Besides Morose, there are at least nine or ten different characters

and humours in the "Silent Woman;" all which persons have several

concernments of their own, yet are all used by the poet, to the

conducting of the main design to perfection. I shall not waste time in

commending the writing of this play; but I will give you my opinion,

that there is more wit and acuteness of fancy in it than in any of

Ben Jonson's. Besides, that he has here described the conversation

of gentlemen in the persons of True-Wit, and his friends, with more

gaiety, air, and freedom, than in the rest of his comedies.[142] For

the contrivance of the plot, 'tis extreme, elaborate, and yet withal

easy; for the λύσις, or untying of it, 'tis so admirable,

that when it is done, no one of the audience would think the poet could

have missed it; and yet it was concealed so much before the last scene,

that any other way would sooner have entered into your thoughts. But

I dare not take upon me to commend the fabric of it, because it is

altogether so full of art, that I must unravel every scene in it to

commend it as I ought. And this excellent contrivance is still the more

to be admired, because 'tis comedy where the persons are only of common

rank, and their business private, not elevated by passions or high

concernments, as in serious plays. Here every one is a proper judge

of all he sees; nothing is represented but that with which he daily

converses: so that by consequence all faults lie open to discovery, and

few are pardonable. 'Tis this which Horace has judiciously observed:

_Creditur, ex medio quia res arcessit, habere

Sudoris minimum; sed habet Comedia tanto

Plus oneris, quanto veniæ minus_.

But our poet, who was not ignorant of these difficulties, has made use

of all advantages; as he who designs a large leap, takes his rise from

the highest ground. One of these advantages is that which Corneille

has laid down as the greatest which can arrive to any poem, and which

he himself could never compass above thrice in all his plays; viz. the

making choice of some signal and long-expected day, whereon the action

of the play is to depend. This day was that designed by Dauphine for

the settling of his uncle's estate upon him; which, to compass, he

contrives to marry him. That the marriage had been plotted by him long

beforehand, is made evident, by what he tells True-Wit in the second

act, that in one moment he had destroyed what he had been raising many

months.

There is another artifice of the poet, which I cannot here omit,

because by the frequent practice of it in his comedies, he has left

it to us almost as a rule; that is, when he has any character or

humour wherein he would shew a _coupe de maître_, or his highest

skill, he recommends it to your observation, by a pleasant description

of it before the person first appears. Thus, in "Bartholomew-Fair,"

he gives you the pictures of Numps and Cokes, and in this, those of

Daw, Lafoole, Morose, and the Collegiate Ladies; all which you hear

described before you see them. So that before they come upon the

stage, you have a longing expectation of them, which prepares you to

receive them favourably; and when they are there, even from their first

appearance you are so far acquainted with them, that nothing of their

humour is lost to you.

I will observe yet one thing further of this admirable plot; the

business of it rises in every act. The second is greater than the

first; the third than the second; and so forward to the fifth. There

too you see, till the very last scene, new difficulties arising to

obstruct the action of the play; and when the audience is brought

into despair that the business can naturally be effected, then, and

not before, the discovery is made. But that the poet might entertain

you with more variety all this while, he reserves some new characters

to shew you, which he opens not till the second and third act. In

the second, Morose, Daw, the Barber, and Otter; in the third, the

Collegiate Ladies; all which he moves afterwards in by-walks, or

under-plots, as diversions to the main design, lest it should grow

tedious, though they are still naturally joined with it, and somewhere

or other subservient to it. Thus, like a skilful chess-player, by

little and little he draws out his men, and makes his pawns of use to

his greater persons.

If this comedy, and some others of his, were translated into French

prose, (which would now be no wonder to them, since Moliere has lately

given them plays out of verse, which have not displeased them,) I

believe the controversy would soon be decided betwixt the two nations,

even making them the judges.[143] But we need not call our heroes to

our aid; be it spoken to the honour of the English, our nation can

never want in any age such, who are able to dispute the empire of wit

with any people in the universe. And though the fury of a civil war,

and power, for twenty years together, abandoned to a barbarous race

of men, enemies of all good learning, had buried the muses under the

ruins of monarchy; yet, with the restoration of our happiness, we see

revived poesy lifting up its head, and already shaking off the rubbish

which lay so heavy on it. We have seen since his majesty's return, many

dramatic poems which yield not to those of any foreign nation, and

which deserve all laurels but the English. I will set aside flattery

and envy; it cannot be denied but we have had some little blemish

either in the plot or writing of all those plays which have been made

within these seven years; and perhaps there is no nation in the world

so quick to discern them, or so difficult to pardon them, as ours: yet

if we can persuade ourselves to use the candour of that poet, who,

though the most severe of critics, has left us this caution by which

to moderate our censures--

----_ubi plura nitent in carmine, non ego paucis

Offendar maculis_;----

if, in consideration of their many and great beauties, we can wink

at some slight and little imperfections, if we, I say, can be thus

equal to ourselves, I ask no favour from the French. And if I do not

venture upon any particular judgment of our late plays, 'tis out of

the consideration which an ancient writer gives me: _vivorum, ut magna

admiratio, ita censura difficilis_: betwixt the extremes of admiration

and malice, 'tis hard to judge uprightly of the living. Only I think it

may be permitted me to say, that as it is no lessening to us to yield

to some plays, and those not many, of our own nation, in the last age,

so can it be no addition to pronounce of our present poets, that they

have far surpassed all the ancients, and the modern writers of other

countries.

This was the substance of what was then spoke on that occasion; and

Lisideius, I think, was going to reply, when he was prevented thus

by Crites:--I am confident, said he, that the most material things

that can be said, have been already urged on either side; if they

have not, I must beg of Lisideius, that he will defer his answer till

another time: for I confess I have a joint quarrel to you both, because

you have concluded, without any reason given for it, that rhyme is

proper for the stage. I will not dispute how ancient it hath been

among us to write this way; perhaps our ancestors knew no better till

Shakespeare's time. I will grant it was not altogether left by him, and

that Fletcher and Ben Jonson used it frequently in their pastorals,

and sometimes in other plays. Farther, I will not argue whether we

received it originally from our own countrymen, or from the French;

for that is an inquiry of as little benefit as theirs, who, in the

midst of the late plague, were not so solicitous to provide against

it, as to know whether we had it from the malignity of our own air, or

by transportation from Holland. I have therefore only to affirm, that

it is not allowable in serious plays; for comedies, I find you already

concluding with me. To prove this, I might satisfy myself to tell

you, how much in vain it is for you to strive against the stream of

the people's inclination; the greatest part of which are prepossessed

so much with those excellent plays of Shakespeare, Fletcher, and Ben

Jonson, which have been written out of rhyme, that except you could

bring them such as were written better in it, and those too by persons

of equal reputation with them, it will be impossible for you to gain

your cause with them, who will still be judges. This it is to which,

in fine, all your reasons must submit. The unanimous consent of an

audience is so powerful, that even Julius Cæsar, (as Macrobius reports

of him,) when he was perpetual dictator, was not able to balance it

on the other side; but when Laberius, a Roman knight, at his request

contended in the _Mime_ with another poet, he was forced to cry out,

_Etiam favente me victus es, Laberi_. But I will not, on this occasion,

take the advantage of the greater number, but only urge such reasons

against rhyme, as I find in the writings of those who have argued for

the other way. First then, I am of opinion, that rhyme is unnatural in

a play, because dialogue there is presented as the effect of sudden

thought.[144] For a play is the imitation of nature; and since no man,

without premeditation, speaks in rhyme, neither ought he to do it on

the stage. This hinders not but the fancy may be there elevated to an

higher pitch of thought than it is in ordinary discourse; for there

is a probability that men of excellent and quick parts may speak noble

things _extempore_: but those thoughts are never fettered with numbers,

or sound of verse, without study; and therefore it cannot be but

unnatural to present the most free way of speaking in that which is the

most constrained. For this reason, says Aristotle, 'tis best to write

tragedy in that kind of verse which is the least such, or which is

nearest prose: and this amongst the ancients was the iambic, and with

us is blank verse, or the measure of verse kept exactly without rhyme.

These numbers therefore are fittest for a play; the others for a paper

of verses, or a poem; blank verse being as much below them, as rhyme is

improper for the drama. And if it be objected, that neither are blank

verses made _extempore_, yet, as nearest nature, they are still to be

preferred. But there are two particular exceptions, which many besides

myself have had to verse; by which it will appear yet more plainly, how

improper it is in plays. And the first of them is grounded on that very

reason for which some have commended rhyme; they say, the quickness of

repartees in argumentative scenes receives an ornament from verse. Now

what is more unreasonable than to imagine, that a man should not only

light upon the wit, but the rhyme too, upon the sudden? This nicking

of him who spoke before both in sound and measure, is so great an

happiness, that you must at least suppose the persons of your play to

be born poets: _Arcades omnes, et cantare pares, et respondere parati_;

they must have arrived to the degree of _quicquid conabar dicere_,

to make verses almost whether they will or no. If they are any thing

below this, it will look rather like the design of two, than the answer

of one: it will appear that your actors hold intelligence together;

that they perform their tricks like fortune-tellers, by confederacy.

The hand of art will be too visible in it, against that maxim of all

professions--_Ars est celare artem_; that it is the greatest perfection

of art to keep itself undiscovered. Nor will it serve you to object,

that however you manage it, 'tis still known to be a play; and

consequently, the dialogue of two persons, understood to be the labour

of one poet. For a play is still an imitation of nature; we know we are

to be deceived, and we desire to be so; but no man ever was deceived

but with a probability of truth; for who will suffer a gross lie to be

fastened on him? Thus we sufficiently understand, that the scenes which

represent cities and countries to us, are not really such, but only

painted on boards and canvass; but shall that excuse the ill painture

or designment of them? Nay, rather ought they not to be laboured with

so much the more diligence and exactness, to help the imagination?

since the mind of man does naturally tend to truth; and therefore the

nearer any thing comes to the imitation of it, the more it pleases.

Thus, you see, your rhyme is uncapable of expressing the greatest

thoughts naturally, and the lowest it cannot with any grace: for what

is more unbefitting the majesty of verse, than to call a servant, or

bid a door be shut in rhyme? and yet you are often forced on this

miserable necessity. But verse, you say, circumscribes a quick and

luxuriant fancy, which would extend itself too far on every subject,

did not the labour which is required to well turned and polished rhyme,

set bounds to it. Yet this argument, if granted, would only prove,

that we may write better in verse, but not more naturally. Neither is

it able to evince that; for he who wants judgment to confine his fancy

in blank verse, may want it as much in rhyme; and he who has it, will

avoid errors in both kinds. Latin verse was as great a confinement to

the imagination of those poets, as rhyme to ours: and yet you find Ovid

saying too much on every subject. _Nescivit_ (says Seneca) _quod bene

cessit relinquere_; of which he gives you one famous instance in his

description of the deluge:

_Omnia pontus erat, deerant quoque litora ponto_.

