THE GERMAN ADVANCE ON PARIS—THE GOVERNMENT QUIT THE CAPITAL FOR
BORDEAUX—THE FORTIFICATIONS OF PARIS—PREPARATIONS FOR A
SIEGE—THE GERMAN CHANGE OF PLAN—SIR JOHN FRENCH’S DESPATCH
—GERMAN VENGEANCE—THE FAILURE OF THE CROWN PRINCE’S ARMY—
DECLARATION OF THE TRIPLE ENTENTE—CONCLUSION.
On September 2 the Germans were in the neighbourhood of Senlis, which
is situated only 30 miles from Paris. The advance of the enemy had
been steady and it seemed certain that in the course of a day, or at
most two, the advance guard would have reached the line of the outer
fortifications of the capital. The lines of the Allies were still
unbroken, and they were falling back methodically and in good order.
The enemy had failed in cutting off and destroying them, but that
they intended to siege Paris seemed inevitable. And in this event the
city would be placed entirely under military rule. It was essential,
therefore, that the Government should avoid being bottled up in the
city. As happened in 1870, for these reasons the French Government
decided to quit Paris for the time being and proceeded to Bordeaux,
and before doing so, on September 2, the following proclamation was
addressed to the country by the President and Ministers:—
For several weeks sanguinary combats have taken place between our
heroic troops and the enemy’s army. The bravery of our soldiers
has gained for them at several points marked successes, but to the
north the pressure of the German forces has compelled us to retire.
This situation imposes upon the President of the Republic and the
Government the painful decision that in order to watch over the
national safety the duty of the authorities is to leave Paris.
Under the command of an eminent leader, a French army full of
courage will defend the capital and the patriotic population
against the invader; but the war must be continued at the same time
on the rest of the territory without peace or truce, without stay
or weakness.
The sacred struggle for the honour of the nation and reparation for
violated right will continue.
None of our armies has been broken. If some have sustained too
perceptible losses, the gaps will be immediately filled from the
depôts, and the call for recruits assures us for the morrow new
resources in men and energy to endure and fight.
That must be the watchword of the allied British, Russian, Belgian,
and French armies—to endure and to fight whilst on the sea the
British aid us to cut the communications of our enemies with the
world; to endure and to fight whilst the Russians continue to
advance to deal a decisive blow at the heart of the German Empire.
To the Government of the Republic belongs the duty of directing
this stubborn resistance everywhere for French independence.
To give this formidable struggle all its ardour and all its
efficacy it is indispensable that the Government should remain free
to act on the demand of the military authorities.
The Government is removing its residence to a point where it can
remain in constant relations with the whole of the country.
The National Government does not leave Paris without having assured
the defence of the city and the entrenched camp by all the means
in its power. The Government knows there is no need to advise the
Parisian population to calmness, resolution, and coolness.
Frenchmen, be worthy in these tragic circumstances. We shall obtain
a final victory. We shall obtain it by untiring will, by endurance
and tenacity.
A nation which does not desire to perish, and which wishes to
live, recoils neither before suffering nor sacrifices, is sure of
conquering.
Although a large number of the inhabitants had left the capital, those
who remained maintained a calm demeanour. There was no panic, only
strenuous preparations for an energetic defence. Some of the public
buildings, including the Louvre, had been protected above against
damage from shells or bombs dropped from aircraft, and the most valued
treasures of that museum had been withdrawn to a place of safety.
A correspondent of the Central News wrote from Paris:—
Few of the thousands of artists and art-lovers who have been
wont to visit the Louvre daily for instruction or pleasure would
recognise their haunt now. For the last four weeks the staff
has been working hard to carry out the measures ordered for the
protection of the chief works of art from what a French paper says
is the only danger that menaces them—aerial bombs.
In 1870 the “Venus” of Milo was walled up in a subterranean niche.
