Fife, C. W.: Guatemala and the Central States of America.
London, 1910.
Maudsley, A. C. and A. P.: Glimpse at Guatemala. London, 1899.
Pepper, C. M.: Guatemala, the Country of the Future. Washington
(Legation of Guatemala), 1906.
Winter, N. O.: Guatemala and her People of Today. Boston, 1909.
3. Salvador.
Martin, Percy F.: Salvador of the Twentieth Century. London, 1911.
4. Honduras.
Belot, Gustave de: La Verité sur le Honduras. Paris, 1869.
Squier, Ephraim G.: Honduras, Descriptive, Historical, and
Statistical. London, 1870.
Wells, William V.: Explorations and Adventures in Honduras. New York,
1857.
5. Nicaragua.
Belt, Thomas: The Naturalist in Nicaragua. London, 1874. (Now
published in the Everyman’s Library.)
Government of Nicaragua. La República de Nicaragua. Managua, 1906.
Lévy, Pablo; Nicaragua. Paris, 1873.
Niederlein, Gustavo: The State of Nicaragua in the Greater Republic of
Central America. Philadelphia (Philadelphia Commercial Museum), 1898.
Pector, Desiré: Étude Économique sur la République de Nicaragua.
Neûchatel, 1893.
Squier, Ephraim G.: Nicaragua, its People, Scenery, Monuments, and the
Proposed Nicaragua Canal. New York, 1852.
Stout, Peter F.: Nicaragua, Past, Present, and Future. Philadelphia,
1859.
6. Costa Rica.
Calvo, Joaquín Bernardo: The Republic of Costa Rica. Chicago and New
York, 1890.
Government of Costa Rica: Revista de Costa Rica en el Siglo XIX. San
José, 1900.
Molina, Felipe: Bosquejo de Costa Rica. New York, 1851.
Niederlein, Gustavo: The Republic of Costa Rica. Philadelphia
(Philadelphia Commercial Museum), 1898.
7. Publications of the United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of
Foreign and Domestic Commerce.
Central America as an Export Field. (By Garrard Harris.) Special
Agents’ Series, no. 113. 1916.
Trade Directory of Central America and the West Indies. Miscellaneous
series, no. 22. 1915.
INDEX
A
Acajutla, port of, 115
Accessory Transit Company, 83 f.
Agriculture, methods of, 16;
Costa Rica, 138, 159, 163;
Guatemala, 66 ff.;
Honduras, 126, 129 ff., 132 ff.;
Nicaragua, 91 ff.;
Salvador, 100, 106, 112
Aguardiente, 10, 15, 67, 246;
influence of, on people, 48, 66, 71;
monopoly in, 285, 292
Alajuela, 138, 144
Alfaro, Prudencio, 217
Alta Verapaz, labor conditions in, 59;
products of, 70
Amapala, 128;
capture of, 208;
Treaty of (1895), 103, 170;
Treaty of (1907), 209
American International Corporation, 281
American investments in Central America. _See_ Capital
American Phalanx, 82 f.
Amusements, 4, 10
Araujo, Manuel Enrique, 103
Arbitration. _See_ Central American Court of Justice
Arce, Manuel José, 29
Army, 42 f., 188 f., 196;
Costa Rica, 154;
Guatemala, 57;
Nicaragua, 73 f.;
Salvador, 108 f.
Ayuntamientos. _See_ Government, Municipal
B
Balsam of Peru, export of, 112 f., 273
Bananas, 20, 133 f., 204;
blight, 270;
export trade in, 268 ff.;
Costa Rica, 138, 160 f.;
Guatemala, 70;
Honduras, 120, 133 f.;
Nicaragua, 97
Banks. _See_ Finance
Barillas, Manuel Lísandro, 52
Barrios, Gerardo, 102
Barrios, José María Reyna, 52
Barrios, Justo Rufino, 52, 102, 123, 171 f.
Beneficios, 18, 266 f.
Bertrand, Francisco, 124
Blaine, Secretary, policy of, 181 f.
Blanco, General, 145 f.
Bluefields, 96 f.;
blockade of, 230;
revolution at (1909), 227 ff.
Bográn, Luis, 123
Bonilla, Manuel, 123 f.;
172, 207 f.
Bonilla, Policarpo, 123
Brown Brothers and Company, loans to Nicaragua, 235 ff., 259 ff.,
292
f.