Now all was sea, nor had that sea a shore.

Thus Ovid's fancy was not limited by verse, and Virgil needed not verse

to have bounded his.

In our own language we see Ben Jonson confining himself to what ought

to be said, even in the liberty of blank verse; and yet Corneille, the

most judicious of the French poets, is still varying the same sense

an hundred ways, and dwelling eternally on the same subject, though

confined by rhyme. Some other exceptions I have to verse; but since

these I have named are for the most part already public, I conceive it

reasonable they should first be answered.

It concerns me less than any, said Neander, (seeing he had ended,) to

reply to this discourse; because when I should have proved, that verse

may be natural in plays, yet I should always be ready to confess, that

those which I have written in this kind come short of that perfection

which is required.[145] Yet since you are pleased I should undertake

this province, I will do it, though with all imaginable respect and

deference, both to that person from whom you have borrowed your

strongest arguments, and to whose judgment, when I have said all, I

finally submit. But before I proceed to answer your objections, I must

first remember you, that I exclude all comedy from my defence; and

next, that I deny not but blank verse may be also used, and content

myself only to assert, that in serious plays, where the subject and

characters are great, and the plot unmixed with mirth, which might

allay or divert these concernments which are produced, rhyme is there

as natural, and more effectual, than blank verse.

And now having laid down this as a foundation,--to begin with

Crites,--I must crave leave to tell him, that some of his arguments

against rhyme reach no farther than, from the faults or defects of ill

rhyme, to conclude against the use of it in general. May not I conclude

against blank verse by the same reason? If the words of some poets, who

write in it, are either ill chosen, or ill placed, (which makes not

only rhyme, but all kind of verse in any language unnatural,) shall

I, for their vicious affectation, condemn those excellent lines of

Fletcher, which are written in that kind? Is there any thing in rhyme

more constrained than this line in blank verse?--

I heaven invoke, and strong resistance make;

where you see both the clauses are placed unnaturally; that is,

contrary to the common way of speaking, and that without the excuse

of a rhyme to cause it: yet you would think me very ridiculous, if I

should accuse the stubbornness of blank verse for this, and not rather

the stiffness of the poet. Therefore, Crites, you must either prove,

that words, though well chosen, and duly placed, yet render not rhyme

natural in itself; or that however natural and easy the rhyme may be,

yet it is not proper for a play. If you insist on the former part, I

would ask you, what other conditions are required to make rhyme natural

in itself, besides an election of apt words, and a right disposition of

them? For the due choice of your words expresses your sense naturally,

and the due placing them adapts the rhyme to it. If you object, that

one verse may be made for the sake of another, though both the words

and rhyme be apt, I answer, it cannot possibly so fall out; for either

there is a dependance of sense betwixt the first line and the second,

or there is none: if there be that connection, then in the natural

position of the words the latter line must of necessity flow from the

former; if there be no dependance, yet still the due ordering of words

makes the last line as natural in itself as the other: so that the

necessity of a rhyme never forces any but bad or lazy writers to say

what they would not otherwise. 'Tis true, there is both care and art

required to write in verse. A good poet never establishes the first

line, till he has sought out such a rhyme as may fit the sense, already

prepared to heighten the second: many times the close of the sense

falls into the middle of the next verse, or farther off, and he may

often avail himself of the same advantages in English which Virgil had

in Latin,--he may break off in the hemistick, and begin another line.

Indeed, the not observing these two last things, makes plays which

are writ in verse so tedious: for though, most commonly, the sense is

to be confined to the couplet, yet nothing that does _perpetuo tenore

fluere_, run in the same channel, can please always. 'Tis like the

murmuring of a stream, which, not varying in the fall, causes at first

attention, at last drowsiness. Variety of cadences is the best rule;

the greatest help to the actors, and refreshment to the audience.

If then verse may be made natural in itself, how becomes it unnatural

in a play? You say the stage is the representation of nature, and no

man in ordinary conversation speaks in rhyme. But you foresaw, when

you said this, that it might be answered--neither does any man speak

in blank verse, or in measure without rhyme. Therefore you concluded,

that which is nearest nature is still to be preferred. But you took

no notice, that rhyme might be made as natural as blank verse, by the

well placing of the words, &c. All the difference between them, when

they are both correct, is the sound in one, which the other wants;

and if so, the sweetness of it, and all the advantage resulting from

it, which are handled in the preface to the "Rival Ladies," will yet

stand good. As for that place of Aristotle, where he says plays should

be writ in that kind of verse which is nearest prose, it makes little

for you; blank verse being properly but measured prose. Now measure

alone, in any modern language, does not constitute verse; those of

the ancients in Greek and Latin consisted in quantity of words, and a

determinate number of feet. But when, by the inundation of the Goths

and Vandals into Italy, new languages were introduced, and barbarously

mingled with the Latin, of which the Italian, Spanish, French, and

ours, (made out of them and the Teutonic,) are dialects, a new way

of poesy was practised; new, I say, in those countries, for in all

probability it was that of the conquerors in their own nations: at

least we are able to prove, that the eastern people have used it from

all antiquity.[146] This new way consisted in measure or number of

feet, and rhyme. The sweetness of rhyme, and observation of accent,

supplying the place of quantity in words, which could neither exactly

be observed by those barbarians, who knew not the rules of it, neither

was it suitable to their tongues as it had been to the Greek and Latin.

No man is tied in modern poesy to observe any farther rule in the feet

of his verse, but that they be dissyllables; whether Spondee, Trochee,

or Iambic, it matters not; only he is obliged to rhyme: neither do

the Spanish, French, Italian, or Germans, acknowledge at all, or very

rarely, any such kind of poesy as blank verse amongst them. Therefore,

at most 'tis but a poetic prose, a _sermo pedestris_; and, as such,

most fit for comedies, where I acknowledge rhyme to be improper.

Farther, as to that quotation of Aristotle, our couplet verses may be

rendered as near prose as blank verse itself, by using those advantages

I lately named,--as breaks in an hemistick, or running the sense into

another line,--thereby making art and order appear as loose and free

as nature: or not tying ourselves to couplets strictly, we may use

the benefit of the Pindaric way, practised in the "Siege of Rhodes;"

where the numbers vary, and the rhyme is disposed carelessly, and far

from often chyming. Neither is that other advantage of the ancients

to be despised, of changing the kind of verse when they please, with

the change of the scene, or some new entrance; for they confine not

themselves always to iambics, but extend their liberty to all lyric

numbers, and sometimes even to hexameter. But I need not go so far

to prove, that rhyme, as it succeeds to all other offices of Greek

and Latin verse, so especially to this of plays, since the custom of

nations at this day confirms it; the French, Italian, and Spanish

tragedies are generally writ in it; and sure the universal consent of

the most civilized parts of the world, ought in this, as it doth in

other customs, to include the rest.

But perhaps you may tell me, I have proposed such a way to make rhyme

natural, and consequently proper to plays, as is unpracticable; and

that I shall scarce find six or eight lines together in any play, where

the words are so placed and chosen as is required to make it natural.

I answer, no poet need constrain himself at all times to it. It is

enough he makes it his general rule; for I deny not but sometimes

there may be a greatness in placing the words otherwise; and sometimes

they may sound better; sometimes also the variety itself is excuse

enough. But if, for the most part, the words be placed as they are

in the negligence of prose, it is sufficient to denominate the way

practicable; for we esteem that to be such, which in the trial oftener

succeeds than misses. And thus far you may find the practice made good

in many plays: where you do not, remember still, that if you cannot

find six natural rhymes together, it will be as hard for you to produce

as many lines in blank verse, even among the greatest of our poets,

against which I cannot make some reasonable exception.

And this, sir, calls to my remembrance the beginning of your discourse,

where you told us we should never find the audience favourable to this

kind of writing, till we could produce as good plays in rhyme, as

Ben Jonson, Fletcher, and Shakespeare, had writ out of it. But it is

to raise envy to the living, to compare them with the dead. They are

honoured, and almost adored by us, as they deserve; neither do I know

any so presumptuous of themselves as to contend with them. Yet give me

leave to say thus much, without injury to their ashes, that not only

we shall never equal them, but they could never equal themselves, were

they to rise and write again. We acknowledge them our fathers in wit,

but they have ruined their estates themselves, before they came to

their children's hands. There is scarce an humour, a character, or any

kind of plot, which they have not used. All comes sullied or wasted to

us: and were they to entertain this age, they could not now make so

plenteous treatments out of such decayed fortunes. This therefore will

be a good argument to us either not to write at all, or to attempt some

other way. There is no bays to be expected in their walks: _tentanda

via est, quâ me quoque possum tollere humo_.

This way of writing in verse, they have only left free to us; our age

is arrived to a perfection in it, which they never knew; and which (if

we may guess by what of theirs we have seen in verse, as the "Faithful

Shepherdess," and "Sad Shepherd") it is probable they never could have

reached. For the genius of every age is different; and though ours

excel in this, I deny not but that to imitate nature in that perfection

which they did in prose, is a greater commendation than to write in

verse exactly. As for what you have added,--that the people are not

generally inclined to like this way,--if it were true, it would be no

wonder, that betwixt the shaking off an old habit, and the introducing

of a new, there should be difficulty. Do we not see them stick to

Hopkins and Sternhold's Psalms, and forsake those of David, I mean

Sandys his translation of them? If by the people you understand the

multitude, the ὁι πολλοὶ, it is no matter what they think;

they are sometimes in the right, sometimes in the wrong: their judgment

is a mere lottery. _Est ubi plebs recté putat, est ubi peccat._[147]

Horace says it of the vulgar, judging poesy. But if you mean the mixed

audience of the populace and the noblesse, I dare confidently affirm,

that a great part of the latter sort are already favourable to verse;

and that no serious plays, written since the king's return, have

been more kindly received by them, than "The Siege of Rhodes," the

"Mustapha," "The Indian Queen," and "Indian Emperor."[148]

But I come now to the inference of your first argument. You said, that

the dialogue of plays is presented as the effect of sudden thought,

but no man speaks suddenly, or _extempore_, in rhyme; and you inferred

from thence, that rhyme, which you acknowledge to be proper to epic

poesy, cannot equally be proper to dramatic, unless we could suppose

all men born so much more than poets, that verses should be made in

them, not by them.

It has been formerly urged by you, and confessed by me, that since no

man spoke any kind of verse _extempore_, that which was nearest nature

was to be preferred. I answer you, therefore, by distinguishing betwixt

what is nearest to the nature of comedy, which is the imitation of

common persons and ordinary speaking, and what is nearest the nature of

a serious play: this last is indeed the representation of nature, but

'tis nature wrought up to an higher pitch. The plot, the characters,

the wit, the passions, the descriptions, are all exalted above the

level of common converse, as high as the imagination of the poet can

carry them, with proportion to verisimility. Tragedy, we know, is wont

to image to us the minds and fortunes of noble persons, and to pourtray

these exactly; heroic rhyme is nearest nature, as being the noblest

kind of modern verse.