The advance of civilisation has evolved a more prosaic and more
effective protection, and she is now enclosed in a steel room. The
“Winged Victory” is sheltered behind heavy iron plates, and the
“Gioconda” smiles in obscurity as inscrutably as ever. The Grecian
Hall, which contains the masterpieces of Phidias, is protected
by sacks filled with earth against any aerial attack. The upper
stories of the Louvre, with their glass roofs, have been turned
into hospitals, and the flag of the Red Cross protects the works
which remain there.
Many paintings and statues have been transferred from the
Luxembourg to the old Seminaire, which will henceforth contain
the collection, and in all the other galleries, both private and
public, the treasures of art are being hidden underground or placed
behind heavy screens.
Even with such a danger as a siege imminent, it was recognised that
the enemy’s task was very great. His object was obviously to push on
to Paris as rapidly as possible in order to disturb the preparations
for the defence of the city. M. Millerand, however, from the first day
of taking office, ordered Paris to be got ready for immediate defence;
while General Gallieni, an excellent commander and administrator, lost
no time, and the work of preparing the defences proceeded without
intermission, day and night. As the Paris correspondent of the _Daily
Telegraph_ said:—
Only an army of two million men could invest the entrenched camp
of Paris with its outlying forts. The very worst eventuality to
be considered is a successful raid of the vanguard of what may be
left of the German advancing column into Paris. The German advance
has undoubtedly been very strong, and has not been withstood with
success anywhere up till now. The rush may at this moment have been
stopped. Should it not be, and should the desperate onrush of a
certain number of German army corps break through the French army,
the enemy would come up against the forts surrounding Paris.
Should the German advance column reach these forts, it will arrive
there already to some extent spent, and certainly with its line of
communication cut off. If there is a battle outside the forts of
Paris it will be a desperate encounter, and it is not likely that
the German force engaged will live to tell the tale.
[Illustration: THE FORTS AROUND PARIS]
In describing the fortifications of Paris, he says:—
The defensive works forming the almost impregnable perimeter of
forts and earthworks around Paris would be nearly impossible to
invest by an invading army with a field army in opposition, or
would require an enormous army for the purpose.
There are three lines of defences round Paris—the first is the
belt of old fortification encircling the city, and built under the
premiership of M. Thiers in the reign of Louis Philippe, and these
old walls and earthworks were of little use in 1870. Since 1878 a
second ring of fortified positions was built, though it does not
form a continuous circumference of defensive positions, but several
separate fortresses.
The threatened approach to Paris lies to the north, therefore these
may be described first. A number of very strong positions lie
between the Oise and the Seine—the middle of these powerful lines
resting mostly on hilly eminences in the Forest of Montmorency. The
backbone, so to speak, of these defensive works is composed of a
number of forts.
Beginning with the defences of the Seine, we have the Fort of
Cormeilles, with the Redoubt of Francaville in front, as well
as that of Les Cotillons supported throughout by a number of
batteries. The strong fortified position of Cormeilles stands at
nearly 500 feet above the Seine. The slopes are steep, and for
defence these groups are of great power.
The Valley of Ermont lies between the great works of Cormeilles
and the Forest of Montmorency, but these forts and those of
Montlignon and Montmorency, placed on the south-west fringe of the
forest, sweep the valley. At the north-east of the forest is the
Fort of Domont, and further on a pile covered with trees, another
strong defensive group exists, including the Fort of Ecouen and
several connected batteries.
Southwards are the Forts of Stains and the battery of Pincon Hill.
This remarkably powerful fortress, with its dependent defences
composed of batteries, permanent trenches, timber-cleared expanses
for shooting, and barbed wire fences, render it secure against a
surprise attack. To the east of St. Denis there is a low-lying
plain showing no favourable point for fortification, but which can
be flooded by the Rivers Morée and the Trond. This plain is also
exposed to the fire of the Fort of Stains and the battery of the
“Butte Pincon,” and the defensive works of Vaujours to the south.