Buchanan, President, restoration of Central American Union favored
by, 181
Buchanan, William I., 210
Bureau, Central American. _See_ Central American Bureau
C
Cabañas, Trinidad, 122
Cabinets. _See_ Government
Cabrera, Manuel Estrada. _See_ Estrada Cabrera, Manuel
Cacao, export of, 17, 92, 273
Cannon, Lee Roy, execution of, 228 f.
Capital, foreign, influence of, 98, 183, 267 f.;
in Central America, 281 f., 288 f.;
in Honduras, 127, 132;
in Nicaragua, 235 ff., 259 ff.
_See also_ Finance
Carazo, Evaristo, 87 f.
Caribbean Coast, importance of, 20, 70;
in Costa Rica, 160 f.;
in Honduras, 132 ff.;
in Nicaragua, 95 ff.
Carillo, Braulio, 141, 144 f.
Carrera, Rafael, 32, 51, 101 f., 122, 168, 198
Cartago, 138 f., 144
Castellón, Francisco, 81
Castro, José María, 146
Catholic Church, influence of, 13, 131, 196, 198
Cattle, 16 f., 67, 78, 92;
export of, 273;
Costa Rica, 142;
Honduras, 120, 126 f., 135;
Salvador, 112
Central America, progress retarded in, 14 f., 185 ff.;
export trade of, 265 ff.;
import trade of, 275 ff.;
revenue, sources of, 284 f.;
expenditures of each republic (1913), 286 f.;
foreign debts, origin of, 288 f.;
currencies, depreciation of, 296 ff.;
foreign capital, need of, 302;
investments, opportunities for, 303 f.;
United States, opposition to, 306 f.;
financial assistance, need of, 311 ff.
Central American Bureau, San José Conference establishes (1906), 206
f.;
Washington Conference establishes (1907), 212;
convention establishing, 215;
work of, 225 f.
Central American Court of Justice, 213 ff.;
case of Nicaragua and Honduras vs. Guatemala and Salvador, 218 f.;
work of, 221 ff.;
case of Nicaragua and United States Canal Treaty, 254 ff.
Central American Federal Republic. _See_ Central American Union
Central American Federation. _See_ Central American Union
Central American Public Works Company, 290
Central American Union, 28 ff., 144;
need of, 164 f.;
advantages of, 179 ff.;
difficult to form, 171 f., 174 ff.;
attempts to renew, 102, 168 ff.;
Union of 1842, 168;
Union of 1849, 169;
Union of 1895, 170
Centro Americo, 226
Cerna, Vicente, 52
Chalchuapa, battle of (1885), 105, 172
Chamorro, Emiliano, 231 f., 234, 243, 245, 250 ff.
Chamorro, Frutos, 169
Chinandega, treaty of (1842), 168 f.
Christmas, General Lee, 218
Cities. _See_ Government, municipal
Civil Wars. _See_ Revolutions
Claims. _See_ Investments, foreign
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 82, 96
Climate, Costa Rica, 138 f.;
Guatemala, 67 f.;
Nicaragua, 92;
Salvador, 100
Coban, 70
Cochineal, export of, 17
Cocoanuts, export of, 273
Coffee, 5, 17 ff., 274 f.
cultivation, methods of, 265 ff.;
export of, 266 ff., 275;
Costa Rica, 142, 144, 160 ff.;
Guatemala, 66 f.;
Honduras, 136;
Nicaragua, 93;
Salvador, 100, 112, 115
Colonos, 59
Commerce, 265 ff.,
development retarded, 14 f.;
foreign control of, 21, 276 ff.;
exports, 17, 265 ff.;
imports, 275 f.;
United States trade with Central America, 276 ff.;
Costa Rica, 159 ff., 274;
Guatemala, 67 f., 274;
Honduras, 135 f., 274;
Nicaragua, 92 ff., 274;
Salvador, 114 ff., 274
Communication, means of. _See_ Transportation
Concessions, 22, 313 ff.,
Honduras, 134 f.;
Nicaragua, 89 f., 97.
_See also_ Investments, foreign
Conferences, 176,
U. S. S. Marblehead (1906), 206;
San José (1906), 206 ff.;
Washington Conference, 216, 220 f.;
annual, 216, 225
Congress. _See_ Government.
Conservatives. _See_ Political Parties
Contract labor system. _See_ Labor
Contreras brothers, 192
Corinto, 87, 244 f.