_Indignatur enim privatis, et prope socco

Dignis, carminibus, narrari cæna Thyeste_,--

says Horace: and in another place,

_Effutire leves indigna tragœdia versus._

Blank verse is acknowledged to be too low for a poem, nay more, for a

paper of verses; but if too low for an ordinary sonnet, how much more

for tragedy, which is by Aristotle, in the dispute betwixt the epic

poesy and the dramatic, for many reasons he there alleges, ranked above

it?

But setting this defence aside, your argument is almost as strong

against the use of rhyme in poems as in plays; for the epic way is

every where interlaced with dialogue, or discoursive scenes; and

therefore you must either grant rhyme to be improper there, which

is contrary to your assertion, or admit it into plays by the same

title which you have given it to poems. For though tragedy be justly

preferred above the other, yet there is a great affinity between

them, as may easily be discovered in that definition of a play which

Lisideius gave us. The _genus_ of them is the same,--a just and

lively image of human nature, in its actions, passions, and traverses

of fortune: so is the end,--namely for the delight and benefit of

mankind. The characters and persons are still the same, _viz._ the

greatest of both sorts; only the manner of acquainting us with those

actions, passions, and fortunes, is different. Tragedy performs it

_viva voce_, or by action, in dialogue; wherein it excels the epic

poem, which does it chiefly by narration, and therefore is not so

lively an image of human nature. However, the agreement betwixt them

is such, that if rhyme be proper for one, it must be for the other.

Verse, 'tis true, is not the effect of sudden thought; but this hinders

not that sudden thought may be represented in verse, since those

thoughts are such as must be higher than nature can raise them without

premeditation, especially to a continuance of them, even out of verse;

and consequently you cannot imagine them to have been sudden either in

the poet, or the actors. A play, as I have said, to be like nature,

is to be set above it; as statues which are placed on high are made

greater than the life, that they may descend to the sight in their just

proportion.

Perhaps I have insisted too long on this objection; but the clearing of

it will make my stay shorter on the rest. You tell us, Crites, that

rhyme appears most unnatural in repartees, or short replies: when he

who answers, (it being presumed he knew not what the other would say,

yet) makes up that part of the verse which was left incomplete, and

supplies both the sound and measure of it. This, you say, looks rather

like the confederacy of two, than the answer of one.

This, I confess, is an objection which is in every man's mouth, who

loves not rhyme: but suppose, I beseech you, the repartee were made

only in blank verse, might not part of the same argument be turned

against you? for the measure is as often supplied there as it is in

rhyme; the latter half of the hemistick as commonly made up, or a

second line subjoined, as a reply to the former; which any one leaf

in Jonson's plays will sufficiently clear to you. You will often find

in the Greek tragedians, and in Seneca, that when a scene grows up

into the warmth of repartees, (which is the close fighting of it,) the

latter part of the trimeter is supplied by him who answers; and yet it

was never observed as a fault in them by any of the ancient or modern

critics.[149] The case is the same in our verse as it was in theirs;

rhyme to us being in lieu of quantity to them. But if no latitude is to

be allowed a poet, you take from him not only his licence of _quidlibet

audendi_, but you tie him up in a straiter compass than you would a

philosopher. This is indeed _Musas colere severiores_. You would have

him follow nature, but he must follow her on foot: you have dismounted

him from his Pegasus. But you tell us, this supplying the last half of

a verse, or adjoining a whole second to the former, looks more like

the design of two, than the answer of one. Suppose we acknowledge it:

How comes this confederacy to be more displeasing to you than in a

dance which is well contrived? You see there the united design of many

persons to make up one figure: after they have separated themselves

in many petty divisions, they rejoin one by one into a gross: the

confederacy is plain amongst them, for chance could never produce

any thing so beautiful; and yet there is nothing in it that shocks

your sight. I acknowledge the hand of art appears in repartee, as of

necessity it must in all kind of verse. But there is also the quick and

poignant brevity of it (which is an high imitation of nature in those

sudden gusts of passion) to mingle with it; and this, joined with the

cadency and sweetness of the rhyme, leaves nothing in the soul of the

hearer to desire. It is an art which appears; but it appears only like

the shadowings of painture, which being to cause the rounding of it,

cannot be absent; but while that is considered, they are lost: so while

we attend to the other beauties of the matter, the care and labour of

the rhyme is carried from us, or at least drowned in its own sweetness,

as bees are sometimes buried in their honey. When a poet has found the

repartee, the last perfection he can add to it, is, to put it into

verse. However good the thought may be, however apt the words in which

it is couched, yet he finds himself at a little unrest, while rhyme is

wanting. He cannot leave it till that comes naturally, and then is at

ease, and sits down contented.

From replies, which are the most elevated thoughts of verse, you pass

to those which are most mean, and which are common with this lowest

of household conversation. In these, you say, the majesty of verse

suffers. You instance in the calling of a servant, or commanding a door

to be shut, in rhyme. This, Crites, is a good observation of yours,

but no argument: for it proves no more but that such thoughts should

be waved, as often as may be, by the address of the poet. But suppose

they are necessary in the places where he uses them, yet there is no

need to put them into rhyme. He may place them in the beginning of a

verse, and break it off, as unfit, when so debased, for any other use;

or granting the worst,--that they require more room than the hemistick

will allow, yet still there is a choice to be made of the best words,

and least vulgar, provided they be apt to express such thoughts. Many

have blamed rhyme in general, for this fault, when the poet, with a

little care, might have redressed it. But they do it with no more

justice, than if English poesy should be made ridiculous for the sake

of the Water-poet's rhymes.[150] Our language is noble, full, and

significant; and I know not why he who is master of it may not clothe

ordinary things in it as decently as the Latin, if he use the same

diligence in his choice of words:

_Delectus verborum origo est eloquentiæ._

It was the saying of Julius Cæsar, one so curious in his, that none

of them can be changed but for a worse. One would think, _unlock the

door_, was a thing as vulgar as could be spoken; and yet Seneca could

make it sound high and lofty in his Latin:--

_Reserate clusos regii postes laris._[151]

Set wide the palace gates.

But I turn from this exception, both because it happens not above twice

or thrice in any play that those vulgar thoughts are used; and then

too, were there no other apology to be made, yet the necessity of them,

which is alike in all kind of writing, may excuse them. For if they are

little and mean in rhyme, they are of consequence such in blank verse.

Besides that the great eagerness and precipitation with which they are

spoken, makes us rather mind the substance than the dress; that for

which they are spoken, rather than what is spoke. For they are always

the effect of some hasty concernment, and something of consequence

depends on them.

Thus, Crites, I have endeavoured to answer your objections: it remains

only that I should vindicate an argument for verse, which you have

gone about to overthrow. It had formerly been said, that the easiness

of blank verse renders the poet too luxuriant; but that the labour of

rhyme bounds and circumscribes an over-fruitful fancy; the sense there

being commonly confined to the couplet, and the words so ordered,

that the rhyme naturally follows them, not they the rhyme. To this

you answered, that it was no argument to the question in hand; for

the dispute was not which way a man may write best, but which is most

proper for the subject on which he writes.

First, give me leave, sir, to remember you, that the argument against

which you raised this objection, was only secondary: it was built on

this hypothesis,--that to write in verse was proper for serious plays.

Which supposition being granted, (as it was briefly made out in that

discourse, by shewing how verse might be made natural,) it asserted,

that this way of writing was an help to the poet's judgment, by putting

bounds to a wild overflowing fancy. I think therefore it will not be

hard for me to make good what it was to prove on that supposition. But

you add, that were this let pass, yet he who wants judgment in the

liberty of his fancy, may as well shew the defect of it when he is

confined to verse; for he who has judgment will avoid errors, and he

who has it not, will commit them in all kinds of writing.

This argument, as you have taken it from a most acute person,[152]

so, I confess, it carries much weight in it: but by using the word

judgment here indefinitely, you seem to have put a fallacy upon us.

I grant, he who has judgment, that is, so profound, so strong, or

rather so infallible a judgment, that he needs no helps to keep it

always poised and upright, will commit no faults either in rhyme, or

out of it. And on the other extreme, he who has a judgment so weak and

crazed, that no helps can correct or amend it, shall write scurvily

out of rhyme, and worse in it. But the first of these judgments is no

where to be found, and the latter is not fit to write at all. To speak

therefore of judgment as it is in the best poets; they who have the

greatest proportion of it, want other helps than from it, within. As

for example, you would be loth to say, that he who is endued with a

sound judgment, has no need of history, geography, or moral philosophy,

to write correctly. Judgment is indeed the master-workman in a play;

but he requires many subordinate hands, many tools to his assistance.

And verse I affirm to be one of these: it is a rule and line by which

he keeps his building compact and even, which otherwise lawless

imagination would raise either irregularly or loosely; at least, if

the poet commits errors with this help, he would make greater and more

without it:--it is, in short, a slow and painful, but the surest kind

of working. Ovid, whom you accuse for luxuriancy in verse, had perhaps

been farther guilty of it, had he writ in prose. And for your instance

of Ben Jonson, who, you say, writ exactly without the help of rhyme;

you are to remember, it is only an aid to a luxuriant fancy, which

his was not: as he did not want imagination, so none ever said he had

much to spare. Neither was verse then refined so much, to be an help

to that age, as it is to ours. Thus then the second thoughts being

usually the best, as receiving the maturest digestion from judgment,

and the last and most mature product of those thoughts being artful

and laboured verse, it may well be inferred, that verse is a great help

to a luxuriant fancy; and this is what that argument which you opposed

was to evince.

Neander was pursuing this discourse so eagerly, that Eugenius had

called to him twice or thrice, ere he took notice that the barge stood

still, and that they were at the foot of Somerset-stairs, where they

had appointed it to land. The company were all sorry to separate so

soon, though a great part of the evening was already spent; and stood

awhile looking back on the water, upon which the moon-beams played, and

made it appear like floating quicksilver: at last they went up through

a crowd of French people,[153] who were merrily dancing in the open

air, and nothing concerned for the noise of guns, which had alarmed the

town that afternoon. Walking thence together to the Piazze, they parted

there; Eugenius and Lisideius to some pleasant appointment they had

made, and Crites and Neander to their several lodgings.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 106: The third of June, 1665. See the "Annus Mirabilis,"

and the Notes, Vol. IX. p. 108, 161. Our author, in his poem to the

Duchess, mentions the circumstance of the cannon being heard at London:

When from afar we heard the cannon play,

Like distant thunder on a shiny day.