The Fort of Vaujours and that of Chelles bar access to Paris in the
passage between the “Canal de l’Durque” and the Marne. Higher up
the Marne than Chelles, and between that river and the Seine, the
Forts of Villiers, Champigny, Sucy, and Villeneuve St. Georges have
been constructed. These fortified bulwarks of Paris are exceedingly
strong. The defensive lines on the Marne from Chelles to Charenton
form a rampart against any surprise rush, and as the positions of
Montmorency and between Vaujours and Chelles, the fixed defences,
have been greatly strengthened by batteries, felled timber and
trenches, wire obstacles, and other devices, a most determined
resistance could be made in this “sector” of fortified positions.
Some improvised field works have been constructed all round Paris,
therefore there is no need to describe them in detail.
Between the Seine and Palaiseau there are no permanent
fortifications in the wide plain, but no attack could be made in
this direction or in the Plain of St. Denis unless the powerful
fortifications which can concentrate their fire on these passages
had been silenced. The fortifications of an earlier date are
completely free from a possible dash and render these zones literal
mouse-traps. Like Montmorency, the forts of Palaiseau, Villiers,
Haut Buc, Saint Cyr, and the batteries of the Bois de Verrières to
the south of Versailles form a real fortress, of which the Fort de
Chatillon is the mainstay behind.
Behind Versailles and St. Germain, the Forest of Marly is literally
enclosed by batteries outlying the extreme strong works of “Le
Trou de Fer.” Behind this group stands the high and prominent fort
of Mont Valérien, which still maintains great military value for
defence.
While Paris was waiting for the approach of the enemy, he altered
his plans and made an unexpected move. As Sir John French said in his
despatch of September 15:—
On Friday, September 4, it became apparent that there was an alteration
in the direction of advance of almost the whole of the First Germany
Army. That army, since the battle near Mons, on August 23, had been
playing its part in the colossal strategic endeavour to create a Sedan
for the Allies by outflanking and enveloping the left of their whole
line, so as to encircle and drive both British and French to the
south. There was now a change in its objective; and it was observed
that the German forces opposite the British were beginning to move in
a south-easterly direction, instead of continuing south-west on the
capital.
Leaving a strong rearguard along the line of the River Ourcq (which
flows south, and joins the Marne at Lizy-sur-Ourcq) to keep off
the French 6th Army, which by then had been formed, and was to the
north-west of Paris, they were evidently executing what amounted
to a flank march diagonally across our front. Prepared to ignore
the British, as being driven out of the fight, they were initiating
an effort to attack the left flank of the French main army, which
stretched in a long curved line from our right towards the east, and
so to carry out against it alone the envelopment which had so far
failed against the combined forces of the Allies.
On Saturday, the 5th, this movement on the part of the Germans was
continued, and large advanced parties crossed the Marne, southwards at
Trilport, Sammeroy, La Ferté-sous-Jouarre, and Château Thierry.
There was considerable fighting with the French 5th Army on the French
left, which fell back from its position south of the Marne towards the
Seine. On Sunday, the 6th, large hostile forces crossed the Marne and
pushed on through Coulommiers past the British right. Farther east they
were attacked at night by the French 5th Army, which captured three
villages at the point of the bayonet.
On Monday, the 7th, there was a general advance on the part of the
Allies in this quarter of the field. Our forces, which had by now been
reinforced, pushed on in a north-easterly direction, in co-operation
with an advance of the French 5th Army to the north and of the French
6th Army eastwards, against the German rearguard along the Ourcq.
Possibly weakened by the detachment of troops to the eastern theatre
of operations, and realising that the action of the French 6th Army
against the line of the Ourcq and the advance of the British placed
their own flanking movement in considerable danger of being taken in
rear and on its right flank, the Germans on this day commenced to
retire towards the north-east.
This was the first time that these troops had turned back since their
attack at Mons a fortnight before, and from reports received, the order
to retreat when so close to Paris was a bitter disappointment. From
letters found on the dead there is no doubt that there was a general
impression amongst the enemy’s troops that they were about to enter
Paris.