Corn, 112
Corporations, foreign,
influence of, 22, 83 f., 132, 134, 202, 269 ff.;
need of government control of, 313 ff.
_See also_ Brown Brothers and Co.; Ethelburga Syndicate;
Seligman, J. & W. and Co.; Finance
Corral, General, 81 f.
Costa Rica,
agriculture, 138, 159 f., 162 f.;
area and population, 1, 138 ff., 162 f.;
army, 154;
bananas, 138, 160 f., 268 ff.;
cattle, 142;
coffee, 142, 144, 160 ff., 275;
commerce, 159 ff., 266, 268, 274 f., 277 f.;
Court of Justice, decisions of, 224, 253 ff.;
education, 147, 158 f.;
finance, 285 ff., 290 ff., 301;
government, 143 f., 147 ff., 154 ff., 159;
history, 144 ff.;
labor, 139 ff., 163;
land, ownership of, 141 f.;
peace, internal, 148 ff., 194, 200;
politics, 148 ff.;
transportation, facilities of, 157, 160 f., 291;
United Fruit Co., 160 f.
Court of Justice. _See_ Central American Court of Justice
Courts, corruption of, 36, 46 ff.
Creel, Señor, 210
Creoles, 3 ff., 25, 56, 78, 191 f.
Crops. _See_ Agriculture
Cuadra family, 232,
Dr. Carlos Cuadra Pasos, 250 ff.
Currency systems, 296 ff.,
Costa Rica, 301;
Guatemala, 54, 297 ff.;
Honduras, 300;
Nicaragua, 236 ff., 248 f., 263, 299;
Salvador, 300 f.
Customs, collection of, 238 f., 312
D
Dávila, Miguel, 123 f., 172, 208 ff., 217
Dawson, Thomas C., 233
Dawson agreement, The, 233 f., 243
Delgado, Father, 29
Díaz, Adolfo, 232, 234, 243 ff.
Díaz, Porfirio, 173, 206, 210, 229
Diseases. _See_ Sanitation
Dueñas, Francisco, 102
E
East Coast. _See_ Caribbean Coast
Education, 11, 199, 317 f.,
Costa Rica, 147, 158 f.;
Guatemala, 55, 61;
Honduras, 131;
Nicaragua, 89;
Salvador, 110 f.
Elections, 30 f., 34 f.,
Costa Rica, 148 ff.;
Guatemala, 55 f.;
Nicaragua, 74, 245, 249 ff.
El Triunfo, 116
Emery claim, 228
Encomiendas. _See_ Repartimientos
Escalón, José Pedro, 103
Esquivel, Ascensión, 147
Estrada, Juan J., 227, 230 f., 234 f.
Estrada Cabrera, Manuel, 53, 74, 206, 297
Ethelburga Syndicate, 237 f., 240, 292 f.
European War, effect of, 115, 135, 247 ff., 274 f., 279, 281 ff.,
290, 296, 298 ff.
Exchange, rates of, 296, 298 ff.
Export trade. _See_ Commerce
Ezeta brothers, 102
F
Fernández, Mauro, 147
Fernández, Próspero, 146
Ferrer, Francisco, 122
Fiallos, Señor, 173
Figueroa, Fernando, 103, 209
Filibusters and filibustering, 81 ff., 217 f.
Filísola, General, 28
Finance, 21 f., 235 ff., 259 ff., 279 ff., 284 ff. _See also_
Capital Corporation Investment Loans
Fonseca, Casto, 80
Fonseca, Gulf of, 115, 117, 119,
naval base on, 252 ff.
Fruit trade. _See_ Commerce
G
Gainza, Governor-general of Guatemala (1821), 24, 80
Germany,
Central American commerce with, 274 ff., 277 f.
Gold, 120, 272
González, Alfredo, 148
González, Santiago, 102
González Víquez, Cleto. _See_ Víquez, Cleto González
Government, 25, 41 f.,
Executive, powers of, 33 ff., 37, 39 ff., 286 f.;
Cabinets, 37;
Legislatures, 36;
Judiciary, 36 f., 46 ff., 111, 155 f.;
Costa Rica, 143, 147 ff., 154 ff.;
Guatemala, 53 ff.;
Honduras, 124 f.;
Nicaragua, 73 ff.;
Salvador, 105, 107 ff.