Vol. IX. p. 79.

]

[Footnote 107: James Duke of York, afterwards James II.]

[Footnote 108: There is something very striking in this description,

which was doubtless copied from reality.]

[Footnote 109: This is a favourable representation of the character of

Sir Robert Howard, who is described by his contemporaries as very vain,

obstinate, and opinionative, and as such was ridiculed by Shadwell

under the character of Sir Positive Atall, in the "Impertinents."]

[Footnote 110: This was certainly Dr Robert Wild; an allusion to whose

"_Iter Boreale_" occurs a little below. It is written in a harsh and

barbarous style, filled with "clenches and carwhichets," as the time

called them; which having been in fashion in the reign of James I. and

his unfortunate son, now revived after the Restoration. One of these

poets would perhaps have told us, in rugged verse, that the Muse having

been long in mourning, it was no wonder that her gayer dress should

appear unfashionable when resumed. The other scribbler, Mr Malone

thinks, might be Flecnoe. Or it may have been Samuel Holland, a great

scribbler on public occasions.]

[Footnote 111: Cleiveland, being a violent cavalier, had a sort of

claim to become a model after the Restoration. He has such notable

conceits as the following comparison of a weeping mistress, to the

angel in the scripture, who moved the pool of Bethesda, the first

passage which occurred at opening the book:

----pious Julia, angel-wise,

Moves the Bethesda of her trickling eyes,

To cure the spittal world of maladies.

_Cleveland's Vindiciæ_, 1677, p. 10.

]

[Footnote 112: This was an absurd and cruel doctrine of the English

lawyers of the time, who had begun to disbelieve in witchcraft, and

were yet willing to justify the execution of witches. One of them says,

that if a man firmly believes that, by whirling his hat round his head,

and crying _bo_, he could occasion the death of an enemy, he becomes,

by performing that ceremony, guilty of murder. Observe that, unless

in virtue of special statute, he could not be capitally punished, if,

instead of this whimsical device, he had actually fired a gun, and

missed the person he aimed at.]

[Footnote 113: A voluminous author of the reign of Charles I.]

[Footnote 114: The _Iter Boreale_.]

[Footnote 115: One mode of sale by auction.]

[Footnote 116: If CRITES be really Sir Robert Howard, as there

is every reason to believe, Dryden here represents him as supporting a

point which he gives up in his preface; for he censures both the plots

and diction of the ancients, and concludes, that upon Horace's rules,

"our English plays may justly challenge the pre-eminence." See Preface

to his Plays in folio, 1665.]

[Footnote 117: "Now, that it should be one, and entire. One is

considerable two ways; either, as it is only separate, and by itself;

or as being composed of many parts, it begins to be one, as those

parts grow, or are wrought together. That it should be one the first

way alone, and by itself, no man that hath tasted letters ever would

say, especially having required, before, a just magnitude, and equal

proportion of the parts in themselves. Neither of which can possibly

be, if the action be single and separate, nor composed of parts, which

laid together in themselves, with an equal and fitting proportion, tend

to the same end, which thing, out of antiquity itself, hath deceived

many; and more this day it doth deceive."--_Jonson's Discoveries._]

[Footnote 118: Malone and Langbaine have both observed, that our author

elsewhere uses the same image, applied indeed to the very same person:

Subtle was got by our Albumazar,

That Alchemist by this Astrologer:

Here he was fashioned; and we may suppose,

He liked the fashion well, who wore the clothes.

]

[Footnote 119: Dorset gave an instance of the honour in which he held

Ben Jonson, by an excellent epilogue, upon the reviving of "Every

Man in his Humour." When the speaker of the epilogue has proceeded a

good way in the usual style of rallying the piece and author, he is

interrupted by

_Jonson's Ghost._

Hold, and give way, for I myself will speak:

Can you encourage so much insolence,

And add new faults still to the great offence

Your ancestors so rashly did commit,

Against the mighty powers of art and wit,

When they condemned those noble works of mine,

Sejanus, and my best loved Catiline?

Repent, or on your guilty heads shall fall

The curse of many a rhyming pastoral.

The three bold Beauchamps shall revive again,

And with the London-Prentice conquer Spain.

All the dull follies of the former age

Shall find applause on this corrupted stage.

But if you pay the great arrears of praise,

So long since due to my much injured plays,

From all past crimes I first will set you free,

And then inspire some one to write like me.

]

[Footnote 120: This objection, although stated against Crites the

prototype of Howard, occurs in Sir Robert's own preface, who points out

an additional advantage attending it. He observes, that the subjects

of the ancients were usually the most known stories and fables; a

circumstance which led them to compose their plays rather of speeches

and chorus's, than of scenic action, and representation: Because,

"Seneca making choice of Medea, Hippolytus, and Hercules Œtus,

it was impossible to show Medea throwing the mangled limbs of Jason

into her age-renewing kettle, or to present the scattered limbs of

Hippolytus upon the stage, or show Hercules burning upon his own

funeral pile."]

[Footnote 121: Our author has quoted from memory. The lines

are--_At nostri proavi_, &c. and afterwards--_Ne dicam_ stulte,

_mirati_.--MALONE.]

[Footnote 122: A mistake for eighth.]

[Footnote 123: This remark is unfounded; for the words are--_et longæ

visent Capitolia pompæ_. Ovid. MET. l. i. In the preceding

quotation, for _verbo_, we should read _verbis_; and for _metuam

summi_,--_timeam magni_.--MALONE.]

[Footnote 124: The insurrection in Scotland, in Charles I.'s time,

inflamed Cleiveland as much as the nation. We have often heard of

poetic fire, but he is the only author who calls for a bucket of water

to quench it:

Ring the bells backward, I am all on fire;

Not all the buckets in a country quire

Shall quench my rage--

]

[Footnote 125: Our author (as Dr Johnson has observed) "might have

determined this question upon surer evidence; for it [Medea] is quoted

by Quintilian as Seneca's, and the only line which remains of Ovid's

play, (for one line is left us,) is not found there."]

[Footnote 126: One of the old theatres, and of the lowest order among

them.]

[Footnote 127: Although a zealous admirer of the author, I am at a loss

to see much merit in the plot of "The Bloody Brother, or Rollo" of

Fletcher. The hero is a Duke of Normandy, who first kills his brother

in his mother's arms; then has his chancellor chopped to pieces, and

thrown to the dogs; beheads his tutor, kills an officer of his guards

for burying the reliques of his chancellor, and finally is stabbed by

the captain of his guards, and succeeded in his dukedom by his cousin;

a person of no note through the play, but who, being left alive when

every other person is killed, is raised to the throne as a matter

of necessity. This is the history of Geta and Caracalla, and a very

disagreeable one it is, but certainly not the plot of a play. As for

the farce mingled with it, there are three state criminals led to be

hanged, who join in the old catch,

And three merry boys,

And three merry boys,

And three merry boys are we,

As ever did sing

Three parts in a string,

All under the triple tree.

]

[Footnote 128: I thought I had discovered this ingenious person to be

the honourable Edward Howard, author of the "British Princes," who,

in the preface to the "Woman's Conquest," has this passage: "And here

I cannot chuse but reflect on our mean imitation of French plays, by

introducing of servants and waiting-women to have parts, without being

essential characters; an error well avoided by our former writers,

who never admitted any otherwise than as messengers and attendants,

except on the account of being characters, as is to be seen by Numphs

in "Bartholomew Fair," and Face in the "Alchymist;" the latter of which

(notwithstanding what can be objected against him) may deservedly be

granted one of the best parts on our English stage." But the passage

does not quite correspond with the sentiment in the text; besides, the

"Woman's Conquest" did not appear till 1670-1, two years after the

Essay. The preface contains some oblique attacks upon Dryden.]

[Footnote 129: Our author's last play of "Love Triumphant" is winded up

in the last act by the mere change of will on the part of Veramond.]

[Footnote 130: Velleius Paterculus, I. 17.]

[Footnote 131: Here the first edition has, "by Mr Hart." This play was

first acted in 1661, under the title of "The Liar," and revived in

1685, under that of "The Mistaken Beauty."]

[Footnote 132: In 1642.]

[Footnote 133: "The Adventures of five Hours," is a comedy imitated

from the Spanish of Calderon, by Sir Samuel Tuke, with some assistance

from the Earl of Bristol. It was acted at court 1663, and received

great applause. Cowley writes a laudatory poem, for which in the

"Session of Poets" he is censured by Apollo; Diego is described, in

the characters of the _dramatis personæ_, as "servant to Octavio, bred

a scholar, a great coward, and a pleasant droll." It would seem from

the preface, that this mode of affixing characters to the _dramatis

personæ_ was then a novelty.]

[Footnote 134: The custom of placing an hour-glass before the clergyman

was then common in England. It is still the furniture of a country

pulpit in Scotland. A facetious preacher used to press his audience to

_take another glass with him_.]

[Footnote 135: Most modern readers revolt at the incident, as a

monstrous improbability.]

[Footnote 136: The insolence with which the dry and dogged Jonson used

to carp at Shakespeare, is highly illustrative of that jealousy with

which he is taxed by Drummond of Hawthornden. The most memorable attack

on Shakespeare, on the score mentioned in the text, is the prologue to

"Every Man in his Humour."

Though need make many poets, and some such

As art and nature have not bettered much;

Yet ours, for want, hath not so loved the stage,

As he dare serve the ill customs of the age,

Or purchase your delight at such a rate,

As, for it, he himself must justly hate:

To make a child new swaddled, to proceed

Man, and then shoot up in one beard and weed,

Past threescore years; or with three rusty swords,

And help of some few foot, and half-foot words,

Fight over York, and Lancaster's long jars,

And in the tyring-house bring wounds to scars.

He rather prays, you will be pleased to see

One such to day, as other plays should be;

Where neither chorus wafts you o'er the seas,

Nor creaking throne comes down, the boys to please,

Nor nimble squib is seen, to make afeard

The gentlewomen; nor rolled bullet heard

To say, it thunders; nor tempestuous drum

Rumbles, to tell you when the storm doth come;

But deeds, and language, such as men do use,

And persons, such as comedy would chuse;

When she would shew an image of the times,

And sport with human follies, not with crimes;

Except we make them such, by loving still

Our popular errors, as you'll all confess,

By laughing at them, they deserve no less:

Which when you heartily do, there's hope left, then

You, that have so graced monsters, may like men.

In "Every Man Out of his Humour," the same sneer is directed against

the same quarter:

"_Mit._ He cannot alter the scene without crossing the seas.

"_Cor._ He need not, having a whole island to run through, I thinke.

"_Mit._ No! how comes it then that _in some one play we see so

many seas, countries, and kingdoms passed over with such admirable

dexteritie_?