On Tuesday, the 8th, the German movement north-eastwards was continued,
their rearguards on the south of the Marne being pressed back to
that river by our troops and by the French on our right, the latter
capturing three villages after a hand-to-hand fight and the infliction
of severe losses on the enemy.
The fighting along the Ourcq continued on this day and was of the most
sanguinary character, for the Germans had massed a great force of
artillery along this line. Very few of their infantry were seen by the
French. The French 5th Army also made a fierce attack on the Germans in
Montmirail, regaining that place.
On Wednesday, the 9th, the battle between the French 6th Army and what
was now the German flank guard along the Ourcq continued. The British
corps, overcoming some resistance on the River Petit Morin, crossed
the Marne in pursuit of the Germans, who were now hastily retreating
northwards. One of our corps was delayed by an obstinate defence made
by a strong rearguard with machine guns at La Ferté-sous-Jouarre, where
the bridge had been destroyed.
On Thursday, the 10th, the French 6th Army continued its pressure on
the west, while the 5th Army, by forced marches, reached the line
Château Thierry—Dormans on the Marne. Our troops also continued the
pursuit on the north of the latter river, and after a considerable
amount of fighting captured some 1,500 prisoners, four guns, six
machine guns, and fifty transport wagons.
Many of the enemy were killed and wounded, and the numerous thick
woods which dot the country north of the Marne were filled with German
stragglers. Most of them appeared to have been without food for at
least two days. Indeed, in this area of operations the Germans seemed
to be demoralised and inclined to surrender in small parties, and the
general situation appeared to be most favourable to the Allies.
Much brutal and senseless damage was done in the villages occupied by
the enemy. Property was wantonly destroyed, pictures in the châteaux
were ripped up, and the houses generally pillaged. It is stated
on unimpeachable authority, also, that the inhabitants were much
ill-treated.
Interesting incidents occurred during the fighting. On the 10th, part
of our 2nd Army Corps advancing north found itself marching parallel
with another infantry force at some little distance away. At first
it was thought that this was another British unit. After some time,
however, it was discovered that it was a body of Germans retreating.
Measures were promptly taken to head off the enemy, who were surrounded
and trapped in a sunken road, where over 400 men surrendered.
On the 10th a small party of French under a non-commissioned officer
was cut off and surrounded. After a desperate resistance it was decided
to go on fighting to the end. Finally the N.C.O. and one man only
were left, both being wounded. The Germans came up and shouted to them
to lay down their arms. The German commander, however, signed to them
to keep their arms, and then asked permission to shake hands with the
wounded non-commissioned officer, who was carried off on his stretcher
with his rifle by his side.
The arrival of the reinforcements and the continued advance delighted
the troops, who were full of zeal and anxious to press on.
Quite one of the features of the campaign, on our side, has been the
success attained by the Royal Flying Corps. In regard to the collection
of information it is impossible either to award too much praise to our
aviators for the way they carried out their duties, or to overestimate
the value of the intelligence collected, more especially during the
recent advance. In due course, certain examples of what has been
effected may be specified, and the far-reaching nature of the results
fully explained, but that time has not yet arrived.
That the services of our Flying Corps, which has really been on
trial, are fully appreciated by our Allies is shown by the following
message from the Commander-in-Chief of the French Armies, received on
September 9 by Field-Marshal Sir John French:
Please express most particularly to Marshal French my thanks for
services rendered on every day by the English Flying Corps. The
precision, exactitude, and regularity of the news brought in by its
members are evidence of their perfect organisation, and also of the
perfect training of pilots and observers.
To give a rough idea of the amount of work carried out, it is
sufficient to mention that during a period of twenty days up to
September 10 a daily average of more than nine reconnaissance flights
of over 100 miles each had been maintained.