_See also_ Political Parties, Politics
Government, municipal, 27, 37 f., 66, 156
Grace and Company, 281
Graft. _See_ Politics
Granada,
Leon, rivalry with, 77 ff.;
capture of (1855), 81
Granados, Miguel García, 52
Great Britain,
bondholders in Guatemala supported by, 289;
bondholders in Honduras supported by, 294;
bondholders in Nicaragua supported by, 240;
Central American commerce with, 274 f., 277 ff., 282;
protectorate on Mosquito Coast, 95 f., 168 f.
Greytown, 82, 95 f.
Groce, Leonard, execution of, 228 f.
Guardia, General Tomás, 33, 146, 291
Guardia Civil, 109
Guardiola, Santos, 122
Guatemala,
agriculture, 66 ff.;
area and population, 1, 50, 57 ff., 67, 70, 198;
army, 57 f.;
bananas, 70, 268 f.;
cattle, 67;
Central American Union and, 168, 178;
coffee, 66 ff., 266 ff., 275;
commerce, 67 f., 274, 277 f.;
education, 55, 61;
finance, 54, 285 f., 288 f., 297 f.;
government, 53 ff.;
labor, 58 ff., 62 ff.;
land, ownership of, 64;
politics, 54 f.;
transportation, facilities of, 68 ff.;
United Fruit Co., 69 f.
Gutiérrez, Rafael, 102 f.
H
Habilitadores, 62, 64
Ham, Colonel Clifford D., 238 f.
Health. _See_ Sanitation
Heredia, 138, 144
Herrera, Dionisio de, 80
Highways. _See_ Transportation
Honduras,
agriculture, 119 f., 126, 129 ff., 132 f.;
area and population, 1, 120, 129 f., 133;
bananas, 120, 133, 268;
capital, foreign, 127 f., 132, 134 f.;
Caribbean Coast, importance of, 132 ff.;
Central American Union and, 167 f.;
cattle, 120, 126 f., 135, 273;
coffee, 136, 266, 275;
commerce, 133 ff., 273 f., 277;
economic development of, retarded, 126 ff.;
education, 131;
finance, 285 f., 288, 293 ff., 300;
foreign relations, 121, 123, 168 f., 172, 207 f.;
government, 124 f.;
living, standards of, 129 ff.;
mines, 120, 127;
transportation, facilities of, 127 f., 134 f., 293;
United Fruit Co., 134 f.;
Washington conventions, 211 f.
I
Immigration, foreign, 21
Import trade. _See_ Commerce
Indians, 2, 58, 178,
Costa Rica, 138 ff.;
Guatemala, 57 ff., 64, 198;
Honduras, 120;
Nicaragua, 72, 93 f.;
Salvador, 100
Indigo, 17, 92, 273
Industries. _See_ Manufacturing
International Health Commission. _See_ Sanitation
Investments, foreign, 21 ff., 265 ff., 271, 301 f., 311 ff. _See
also_ Finance
Irías, Dr. Julián, 251 f.
Iturbide, Augustin, 28 f.
J
Jeréz, Maximo, 81 f., 85 f.
Jiménez, Jesús, 146
Jiménez, Ricardo, 148
Jinotega, 93
Joint Claims Commission. _See_ Nicaraguan Joint Claims Commission
Jornaleros, 59 ff.
Judiciary. _See_ Government
Junta Consultiva, 24
Justice, Central American Court of. _See_ Central American Court
of Justice
K
Keith, Minor C., 160, 269, 291,
interests, 271
Knox, Secretary, note of, to Zelaya, 228 f.
L
Labor, 7 f., 10 f.,
Costa Rica, 139 f., 163;
Guatemala, 59 ff., 62 ff.;
Nicaragua, 93 ff.;
Salvador, 114
La Ceiba, 133
Ladinos, 6, 57, 72, 195
La Libertad, 116
Land, ownership of, 3, 6, 64, 93 f., 141 f., 267 f.
La Union, 115, 117
Legislatures. _See_ Government
Leíva, Ponciano, 123
Lempa River, 100, 115
Leon,
Granada, rivalry with, 77 ff.
Ley de Trabajadores (1894), 59 ff.
Liberals. _See_ Political Parties
Living, conditions of, 4 ff., 8 ff., 113 f., 129 ff., 161 ff.
Loans, foreign, 235 ff., 241 ff., 294. _See also_ Finance
Local Government. _See_ Government, municipal
Localismo, 43 f., 73, 76 f., 196 f.