"_Cor._ O, that but shews how well the authors can travaile in their

vocation, and outrun the apprehension of their auditorie."]

[Footnote 137: Our old poets saw something peculiarly ludicrous in

the anapoestic canter of these doggrel Alexandrines. The old comedy

of "Gammer Gurton's Needle" is composed entirely of them. Shakespeare

often uses them where the dialogue is carried on by his clowns, or

comic characters; as in "Love's Labour's Lost," act III.; in most of

the quaint skirmishes of wit and punning, in the "Comedy of Errors;"

and in the "Taming of the Shrew." Other examples from low comedy of

that early age are given in Reed's edition of Shakespeare, Vol. xx. p.

462. After all, this same Alexandrine is only the common ballad-stanza

of "Chevy Chace," written in two lines at length, instead of being

subdivided into four. Mr Malone remarks, that the assertion in the text

is too general.]

[Footnote 138: Mr Malone justly observes, that the caution observed

in this decision, proves the miserable taste of the age. In fact,

Jonson, by dint of learning and arrogance, fairly bullied the age into

receiving his own character of his merits; and he was not the only

person of the name that has done so.]

[Footnote 139: The learned John Hales of Eton, whom Wood calls a

_walking library_, and Clarendon pronounces the least man and greatest

scholar of his time. Gildon tells the anecdote to which Dryden seems to

allude, in an essay addressed to Dryden himself on the vindication of

Shakespeare, and he quotes our author as his authority. "The matter of

fact, if my memory fail me not, was this: Mr Hales of Eton affirmed,

that he would show all the poets of antiquity out-done by Shakespeare,

in all the topics and common places made use of in poetry. The enemies

of Shakespeare would by no means yield him so much excellence; so that

it came to a resolution of a trial of skill upon that subject. The

place agreed on for the dispute, was Mr Hales's chamber at Eton. A

great many books were sent down by the enemies of this poet; and on the

appointed day, my Lord Falkland, Sir John Suckling, and all the persons

of quality that had wit and learning, and interested themselves in the

quarrel, met there; and upon a thorough disquisition of the point, the

judges chosen by agreement out of this learned and ingenious assembly,

unanimously gave the preference to Shakespeare; and the Greek and Roman

poets were adjudged to veil at least their glory in that to the English

hero." GILDON'S _Essays_.

Tate, in the preface to the "Loyal General," and Rowe, in his "Life of

Shakespeare," quote the same anecdote.]

[Footnote 140: _Humour_, in the ancient dramatic language, signified

some peculiar or fantastic bias, or habit of mind, in an individual.

See Vol. X. p. 396, 456.]

[Footnote 141: Dryden here understands _wit_ in the enlarged sense of

invention, or genius.]

[Footnote 142: This conversation, however, appears formidably stiff in

the present age.]

[Footnote 143: I should be sorry to see the comparative merits of the

stages tried upon that issue: Moliere, in natural comedy, is as far

superior to Jonson, as Shakespeare is to both.]

[Footnote 144: The reasons against rhyme,--and very weighty our author

at last found them,--are taken from the Preface to Sir Robert Howard's

plays, the Crites of the dialogue.

"Another way of the ancients, which the French follow, and our stage

has now lately practised, is, to write in rhyme; and this is the

dispute betwixt many ingenious persons, whether verse in rhyme, or

verse without the sound, which may be called _blank_ verse, (though a

hard expression,) is to be preferred. But take the question largely,

and it is never to be decided; but, by right application, I suppose

it may; for in the general, they are both proper, that is, one for a

play, the other for a poem or copy of verses; a blank verse being as

much too low for one, as rhyme is unnatural for the other. A poem,

being a premeditated form of thoughts upon designed occasions, ought

not to be unfurnished of any harmony in words or sound; the other is

presented as the present effect of accidents not thought of: so that

it is impossible it should be equally proper to both these, unless it

were possible that all persons were born so much more than poets, that

verses were not to be composed by them, but already made in them. Some

may object, that this argument is trivial, because, whatever is shewed,

it is known still to be but a play; but such may as well excuse an ill

scene, that is not naturally painted, because they know it is only a

scene, and not really a city or country.

"But there is yet another thing which makes verse upon the stage

appear more unnatural; that is, when a piece of a verse is made up by

one that knew not what the other meant to say, and the former verse

answered as perfectly in sound as the last is supplied in measure; so

that the smartness of a reply, which has its beauty by coming from

sudden thoughts, seems lost by that which rather looks like a design

of two, than the answer of one. It may be said, that rhyme is such a

confinement to a quick and luxuriant fancy, that it gives a stop to

its speed, till slow judgment comes in to assist it; but this is no

argument for the question in hand: for the dispute is not, which way

a man may write best in, but which is most proper for the subject he

writes upon; and, if this were let pass, the argument is yet unsolved

in itself: for he that wants judgment in the liberty of his fancy,

may as well shew the defect of it in its confinement: and, to say

truth, he that has judgment will avoid the errors, and he that wants

it will commit them both. It may be objected, it is improbable that

any should speak _extempore_ as well as Beaumont and Fletcher makes

them, though in blank verse: I do not only acknowledge that, but that

it is also improbable any will write so well that way. But if that may

be allowed improbable, I believe it may be concluded impossible that

any should speak as good verses in rhyme, as the best poets have writ;

and therefore, that which seems nearest to what it intends, is ever to

be preferred. Nor is great thoughts more adorned by verse, than verse

unbeautified by mean ones; so that verse seems not only unfit in the

best use of it, but much more in the worse, when a servant is called,

or a door bid to be shut, in rhyme. Verses (I mean good ones) do in

their height of fancy declare the labour that brought them forth, like

majesty, that grows with care; and Nature, that made the poet capable,

seems to retire, and leave its offers to be made perfect by pains and

judgement. Against this I can raise no argument but my Lord of Orrery's

writings, in whose verse the greatness of the majesty seems unsullied

with the cares, and his inimitable fancy descends to us in such easy

expressions, that they seem as if neither had ever been added to the

other, but both together flowing from a height; like birds got so

high, that use no labouring wings, but only with an easy care preserve

a steadiness in motion. But this particular happiness, among those

multitudes which that excellent person is owner of, does not convince

my reason, but employ my wonder: yet I am glad such verse has been

written for our stage, since it has so happily exceeded those whom we

seemed to imitate. But while I give these arguments against verse, I

may seem faulty that I have not only written ill ones, but written any:

but, since it was the fashion, I was resolved, as in all indifferent

things, not to appear singular, the danger of the vanity being greater

than the error; and therefore I followed it as a fashion, though very

far off."]

[Footnote 145: This makes it obvious, that Neander is Dryden himself.]

[Footnote 146: Vide Daniel, his _Defence of Rhyme_. DRYDEN.]

[Footnote 147: Accurately,

_Interdum vulgus recté videt est ubi peccat_.]

[Footnote 148: "The Siege of Rhodes," by Sir William D'Avenant;

"Mustapha," by Lord Orrery; "The Indian Queen," by Sir Robert Howard

and Dryden; and "The Indian Emperor," by Dryden alone.]

[Footnote 149: There is this great difference, that, from the mode of

pronouncing, the rhythm of the blank verse does not necessarily obtrude

itself on the audience: that of the couplet indubitably must.]

[Footnote 150: John Taylor, the Water-poet as he called himself, from

his profession of a waterman, was, according to Wood, a man who, having

a prodigious _genie_ to poetry, wrote eighty books, which not only made

much sport at the time, but were thought worthy of being remitted into

a large folio. He was a staunch cavalier, which might in some degree

bribe Anthony's judgment of his poetry. His poetry is very like that

which Skelton wrote a century before him. Among other pieces, there are

some comical addresses to his subscribers, whom he divides into those

who had received and paid their books; those who had done neither; and

those who, having received, were unable to pay. To the first class

he abounds in gratitude; the second he addresses as between hope and

despair; the third he treats civilly, as they were defaulters from

inability, and had always given him plenty of sack and fair promises:

But, as was reason, he reserves the extremity of his displeasure for a

fourth class of subscribers, who, having received his books, refused to

pay the subscription.]

[Footnote 151: This Sir Robert Howard quoted, in his preface to the

"Duke of Lerma;" and unluckily translated it, "Shutting the palace

gates," for which Dryden severely animadverts on him, Vol. II. p. 278.]

[Footnote 152: Meaning Sir Robert Howard himself.]

[Footnote 153: From the conduct of Louis XIV., who gradually retrenched

until he altogether abolished the edict of Nantes, there was a constant

emigration to England of his Huguenot subjects.]

HEADS

OF

AN ANSWER TO RYMER's REMARKS, &c.

Thomas Rymer, distinguished as the editor of the _Fœdera_ of

England, was in his earlier years ambitious of the fame of a critic. In

1678, he published a small duodecimo, entitled, "The Tragedies of the

last Age considered and examined by the practice of the Ancients, and

the common Sense of all Ages, in a Letter to Fleetwood and Shepherd."

The criticisms apply chiefly to the tragedies of the latter part of

the reigns of Elizabeth, and James I.; out of which he has singled, as

the particular subjects of reprehension, those of "Rollo," "The Maid's

Tragedy," and "King and no King." In this criticism, there was "much

malice mingled with a little wit;" obvious faults and absurdities were

censured as disgusting to common sense, on the one hand; on the other,

licenses unpractised by the ancients were condemned as barbarous and

unclassical.

A severe critic, if able but plausibly to support his remarks by

learning and acumen, strikes terror through the whole world of

literature. It is in vain to represent to such a person, that he only

examines the debtor side of the account, and omits to credit the

unfortunate author with the merit that he has justly a title to claim.

Instead of a fair accounting between the public and the poet, his cause

is tried as in a criminal action, where, if he is convicted of a crime,

all the merit of his work will not excuse him. There must be something

in the mind of man favourable to a system which tends to the levelling

of talents in the public estimation, or such critics as Rymer could

never have risen into notice. Yet Dryden, in the following projected

answer to his Remarks, has treated him with great respect; and Pope,

according to Spence, pronounced him "one of the best critics we ever

had."

That Dryden should have been desirous to conciliate the favour of an

avowed critic, was natural enough; but that Pope should have so spoken

of Rymer, only argues, either that he was prejudiced by the opinions

which his youth had sucked in from Walsh, Wycherly, and Trumbull, or

that his taste for the drama was far inferior to his powers in every

other range of poetry.

If Dryden had arranged and extended the materials of his answer, it is

possible that he would have treated Rymer with less deference than he

shewed while collecting them; for in the latter years of Dryden's life

they were upon bad terms. See Vol. xii. p. 45, and Epistle to Congreve,

Vol. xi. p. 57.