The constant object of our aviators has been to effect the accurate
location of the enemy’s forces, and incidentally—since the operations
cover so large an area—of our own units. Nevertheless, the tactics
adopted for dealing with hostile aircraft are to attack them instantly
with one or more British machines. This has been so far successful that
in five cases German pilots or observers have been shot in the air and
their machines brought to ground.
As a consequence, the British Flying Corps has succeeded in
establishing an individual ascendancy which is as serviceable to us as
it is damaging to the enemy. How far it is due to this cause it is not
possible at present to ascertain definitely, but the fact remains that
the enemy have recently become much less enterprising in their flights.
Something in the direction of the mastery of the air has already been
gained.
In pursuance of the principle that the main object of military aviators
is the collection of information, bomb dropping has not been indulged
in to any great extent. On one occasion a petrol bomb was successfully
exploded in a German bivouac at night, while, from a diary found on
a dead German cavalry soldier, it has been discovered that a high
explosive bomb thrown at a cavalry column from one of our aeroplanes
struck an ammunition wagon. The resulting explosion killed fifteen of
the enemy.
Ample evidence has been supplied by the correspondents to the
newspapers of the inhuman treatment meted out to civilians by the
Germans. Reference has already been made in the present book to this
subject. There is another unworthy characteristic of the Germans
by which they exact the utmost penalty from non-combatants. Mr.
William Maxwell has illustrated this form of vandalism in the
following interesting article contributed to the columns of the _Daily
Telegraph_. Apparently the same tale might be told of any village
or town in France or Belgium through which the Germans advanced or
retreated:—
This is a story of German rage and vengeance, not a story of mere
looting. Every army loots—even the British Army will condescend
to steal chickens and an occasional sheep. In South Africa Lord
Roberts had to threaten severe penalties for raids on private
property, and I remember an Australian colonel warning his men in
this fashion: “If I catch any one of you stealing and killing a
sheep—except in self-defence————” The rest of the threat was never
spoken.
At three o’clock on Saturday afternoon, September 5, several
thousand of the enemy’s cavalry—Uhlans, Dragoons, and
Chasseurs—with horse artillery and machine guns, rode into the
village of Beton-Bazoches, south of the River Marne. At first they
behaved well enough toward the inhabitants, most of them paying
cash for what they took for themselves, and giving receipts for the
stores they requisitioned for the army.
The General and senior members of the Staff took possession of the
inn, while the junior members occupied the house of a grocer,
until a rifle and some ammunition were found on the premises,
whereupon they removed to other quarters. The officer who made this
discovery acted like a sensible and humane man. He advised the
villagers to give up their arms, and said to them: “Remember, I am
not le bon Dieu, and cannot watch over you always. Those who come
after us are hard men.”
He was a true prophet. Next day there was a sudden fall in the
temperature of the invaders. Something unforeseen and dreadful
seemed to have happened, and caused the Germans to abandon those
conciliatory methods which they have usually adopted in places they
have occupied.
I have always been slow to accept stories of atrocities—having
heard them told about every army—and I have never reported one
without giving my authority and having a written and signed
statement. But what I am now about to describe I have seen with my
own eyes.
On Sunday afternoon the German soldiery made the discovery that
brigandage is one of the privileges of war. They broke into
every house and shop, burst open all doors, ransacked every room
from cellar to attic, searched every cupboard and drawer, tore
up letters and account books, and carried off every portable
article of any value. Beton-Bazoches—when they had gone through
it—looked as if an earthquake had struck it and left only the
empty shell. The hotel that sheltered and fed the General was not
spared. A uniformed ruffian rode up to the door and called loudly
for Madame, who promptly appeared, and had a revolver clapped to
her cheek.
“The key to the wine cellar!” demanded the ruffian. In the
twinkling of an eyelid the cellar was emptied, and several hundred
bottles of champagne and other wine—if there is any other
wine—were at the throats of the German soldiers. The same thing
happened elsewhere. Stores and _cafés_ were cleared of their stock
of wines and liqueurs in bottle and barrel. What the soldiers could
not drink or carry away they spilt.