Lumber, 17, 70, 135, 273
M
Madriz, José, 229 f.
Mahogany. _See_ Lumber
Malespín, Francisco, 101 f.
Managua, 80, 86 ff.
Mandamientos, 59
Manufacturing, 15, 114
Marblehead (U. S. S.), 206
Martínez, Tomás, 85 f.
Matagalpa, 92 ff., 236
Medina, José María, 122
Meléndez, Don Carlos, 103
Mena, General Luís, 231, 234, 242 ff.
Menéndez, Francisco, 102
Mestizos. _See_ Ladinos
Metals, precious. _See_ Mines
Mexico, 28, 123, 206 ff., 218, 229. _See also_ Díaz, Porfirio
Mines, 120, 126 f., 272 f.
Missionaries, influence of, 13
Moncada, General José María, 231, 234
Monroe Doctrine, 204 ff., 302, 304 f.
Montealegre, José María, 145
Mora, Juan, 144
Mora, Juan Rafael, 145, 181
Morazán, Francisco, 29 f., 80, 101, 122, 145, 167
Morgan, J. P. & Co., 294
Mosquito Coast, 95 ff., 169
Municipal government. _See_ Government, municipal
Muñoz, Trinidad, 80
N
Namasigne, battle of (1907), 208
National Constituent Assembly, 28 ff., 166
Negroes. _See_ Population
New York and Honduras Rosario Mining Co., 127
Nicaragua,
agriculture, 91 ff.;
area and population, 1, 72, 76, 93 f.;
army, 73 f.;
bananas, 97, 268;
canal route in, 75 f., 252, 254 ff.;
capital, foreign, 89 f., 97, 235 ff., 259 ff.;
Caribbean Coast, 95 ff.;
cattle, 78, 92, 273;
Central American Union and, 167 f.;
Claims Commission, 240 f.;
commerce, 92 f., 238, 274, 277;
coffee, 93, 266, 275;
Court of Justice, decision of, 223 f.;
education, 89;
finance, 232 ff., 239 ff., 246 ff., 248 f., 259 ff., 263, 285 f.,
288, 292, 299 f.;
foreign influence in, 95 ff., 169;
government, 73;
history, 81 ff., 89 ff.;
labor, 93 ff.;
politics, 74, 76 ff., 89, 245, 249 ff.;
transportation, facilities of, 97 f., 237, 246, 261, 292;
United States, intervention of, 182, 228 ff., 244, 306
Nicaragua, Lake, 75
Nicaraguan Joint Claims Commission, 240 f.
O
Oficina Internacional Centroamericana. _See_ Central American
Bureau
P
Pan American Financial Conference (1915), 294 f.
Panama Canal, 161, 204
Paper money. _See_ Currency
Pasos, Dr. Carlos Cuadra, 250 ff.
Peonage. _See_ Labor
Personalismo, 43 f., 76 f., 196 f.
Peten, 70
Police, 53, 108 f., 157
Political Parties, 26, 29, 31 ff., 43 ff., 149 ff., 165,
Conservatives, 29, 32 f., 167 f.;
Guatemala, 51 ff.;
Honduras, 122;
Nicaragua, 78 ff., 85 ff., 169 f., 231, 233, 250;
Salvador, 102 f.,
Liberals, 29, 32 f., 167 f.;
Guatemala, 50 ff.;
Honduras, 122;
Nicaragua, 78, 85 ff., 228 ff., 233, 250 f., 260;
Salvador, 101 f.
Politics, corruption in, 45 ff., 186 ff., 286 ff., 291 ff.,
Costa Rica, 159;
Guatemala, 54;
Honduras, 125;
Nicaragua, 76 ff., 89;
Salvador, 111 f.;
foreign influence on, 132, 135, 161, 200 ff., 227 314 f.
Population, 2, 50, 72, 100, 120, 138 ff.,
Negro, 20, 120 f., 133, 160.
_See also_ Indians
Ports, 68 f., 87, 97, 115 f., 128 f., 132, 160 f. _See also_
Transportation
President, power of. _See_ Government
Press, influence of, 48, 149 f.
Protectorates. _See_ Great Britain, United States
Puerto Barrios, 68 f.
Puerto Cortez, 133
Puerto Limón, 160
Puntarenas, 160 f.
R
Railways. _See_ Transportation
Regalado, Tomás, 103
Religion. _See_ Catholic Church
Repartimientos, 7, 58, 139 f.