To a reader of the present day, when the cant of criticism has been in

some degree abandoned, nothing can be more disgusting than the remarks

of Rymer, who creeps over the most beautiful passages of the drama with

eyes open only to their defects, or their departure from scholastic

precept; who denies the name of poetry to the "Paradise Lost," and

compares judging of "Rollo" by "Othello," to adjusting one crooked line

by another. But I would be by no means understood to say, that there is

not sometimes justice, though never mercy, in his criticism.

Dryden had intended to enter the lists with Rymer in defence of the

ancient theatre, and with this view had wrote the following Heads of an

Answer to the Remarks. They were jotted down on the blank leaves of a

copy of the book presented to Dryden by Rymer. The volume falling into

the hands of the publisher of Beaumont and Fletcher's works, in 1711,

they prefixed Dryden's observations, as furnishing an apology for their

authors. They were again published by Dr Johnson, into whose hands

they were put by Garrick, who had the original in his collection. The

arrangement is different in the two copies; that of Dr Johnson has been

adopted, as preferred by Mr Malone.

HEADS

OF AN

ANSWER TO RYMER's REMARKS

ON THE

TRAGEDIES OF THE LAST AGE.

That we may the less wonder why pity and terror are not now the

only springs on which our tragedies move,[154] and that Shakespeare

may be more excused, Rapin confesses, that the French tragedies now

all run on the _tendre_; and gives the reason, because love is the

passion which most predominates in our souls; and that therefore the

passions represented become insipid, unless they are conformable to

the thoughts of the audience. But it is to be concluded, that this

passion works not now amongst the French so strongly, as the other two

did amongst the ancients. Amongst us, who have a stronger genius for

writing, the operations from the writing are much stronger; for the

raising of Shakespeare's passions is more from the excellency of the

words and thoughts, than the justness of the occasion; and if he has

been able to pick single occasions, he has never founded the whole

reasonably; yet, by the genius of poetry in writing, he has succeeded.

Rapin attributes more to the _dictio_, that is, to the words and

discourse of a tragedy, than Aristotle has done, who places them in

the last rank of beauties; perhaps, only last in order, because they

are the last product of the design, of the disposition or connection

of its parts, of the characters, of the manners of those characters,

and of the thoughts proceeding from those manners. Rapin's words are

remarkable:--It is not the admirable intrigue, the surprising events,

and extraordinary incidents, that make the beauty of a tragedy; it

is the discourses, when they are natural and passionate.--So are

Shakespeare's.

The parts of a poem, tragic or heroic, are,

1. The fable itself.

2. The order or manner of its contrivance, in relation of the

parts to the whole.

3. The manners, or decency of the characters, in speaking or

acting what is proper for them, and proper to be shewn by the poet.

4. The thoughts, which express the manners.

5. The words, which express those thoughts.

In the last of these, Homer excels Virgil; Virgil all other ancient

poets; and Shakespeare all modern poets.

For the second of these, the order: the meaning is, that a fable ought

to have a beginning, middle, and an end, all just and natural; so

that that part, _e.g._ which is the middle, could not naturally be

the beginning or end, and so of the rest: all depend on one another,

like the links of a curious chain. If terror and pity are only to

be raised, certainly this author follows Aristotle's rules, and

Sophocles' and Euripides's example; but joy may be raised too, and that

doubly, either by seeing a wicked man punished, or a good man at last

fortunate; or perhaps indignation, to see wickedness prosperous, and

goodness depressed: both these may be profitable to the end of tragedy,

reformation of manners; but the last improperly, only as it begets pity

in the audience; though Aristotle, I confess, places tragedies of this

kind in the second form.

He who undertakes to answer this excellent critique of Mr Rymer, in

behalf of our English poets against the Greek, ought to do it in this

manner: either by yielding to him the greatest part of what he contends

for, which consists in this, that the μύθος _i.e._ the design

and conduct of it, is more conducing in the Greeks to those ends of

tragedy, which Aristotle and he propose, namely, to cause terror and

pity; yet the granting this does not set the Greeks above the English

poets.

But the answerer ought to prove two things: First, that the fable is

not the greatest master-piece of a tragedy, though it be the foundation

of it.

Secondly, that other ends, as suitable to the nature of tragedy, may be

found in the English, which were not in the Greek.

Aristotle places the fable first; not _quoad dignitatem, sed quoad

fundamentum_: for a fable, never so movingly contrived to those ends

of his, pity and terror, will operate nothing on our affections, except

the characters, manners, thoughts, and words, are suitable.

So that it remains for Mr Rymer to prove, that in all those, or the

greatest part of them, we are inferior to Sophocles and Euripides;

and this he has offered at, in some measure; but, I think, a little

partially to the ancients.

For the fable itself: it is in the English more adorned with episodes,

and larger than in the Greek poets; consequently more diverting. For

if the action be but one, and that plain, without any counter-turn of

design or episode, _i.e._ under-plot, how can it be so pleasing as the

English, which have both under-plot and a turned design, which keeps

the audience in expectation of the catastrophe? whereas in the Greek

poets we see through the whole design at first.

For the characters, they are neither so many nor so various in

Sophocles and Euripides, as in Shakespeare and Fletcher; only they are

more adapted to those ends of tragedy which Aristotle commends to us,

pity and terror.

The manners flow from the characters, and consequently must partake of

their advantages and disadvantages.

The thoughts and words, which are the fourth and fifth beauties of

tragedy, are certainly more noble and more poetical in the English than

in the Greek, which must be proved by comparing them somewhat more

equitably than Mr Rymer has done.

After all, we need not yield, that the English way is less conducing

to move pity and terror, because they often shew virtue oppressed and

vice punished; where they do not both, or either, they are not to be

defended.

And if we should grant that the Greeks performed this better, perhaps

it may admit of dispute, whether pity and terror are either the prime,

or at least the only ends of tragedy.

It is not enough that Aristotle has said so, for Aristotle drew his

models of tragedy from Sophocles and Euripides; and if he had seen

ours, might have changed his mind. And chiefly we have to say, (what

I hinted on pity and terror, in the last paragraph save one,) that

the punishment of vice and reward of virtue are the most adequate

ends of tragedy, because most conducing to good example of life. Now

pity is not so easily raised for a criminal, (and the ancient tragedy

always represents its chief person such,) as it is for an innocent

man; and the suffering of innocence and punishment of the offender is

of the nature of English tragedy: contrarily, in the Greek, innocence

is unhappy often, and the offender escapes. Then we are not touched

with the sufferings of any sort of men so much as of lovers, and this

was almost unknown to the ancients: so that they neither administered

poetical justice, of which Mr Rymer boasts, so well as we; neither knew

they the best common-place of pity, which is love.

He therefore unjustly blames us for not building on what the ancients

left us; for it seems, upon consideration of the premises, that we have

wholly finished what they began.

My judgment on this piece is this; that it is extremely learned, but

that the author of it is better read in the Greek than in the English

poets; that all writers ought to study this critique, as the best

account I have ever seen of the ancients; that the model of tragedy he

has here given is excellent, and extreme correct; but that it is not

the only model of all tragedy, because it is too much circumscribed in

plot, characters, &c.; and lastly, that we may be taught here justly to

admire and imitate the ancients, without giving them the preference,

with this author, in prejudice to our own country.

Want of method in this excellent treatise, makes the thoughts of the

author sometimes obscure.

His meaning, that pity and terror are to be moved, is, that they are

to be moved as the means conducing to the ends of tragedy, which are

pleasure and instruction.

And these two ends may be thus distinguished. The chief end of the poet

is to please; for his immediate reputation depends on it.

The great end of the poem is to instruct, which is performed by making

pleasure the vehicle of that instruction; for poesy is an art, and all

arts are made to profit. Rapin.

The pity which the poet is to labour for, is for the criminal, not for

those or him whom he has murdered, or who have been the occasion of the

tragedy. The terror is likewise in the punishment of the same criminal,

who, if he be represented too great an offender, will not be pitied; if

altogether innocent, his punishment will be unjust.

Another obscurity is, where he says, Sophocles perfected tragedy by

introducing the third actor;[155] that is, he meant, three kinds of

action; one company singing, or speaking; another playing on the music;

a third dancing.

To make a true judgment in this competition betwixt the Greek poets and

the English, in tragedy:

Consider, first, how Aristotle has defined a tragedy. Secondly, what he

assigns the end of it to be. Thirdly, what he thinks the beauties of

it. Fourthly, the means to attain the end proposed.

Compare the Greek and English tragic poets justly, and without

partiality, according to those rules.

Then, secondly, consider whether Aristotle has made a just definition

of tragedy; of its parts, of its ends, and of its beauties; and whether

he, having not seen any others but those of Sophocles, Euripides, &c.

had, or truly could determine what all the excellencies of tragedy are,

and wherein they consist.

Next shew in what ancient tragedy was deficient; for example, in the

narrowness of its plots, and fewness of persons; and try whether that

be not a fault in the Greek poets, and whether their excellency was so

great, when the variety was visibly so little; or whether what they did

was not very easy to do.

Then make a judgment on what the English have added to their beauties;

as, for example, not only more plot, but also new passions, as, namely,

that of love, scarce touched on by the ancients, except in this one

example of Phædra, cited by Mr Rymer; and in that how short they were

of Fletcher.

Prove also that love, being an heroic passion, is fit for tragedy,

which cannot be denied, because of the example alleged of Phædra; and

how far Shakespeare has out-done them in friendship, &c.

To return to the beginning of this enquiry; consider, if pity and

terror be enough for tragedy to move; and I believe, upon a true

definition of tragedy, it will be found, that its work extends farther,

and that is to reform manners, by a delightful representation of human

life in great persons, by way of dialogue. If this be true, then not

only pity and terror are to be moved, as the only means to bring

us to virtue, but generally love to virtue, and hatred to vice, by

shewing the rewards of one, and punishments of the other; at least, by

rendering virtue always amiable, though it be shewn unfortunate, and

vice detestable, though it be shewn triumphant.

If then, the encouragement of virtue, and discouragement of vice, be

the proper ends of poetry in tragedy, pity and terror, though good

means, are not the only. For all the passions, in their turns, are

to be set in a ferment; as joy, anger, love, fear, are to be used as

the poet's common-places, and a general concernment for the principal

actors is to be raised, by making them appear such in their characters,

their words, and actions, as will interest the audience in their

fortunes.

And if, after all, in a larger sense, pity comprehends this concernment

for the good, and terror includes detestation for the bad, then let us

consider whether the English have not answered this end of tragedy, as

well as the ancients, or perhaps better.

And here Mr Rymer's objections against these plays are to be

impartially weighed, that we may see whether they are of weight enough

to turn the balance against our countrymen.

It is evident, those plays which he arraigns, have moved both those

passions in a high degree upon the stage.