“Pas une bouteille! Pas une bouteille!” cried the distracted mayor
as he showed me over the devastated cellars of his son-in-law,
who had gone to the war. “Pas une bouteille!” He emphasised his
ejaculation by biting his thumb.
“I gave a dozen bottles of good old wine for the sick and wounded,”
said the dame of the inn, “but the brigands drank it, laughed in my
face, and said, ‘Krieg guerre nichts payer.’” The result of this
orgie was that hundreds of German cavalrymen were dead drunk on
Sunday, and that fourteen did not recover from their debauch until
the French arrived at Beton-Bazoches.
A French dragoon, wandering through the town and hearing snores
that sounded like a whole battery of artillery in action, stuck his
lance into what looked like a huge parcel wrapped in a blanket. To
his amazement the parcel stirred. Another prod of the lance, and
there came out of the blanket the head of a bearded Uhlan. One more
touch of cold steel, and the mouth opened with a roar of laughter.
“Ja! Ja!” cried the Uhlan, stepping in lively style out of the
blanket to avoid another prod of the lance. He was immediately
recognised as the ruffian who had taken the key of the inn cellar,
and had pleaded war as an excuse for non-payment of his score.
He was searched, and on him were found 2,000 francs, which had
doubtless been stolen.
On Sunday the Germans set fire to the stables and granaries of the
modest little château, whose owner was absent, and next day they
tried to burn some of the houses and shops, but were in too great a
hurry to set them alight.
On Monday morning they posted their artillery on a height
commanding the road to the west along which the French cavalry was
advancing. But the enemy did not wait to be attacked. After firing
a few shots they removed the guns to another hill on the east,
only to abandon it promptly. Then they rode away, leaving in the
village seven killed, twenty-three wounded, and fourteen drunken
brigands. As they retired the Germans thrust their lances into the
bodies of two wounded French soldiers.
The German wounded were cared for by the villagers. One of them,
said a young Frenchwoman, “was a very pretty boy—a noble, I feel
sure. He was shot through the chest, and offered thousands of marks
for a motor-car to take him to hospital. But we don’t take money
for services of that kind.”
The enemy took with them all the motor-cars and bicycles, many
of the horses and carts, all the petrol, wine, tobacco, jam and
provisions. They killed many sheep and cattle, and kept the village
baker busy night and day, with a revolver at his head and a bayonet
at his back to prevent him from falling asleep. They cleaned out
the shop of the jeweller and watchmaker.
In all the best houses were remnants of interrupted feasts—stumps
of cigars that had burned holes in the table-covers, half-empty
champagne and liqueur bottles, broken bread, and the remains of
chickens and omelettes. Silver was missing, though plated goods
were left, for they appear to have a nice taste in such articles
also.
The next village, Courtaçon, about eight miles to the south of La
Ferté, fared even worse. When I entered between its smoking walls
and smouldering hayricks, I was met by a weeping woman.
“They have killed my son—my only son!”
He was a mere boy, and the German soldiers shot him dead as he sat
at table by his mother’s side.
All the farmsteads, the gendarmerie, all the best houses were heaps
of burning ruins. The Germans set fire to them before they fled;
they shot horses and cattle, they threatened the unarmed villagers
with death, and they put the mayor at the head of their retreating
column. Courtaçon looked as though it had been disembowelled and
thrown to the flames.
The following remarkable disclosure was made by Mr. Granville Fortescue
on a victory of the French over the army of the Crown Prince on
September 6–7. As it will be seen, this event undoubtedly had the
far-reaching result of saving Paris from siege:—
The first German army to be thoroughly whipped on French soil was
that of the Crown Prince. This saved Paris. And this remarkable
piece of news has remained a secret until now. At the time of their
victory the French did not know the extent of the damage they
had inflicted upon the enemy. In fact, they did not make claim to
a decisive victory. In the official communication the most they
claimed was a drawn battle. Actually they had smashed the flower of
German military power.