Revolutions, causes of, 49, 185 ff.
Rivas, Patricio, 81
Roads. _See_ Transportation
Rockefeller Foundation. _See_ Sanitation
Rodríguez, José Joaquín, 147
Roosevelt, Theodore, 173, 205 ff., 210
Root, Elihu, 210
Rum. _See_ Aguardiente
S
Sacasa, Roberto, 88
Salazar, General, 145 f.
Salvador,
agriculture, 100, 106, 112;
area and population, 1, 99 f., 113 f.;
army, 108 f.;
cattle, 112;
Central American Union and, 167 f.;
coffee, 100, 112, 115, 266, 275;
commerce, 114 f., 274, 277;
Court of Justice, decision of, 224;
education, 110 f.;
finance, 285 f., 288, 290, 300 f.;
foreign relations, 104 ff., 117;
Guatemala and, 29;
government, 107 ff.;
labor, 114;
manufactures, 114;
Nicaraguan Canal Treaty, protest against, 253 ff.;
peace, internal, 194;
politics, 105 f., 111 f.;
transportation, facilities of, 109, 115 ff., 290
Sanitation, 9, 157 f.
San José, 138, 144, 160;
conference at, 206 f.
San Salvador, 99, 115 f.
Santa Ana, 102, 115 f.
San Vicente, 115
Schools. _See_ Education
Seligman, J. & W. and Co., 235, 242, 246 ff., 259 ff., 292 ff.
Sierra, General Terencio, 123, 209
Silver, 127, 272 f.
Social conditions, 5, 10, 12, 22 f.
Sonsonate, 115
Soto, Bernardo, 146
Soto, Marco Aurelio, 123
Spain, influence of colonial system of, 14
Spoils system. _See_ Politics
Steamship lines, 19, 69, 97, 116, 132, 269. _See also_
Transportation
Sugar, 112
T
Taft, William H., 217, 228
Tegucigalpa, 19, 122, 128 f., 208
Tinoco, Federico, 148
Trade. _See_ Commerce
Transportation, 19, 177,
Costa Rica, 157, 160, 291;
Guatemala, 68 ff.;
Honduras, 127 f., 134 f., 293;
Nicaragua, 97, 237, 246, 261, 292;
Salvador, 109, 115 ff., 290.
_See also_ Steamship lines
U
Union, Central American. _See_ Central American Union
United Fruit Company, 19 ff., 269 ff., 281;
Costa Rica, 160 f.;
Guatemala, 69 f.;
Honduras, 134 f.
United States,
Central American Union, 171, 181 ff.;
commerce with Central America, 269, 274 ff., 279 ff.;
commercial and financial interests of, 180 ff., 204 f., 303 ff.;
financial assistance of, needed in Central America, 279 f., 302;
Honduras, intervention in, 123, 294;
influence of, in Central America, 203, 220 f.;
intervention in Central America, 304 ff.;
intervention, results of, 307 ff.;
Mexico and, intervention of, 207 ff.;
Monroe Doctrine, maintenance of, 205 f.;
Mosquito Coast, British control of, 95;
Nicaragua, relations with, 98, 182, 228 ff., 233 f., 235 ff., 244,
250, 253 f., 258;
relations with Central America, 105, 171;
Salvador, relations with, 117;
trade, opportunities for, 282 f.;
trade retarded, 279;
Walker, attitude toward, 82 f.
V
Valle, Andrés, 102
Vásquez, Domingo, 123
Víquez, Cleto González, 148
W
Wages, 10, 299. _See also_ Labor
Walker, William, 81 ff., 85 f., 145, 189
Washington Conference (1907), 123, 173, 210 ff., 216 f., 226, 305;
conventions of, 105, 176, 211 ff., 220 f., 315
Y
Yglesias, Rafael, 147, 301
Z
Zacapa, 116
Zaldívar, Rafael, 102, 172
Zelaya, José Santos, 88 ff., 96 f., 103, 123 f., 170, 172, 193, 207
ff., 217 ff., 227 ff., 299, 306
Zeledón, Benjamin, 243 f.
Transcriber’s Notes
Obvious punctuation errors and omissions have been corrected.
Page 209: “avowed agressive” changed to “avowed aggressive”
Page 235: “printed in the Americal” changed to “printed in the American”
Page 262: “the heavy enpenses” changed to “the heavy expenses”
Page 289: “the the coffee export” changed to “the coffee export”