To give the glory of this away from the poet, and to place it upon the

actors, seems unjust.[156]

One reason is, because whatever actors they have found, the event has

been the same, that is, the same passions have been always moved;

which shews, that there is something of force and merit in the plays

themselves, conducing to the design of raising these two passions:

and suppose them ever to have been excellently acted, yet action only

adds grace, vigour, and more life, upon the stage, but cannot give it

wholly where it is not first. But secondly, I dare appeal to those who

have never seen them acted, if they have not found these two passions

moved within them; and if the general voice will carry it, Mr Rymer's

prejudice will take off his single testimony.

This, being matter of fact, is reasonably to be established by this

appeal; as if one man says it is night, when the rest of the world

conclude it to be day, there needs no farther argument against him,

that it is so.

If he urge, that the general taste is depraved, his arguments to prove

this can at best but evince, that our poets took not the best way to

raise those passions; but experience proves against him, that those

means which they have used have been successful, and have produced them.

And one reason of that success is, in my opinion, this, that

Shakespeare and Fletcher have written to the genius of the age and

nation in which they lived; for though nature, as he objects, is the

same in all places, and reason too the same, yet the climate, the

age, the disposition of the people, to whom a poet writes, may be so

different, that what pleased the Greeks would not satisfy an English

audience.

And if they proceeded upon a foundation of truer reason to please the

Athenians, than Shakespeare and Fletcher to please the English, it only

shews, that the Athenians were a more judicious people; but the poet's

business is certainly to please the audience.

Whether our English audience have been pleased hitherto with acorns, as

he calls it, or with bread, is the next question; that is, whether the

means which Shakespeare and Fletcher have used in their plays to raise

those passions before named, be better applied to the ends by the Greek

poets than by them. And perhaps we shall not grant him this wholly: let

it be yielded, that a writer is not to run down with the stream, or

to please the people by their own usual methods, but rather to reform

their judgments,--it still remains to prove, that our theatre needs

this total reformation.

The faults which he has found in their designs, are rather wittily

aggravated in many places, than reasonably urged; and as much may be

returned on the Greeks by one who were as witty as himself.

2. They destroy not, if they are granted, the foundation of the

fabric, only take away from the beauty of the symmetry: for example,

the faults in the character of the "King and no King"[157] are not as

he makes them, such as render him detestable, but only imperfections

which accompany human nature, and are for the most part excused by the

violence of his love; so that they destroy not our pity or concernment

for him. This answer may be applied to most of his objections of that

kind.

And Rollo[158] committing many murders, when he is answerable but

for one, is too severely arraigned by him, for it adds to our horror

and detestation of the criminal; and poetic justice is not neglected

neither, for we stab him in our minds for every offence which he

commits; and the point which the poet is to gain on the audience is not

so much in the death of an offender, as the raising an horror of his

crimes.

That the criminal should neither be wholly guilty, nor wholly innocent,

but so participating of both as to move both pity and terror, is

certainly a good rule, but not perpetually to be observed; for that

were to make all tragedies too much alike; which objection he foresaw,

but has not fully answered.

To conclude, therefore; if the plays of the ancients are more correctly

plotted, ours are more beautifully written. And if we can raise

passions as high on worse foundations, it shews our genius in tragedy

is greater; for, in all other parts of it, the English have manifestly

excelled them.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 154: Rymer sets out with the old dogma, that no source of

tragedy was legitimate, except that springing from pity or terror.]

[Footnote 155: "After much new-modelling, many changes, and

alterations, Æschylus came with a second actor on the stage, and

lessened the business of the chorus proportionably. But Sophocles

adding a third actor and painted scenes, gave, in Aristotle's opinion,

the utmost perfection to tragedy." RYMER'S _Remarks_, p. 13.]

[Footnote 156: Alluding to the following remarks of Rymer transferring

the pleasing effect of the plays, which he censures, to the lively

representation. "Amongst those who will be objecting against the

doctrine I lay down, may peradventure appear a sort of men who have

remembered so and so; and value themselves upon their experience. I may

write by the book (say they) what I have a mind, but they know what

will please. Those are a kind of stage-quacks and empirics in poetry,

who have got a receipt to please; and no collegiate like them for

purging the passions.

"These say (for instance) a "King and no King" pleases. I say the

comical part pleases.

"I say that Mr Hart pleases; most of the business falls to his share,

and what he delivers, every one takes upon content; their eyes are

prepossessed and charmed by his action, before aught of the poet's can

approach their ears; and to the most wretched of characters, he gives a

lustre and brilliance, which dazzles the sight, that the deformities in

the poetry cannot be perceived."--_Remarks_, p. 5.

He has a similar observation in page 138:--"We may remember, however

we find this scene of Melantius and Amintor written in the book, that

at the theatre we have a good scene acted. There is work cut out, and

both our Æsopus and Roscius are on the stage together: whatever defect

may be in Amintor and Melantius, Mr Hart and Mr Mohun are wanting in

nothing. To these we owe for what is pleasing in the scene; and to this

scene we may impute the success of the "Maid's Tragedy."]

[Footnote 157: After laying it down as a necessary rule, that a king in

tragedy is, _ex jure_, a hero, Rymer proceeds to arraign the character

of Arbaces, for his vain glory, presumption, incestuous passion for his

sister, and extravagance of language. He sums his character up in the

words of the Irish inscription:

For fierceness and for furiousness,

Men call me the queen's mortar-piece.

]

[Footnote 158: "When Rollo has murdered his brother, he stands

condemned by the laws of poetry; and nothing remains but that the

poet see him executed, and the poet is to answer for all the mischief

committed afterwards. But Rollo we find has made his escape, and woe

be to the chancellor, to the school-master, and to the chancellor's

man; for those are to be men of this world no longer. Here is like to

be poetical justice, so many lives taken away, and but the life of one

guilty person to answer for all; and is not this a strange method of

killing? If the planets had contrived him for a cock of thirteen, his

first victory should not have been the most important; he should first

have practised on his subjects, and have risen by degrees to the height

of iniquity. His brother sovereign was his top-murder; nothing remained

after that, unless it were his lady-mother."]

PREFACE

TO

NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS

ON

THE EMPRESS OF MOROCCO.

The following effusion of spleen, which is altogether unworthy of

Dryden, took its rise in the animosity of literary rivalship.

About 1673, the Earl of Rochester, who had been formerly on good terms

with Dryden, had received a dedication from him, and made a suitable

return of compliment,[159] became his bitter opponent and enemy. This

was probably owing to Dryden's intimacy with Sheffield, Earl Mulgrave,

who had challenged Rochester, and publicly branded him with cowardice

for his refusal to fight him.[160] The witty and profligate courtier

turned that resentment against the poet, which he durst not shew to the

patron, and endeavoured to injure him on every opportunity.

Elkanah Settle, whom we have had former opportunities to commemorate,

was now rising into notice. He was the son of Joseph Settle, of

Dunstable, in Bedfordshire, and had distinguished himself by a tragedy,

called "Cambyses, King of Persia," which was acted for three weeks

together. Emboldened by this success, he produced a second play,

entitled "The Empress of Morocco." Upon this tragedy, and its author,

Rochester fixed, as the implements of his plan, to humble and mortify

Dryden. He made use of his influence to introduce Settle at court as

a poet greatly superior to our bard; and he was received at least

upon equal terms with him. Even Sheffield contributed to Dryden's

mortification, and, perhaps in obedience to the king, graced "The

Empress of Morocco" with a prologue of his own writing, which was

spoken by Lady Betty Howard, when the piece was presented at Whitehall,

by the gentlemen and ladies of the court. Rochester wrote a second

prologue, which was spoken by the same lady, on a second representation

of the same distinguished kind. The bookseller contributed his share

of celebrity to the piece, by decorating it with four engravings, each

representing a scene in the play; an honour which had not hitherto been

conferred on any single play: with these decorations it sold for two

shillings, being double the common price. Lastly, the public bought up

the edition with great rapidity, and very naturally employed themselves

in weighing the merits of the new bard against those of our author, who

had hitherto reigned paramount over the drama.

All these circumstances combined to vex the spirit of Dryden. There was

not only a vile bombastic production publicly weighed against his most

laboured plays, but the author, presuming upon the countenance of a

numerous party among the public, had openly bid him defiance, by sundry

irreverend sneers at him in the prefatory epistle of his garnished

and bedizened performance. This Dryden termed, "a most arrogant,

calumniating, ill-natured, and scandalous preface."[161]

It had been undoubtedly wise in Dryden to have disdained to enter the

arena with such an antagonist. Settle must soon have sunk by his own

weight, to the dishonour and confusion of his supporters; but the

spirit of controversy and party were to buoy him up a little longer.

Our author, irritated and imprudent, entered into a league with

Shadwell, (afterwards a hostile name,) and with John Crowne, another

dramatist of the day, to humble at once the pride of Settle, by such

a criticism as should make his party ashamed of their poet, and the

poet of his own production. Accordingly, "The Notes and Observations

on the Empress of Morocco," the work of the three allies, came forth

in 4to, in 1674. None of the consequences followed which Dryden had

probably expected. Settle retorted, and stupid and vulgar as he was,

it was hardly possible for him to fall beneath the Billingsgate with

which he had been assailed.[162] On the contrary, he rather gained

reputation by the contest, and fairly divided with Dryden the applauses

of the court and of the universities. It was not until the controversy

subsided, that Elkanah lost his unnatural and unmerited literary

importance. In the mean time, the feud between Dryden and him was

inflamed by political hatred, and at length procured Elkanah the bitter

distinction, of being described in "Absalom and Achitophel," under the

name of Doeg. Vol. IX. pages 331, 373.

It were to be wished, our author could be exculpated from any share in

the coarse and illiberal invective which follows these introductory

remarks. But it is too certain, from the evidence of Dennis, as well as

Settle's affirmation, that Dryden did stoop to revise the pamphlet, and

probably to write the preface and postscript. These cannot therefore be

rejected from a full edition of his works; but I willingly follow Mr

Malone's authority in rejecting the rest of the pamphlet, excepting a

small specimen.

Morally considered, the piece affords an useful lesson, how much

irritation can debase even the composition of genius. The best

satirist, like a fencer, loses the skill of his art when he loses his

temper; and if Dryden afterwards succeeded in making a ridiculous

portrait of Elkanah Settle, it was because he had lost apprehension

of him as a rival, and cooled his indignation with a proportion of

contempt suitable to its object.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 159: See Vol. IV. p. 235.]

[Footnote 160: See the story as told by Sheffield himself, p. 215.]

[Footnote 161: It is addressed to Henry Earl of Norwich, and is

obviously levelled against the manner of our author's dedications.