Contrary to the general impression the great battles round
Paris did not begin with the defeat of General von Kluck. That
commander’s misfortunes were due directly to the retirement of the
German left wing on the night of September 6–7. The mystery which
has surrounded the movements of the German armies disappears now
that we know that the main body of the Crown Prince’s army retired
forty kilometres during that night. Such a retirement amounts to a
rout.
In the plan of the German operations, the path that promised
the greatest glory was reserved for the Crown Prince. This was
in accordance with the policy of bolstering up the fast fading
popularity of the House of Hohenzollern. Throughout Germany he
was acclaimed as the hero of Longwy. His futile demonstration
against Verdun was magnified into a series of glorious assaults.
In official bulletins he was declared to have inflicted a severe
defeat on the French. As a matter of fact, the French army opposed
to him has been carrying out a splendid defensive retirement.
Opposed by superior numbers they have contested with stubbornness
every inch of the ground lost. And in the end they assumed the
offensive in a most effective manner.
The Germans advanced on the line Verdun—Ste.
Menehould—Chalons-sur-Marne. Their progress was exceedingly rapid.
When the Uhlans of Kluck’s force were in Chantilly the main body
of the Kaiser’s heir’s army was yet 200 kilometres away. Then this
army was ordered to push on with all speed. The order of march of
the German army up the Champs Elysées was being drawn up. And,
as the Crown Prince was to head this historic march, undoubtedly
dressed in the uniform of his pet regiment, the Death’s Head
Hussars, the French troops opposing him must be brushed aside.
The left wing of the Germans gave battle on Sunday, September 6.
The fighting began at daybreak, and continued with unprecedented
fury until dark. The artillery fire went beyond anything the
history of warfare has hitherto recorded. Shells were timed to
be falling at the rate of thirty in thirty seconds. I have this
from a trustworthy source. In this day’s fighting the French guns
were served with undeniable superiority. The loss they inflicted
upon the Germans can never be approximately estimated. The total
loss of the Germans is placed at figures so high I hesitate to
record them. One hundred thousand, of whom 20,000 were killed. This
estimate is made by a trained observer, who was on the battlefield
before the dead had been touched.
It must be remembered that the German army was advancing on a front
nearly forty miles in extent, and the country north-east of Sezanne
is the most treacherous in all France. Acres upon acres of marsh
lands line the valleys. Here it was the enemy suffered most.
But the French also made the most severe sacrifices. A certain
corps was practically wiped out of existence. Spurred by the
knowledge that they were fighting for the very existence of Paris,
each French soldier was as three. Against the desperate resistance
they made the Germans could do nothing.
When the night of September 6 closed down neither army could claim
much advantage in position gained.
The French had made certain gains, but then they had also fallen
back at points. An enormous quantity of ammunition had been used
up. The total artillery expenditure is put at 4,000 shells.
Hundreds of caissons were empty.
Then, on the night of September 6–7, came the German retreat. The
long line was giving way, not only on the right towards Paris, but
also on the left, where there seems to have been heavy fighting
about Verdun.
It has been suggested that there was a breakdown on the transport
service in this direction. If this were the case, after the
enormous expenditure of ammunition during the first day of action,
the Crown Prince’s army would have been obliged to fall back or be
captured.
The circumstances of their precipitate flight incline me to the
last explanation. Of course, the fighting on this wing continued
for several days, but the Germans were only trying to save what was
left of a badly crippled army from complete destruction.
With the Crown Prince retreating, there was nothing left for
von Kluck’s and von Bülow’s armies but to execute the same
manœuvre. This brought about the battle of the Aisne and all the
subsequent fighting. In the fighting the French have been uniformly
successful. It goes without saying that the English troops
contributed largely to this success. Their bravery has passed into
proverb throughout France.
While I have been studying this extraordinary battlefield I have
everywhere met the rumour that in the engagement the Kaiser’s heir
was wounded. Stranger things have happened. Following an army in
the field one soon learns to put little credence in the hundred
and one stories that spring into life daily. But the story of the
wounding of the Crown Prince has been clothed in so much detail as
to make it sound plausible. At any rate, although he himself may be
unhurt, his army is hopelessly crippled.
At the moment when the German army was suffering this defeat, the
Allies were taking a step which showed that they were united in the
issue as well as the purposes of the war. On September 6 the Foreign
Office made public the subjoined important declaration concerning the
attitude of the Governments of the Triple Entente regarding the terms
of peace when the time comes for discussing them:—
DECLARATION.
The Undersigned, duly authorised thereto by their respective
Governments, hereby declare as follows:
The British, French, and Russian Governments mutually engage not to
conclude peace separately during the present war.
The three Governments agree that when terms of peace come to be
discussed, no one of the Allies will demand conditions of peace
without the previous agreement of each of the other Allies.
In faith whereof the Undersigned have signed this Declaration and
have affixed thereto their seals.
Done at London in triplicate, this 5th day of September, 1914.
(L.S.) E. GREY,
His Britannic Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
(L.S.) PAUL CAMBON,
Ambassador Extraordinary Plenipotentiary of the French Republic.
(L.S.) BENCKENDORFF,
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of his Majesty
the Emperor of Russia.
* * * * *
An attempt has been made in the foregoing pages to tell the story
of how the Allied forces retreated towards Paris, after the great
battle of August 22–24 at Mons on the Belgian frontier, and continued
to withdraw until the battle at Senlis on September 1. This account
is chiefly concerned with the actions of the British troops who
undoubtedly on the left, by their dogged fighting, had saved the
situation during the first critical days. But their natural position
having been lost, it was the policy of the Allies to retire, and
with entrenched fortifications protecting their left, prepare for a
counter-attack from the advancing Germans.
For the British the enemy’s assault was especially furious, but it
failed both in breaking their lines and their spirit. Travel-stained,
bearded and unwashed, their courage remained undaunted. The Allies
fought as they fell back and fought again, until they met and defeated
the army of the Crown Prince on September 6–7. Here the march of
the invader was arrested, and the next episode of the war was the
victorious fight against the Germans on the Marne.
The despatches of Sir John French and the official _communiqués_
issued by the French War Office supply us with the barest events of
the war, but for a picture of the actual fighting and the heroic deeds
of our brave men we must turn to the many stories told by the soldiers
themselves and other witnesses, some of which we have quoted.
Ever since the South African Campaign the art of war has changed and
the combatants in the present campaign are fighting under circumstances
that have never before prevailed, in many cases with weapons that have
not before been used on the battlefield. Air-craft for reconnaissances,
and armed motor-cars and motor-bicycles and motor vehicles for
transport and other purposes, have gone far towards revolutionising
warfare; although introduced in the Balkan war they are being utilised
to a much greater extent in the present conflict.
Sufficient has been said incidentally in this book with regard to
the German methods of warfare. The justice of our cause has been
demonstrated by able statesmen as well as by men of every shade of
opinion and creed. Their relentless persecution of the neutral State
of Belgium, and their brutal disregard of all recognised canons of
humanity, so far from terrorising the Allies, have strengthened their
determination to fight to the bitter end Germany the enemy of the world.
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Transcriber’s Notes
Text on cover added by Transcriber and placed in the Public Domain. The
original cover appears as an image within some versions of this eBook.
The final illustration is a detailed map of north-eastern France. A
large version of it may be found in the materials for this eBook at
https://www.gutenberg.org/.
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a
predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not
changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced
quotation marks retained. Some multi-paragraph quotations did not use
opening quotation marks for the inner paragraphs, while others did.
That inconsistent style was retained here.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.
End of Project Gutenberg's The Fighting Retreat To Paris, by Roger Ingpen