"The impudence of scribblers in this age has so corrupted the original

design of dedications, that before I dare tell you this trifle begs

your lordship's protection, I ought first to examine on what grounds

I make the attack; for now every thing that ere saw the stage, how

modest soever it has been there, without daring to shew its face above

three days, has yet the arrogance to thrust itself into the world in

print, with a great name before it: When the fawning scribbler shall

compendiously say,--The factions of critics, the ill time of the year,

and the worse acting of the players, has prejudiced his play; but he

doubts not, but his grace, or his honour's more impartial judgment will

find that pardonable, which the world has so maliciously censured; that

is as much as to say,--Sir, you are the only person at court, whose

blind side I dare venture on; not doubting, but your good nature will

excuse what all the world (except the author) has justly condemned.

Thus a dedication, which was formerly a present to a person of quality,

is now made a libel on him; whilst the poet either supposes his patron

to be so great a sot to defend that in print, which he hist off the

stage; or else makes himself a greater, in asking a favour from him,

which he never expects to obtain. However, that which is abuse to the

patron, is a compliment to the bookseller, who whispers the poet, and

tells him, sir, your play had misfortune, and all that--but if you'd

but write a dedication, or preface.--The poet takes the hint, picks out

a person of honour, tells him he has a great deal of wit, gives us an

account who writ sense in the last age, supposing we cannot be ignorant

who writes it in this; disputes the nature of verse, answers a cavil

or two, quibbles upon the court, huffs the critics, and the work's

done. 'Tis not to be imagined how far a sheet of this goes to make a

bookseller rich, and a poet famous.

"But, my lord, whilst I trouble you with this kind of discourse, I

beg you would not think I design to give rules to the press, as some

of our tribe have done to the stage; or that I find fault with their

dedications, in compliment to my own: no, that's a trick I do not

pretend to."]

[Footnote 162: He thus characterizes his three antagonists.

"Thereupon, with very little conjuration, by those three remarkable

qualities of _railing_, _boasting_, and _thieving_, I found a Dryden

in the frontispiece; then going through the preface, I observed the

drawing of a fool's picture to be the design of the whole piece; and

reflecting on the painter, I considered that probably the pamphlet

might be like his plays, not to be written without help: and according

to expectation, I discovered the author of "Epsom Wells," and the

author of "Pandion and Amphigenia," lent their assistance. How!

Three to one, thought I! and three gentlemen of such disagreeing

qualifications in one club! The first, a man that has had wit, but is

past it; the second, that has it, if he can keep it; and the third,

that neither has, nor is ever like to have it. Then boldly on I went,

and fortified with patience (as I found it required) for a full

perusal, I wondered the less at the deformity of the piece, when such

different heads went to the composure. The first of these is the only

person that pretends an injury, received from a satiric line or two in

the "Epistle to Morocco;" and consequently I conclude him the promoter

of so ill-natured a retort. The second, I suppose only putting his

comical hand, to help forward with the mirth of so ridiculous a libel;

and the third, perhaps out of a vain glory of being in print, knowing

himself to be such a reptile in poetry, that he's beholding to lampoon

for giving the world to know that there is such a writer in being."]

PREFACE

TO

NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS

ON

THE EMPRESS OF MOROCCO.

When I first saw "The Empress of Morocco," though I found it then to be

a rhapsody of nonsense, I was very well contented to have let it pass,

that the reputation of a new author might not be wholly damned; but

that he might be encouraged to make his audience some part of amends

another time. In order to this, I strained a point of conscience to cry

up some passages of the play, which I hoped would recommend it to the

liking of the more favourable judges; but the ill report it had from

those that had seen it at Whitehall, had already done its business with

judicious men. It was generally disliked by them; and but for the help

of scenes, and habits, and a dancing tree, even the Ludgate audience

had forsaken it.[163]

After this ill success, one would have thought the poet should have

been sufficiently mortified; and though he were not naturally modest,

should at least have deferred the showing of his impudence till a

fitter season: but instead of this, he has written before his play

the most arrogant, calumniating, ill-mannered, and senseless Preface

I ever saw. This upstart illiterate scribbler, who lies more open to

censure than any writer of the age, comes amongst the poets, like one

of the earth-born brethren; and his first business in the world is to

attack and murder all his fellows. This, I confess, raised a little

indignation in me, as much as I was capable of for so contemptible a

wretch, and made me think it somewhat necessary that he should be made

an example, to the discouragement of all such petulant ill writers;

and that he should be dragged out of that obscurity to which his own

poetry would for ever have condemned him. I knew, indeed, that to write

against him was to do him too great an honour; but I considered Ben

Jonson had done it before to Dekker, our author's predecessor, whom he

chastised in his "Poetaster," under the character of Crispinus; and

brought him in vomiting up his fustian and nonsense.[164] Should our

poet have been introduced in the same manner, he must have disgorged

his whole play, ere he had been cleansed. Never did I see such a

confused heap of false grammar, improper English, strained hyperboles,

and downright bulls. His plot is incoherent, and full of absurdities,

and the characters of his persons so ill chosen, that they are all

either knaves or fools; only his knaves are fools into the bargain,

and so must be of necessity, while they are in his management. They

all speak alike, and without distinction of character; that is, every

one rants, and swaggers, and talks nonsense abundantly. He steals

notoriously from his contemporaries, but he so alters the property,

by disguising his theft in ill English and bad applications, that he

makes the child his own by deforming it:--_male dum recitas, incipit

esse tuus_. A poet, when he sees his thoughts in so ill a dress, is

ashamed to confess they ever belonged to him. For the Latin and Greek

authors, he had certainly done them the same injury he has done the

English, but that he has the excuse of Aretine for not railing against

God;--he steals not from them, because he never knew them. In short,

he is an animal of a most deplored understanding, without reading and

conversation: his being is in a twilight of sense, and some glimmering

of thought, which he can never fashion either into wit or English. His

style is boisterous and rough-hewn; his rhyme incorrigibly lewd, and

his numbers perpetually harsh and ill sounding. That little talent

which he has, is fancy. He sometimes labours with a thought, but

with the pudder he makes to bring it into the world, it is commonly

still-born; so that, for want of learning and elocution, he will never

be able to express any thing either naturally or justly. This subjects

him on all occasions to false allusions, and mistaken points of wit.

As for judgment, he has not the least grain of it; and therefore all

his plays will be a mere confusion. What a beastly pattern of a king,

whom he intends virtuous, has he shewn in his Muly Labas? Yet he is the

only person who is kept to his character; for he is a perpetual fool;

and I dare undertake, that if he were played by Nokes, who acted just

such another monarch in "Macbeth,"[165] it would give new life to the

play, and do it more good than all its devils. But of all women, the

Lord bless us from his Laula! nobody can be safe from her: she is so

naturally mischievous, that she kills without the least occasion, for

the mere lechery of bloodshed. I suspect he took her character from the

poisoning-woman, who, they say, makes almost as little ceremony of a

murder as that Queen.

It were endless to run over the rest; but they are all of the same

stamp. He has a heavy hand at fools, and a great felicity in writing

nonsense for them. Fools they will be in spite of him. His king, his

two empresses, his villain, and his sub-villain, nay his hero, have all

a certain natural cast of the father; one turn of the countenance goes

through all his children. Their folly was born and bred in them; and

something of the Elkanah will be visible. Our poet, in writing fools,

has very much in him of that sign-post painter, who was famous only for

drawing roses: when a vintner desired him to paint a lion, he answered,

he would do it to content him, but he was sure it would be like a

rose. Yet since the common audience are much of his level, and both the

great vulgar and the small (as Mr Cowley calls them) are apt to admire

what they do not understand, (_omne ignotum habent pro magnifico_,)

and think all which rumbles is heroic, it will be no wonder if he

pass for a great author amongst town fools and city wits. With these

men, they who laugh at him will be thought envious; for they will be

sure to rise up in arms for nonsense, and violently defend a cause in

which they are engaged by the ties of nature and education. But it

will be for the benefit of mankind hereafter to observe what kind of

people they are who frequent this play, that men of common sense may

know whom to shun. Yet I dare assure the reader, that one half of the

faults and absurdities are not shewn; what is here is only selected

fustian, impertinence, and false grammar. There is as much behind, as

would reasonably damn as many plays as there are acts; for I am sure

there are no four lines together, which are free from some error, and

commonly a gross one. But here is enough to take a taste of him; to

have observed all, were to have swelled a volume, and have made you pay

as dear for a fool's picture, as you have done for his tragedy with

sculptures.

* * * * *

"As men in incense send up vows to heaven."

_Empress of Morocco_, Act II.

As if incense could carry up thoughts, or a thought go up in smoke: he

may as well say, he will roast or bake thoughts, as smoke them. And

the allusion too is very agreeable and natural: he compares thunder,

lightning, and roaring of guns, to incense; and says thus,--he

expresses his loud joys in a concert of thundering guns, as men send up

silent vows in gentle incense. If this description is not plentifully

supplied with nonsense, I will refer myself to the reader. No doubt

it was worth our poet's pains to cut a river up to Morocco, for the

sake of such a description of ships as this. A rare and studied piece

it is. The poet has employed his art about every line, that it may be

esteemed a curiosity in its kind, and himself a person endowed with

a peculiar talent in writing new and exact nonsense. And for this no

doubt it was, that our poet was so much courted, sent for from place

to place, that you could hardly cross a street but you met him puffing

and blowing, with his fardel of nonsense under his arm, driving his

bulls in haste to some great person or other to shew them, as if he had

lately come out of Asia or Africa with strange kinds of dromedaries,

rhinoceroses, or a new Cambyses, a beast more monstrous than any of the

former. Nay, both the playhouses contended for him, as if he had found

out some new way of eating fire. No doubt their design was to entertain

the town with a rarity. People had been long weary of good sense that

looked like nonsense, and now they would treat them with nonsense which

yet looked very like sense. But as he that pretended he would shew a

beast which was very like a horse, and was no horse, set people much

admiring what strange animal it should be, but when they came in, and

found it was nothing but a plain grey mare, laughed a while at the

conceit, but were ready after to stone the fellow for his impudence; so

it must needs fare with our poet, when his upper-gallery fools discover

they have tricks put upon them, and all that they have so ignorantly

clapped is downright nonsense. And for my part, I cannot but admire,

that not only to those who know, or at least have had time enough to

learn, what sense is, but also to a people who, of all nations in the

world, pretend to understand best what belongs to shipping, our poet

should dare to offer this fustian for sense and a description of ships;

a description so ridiculous, that Mulylabas, as errant a fool, and as

ignorant of ships as he is, must needs discover, that he is abused,

and that ships cannot be such things as the poet makes them. But the

poet has not only been so impudent to expose all this stuff, but so

arrogant to defend it with an Epistle; like a saucy booth-keeper, that

when he had put a cheat upon the people, would wrangle and fight with

any that would not like it, or would offer to discover it; for which

arrogance our poet receives this correction; and to jerk him a little

the sharper, I will not transpose his verse, but by the help of his own

words trans-nonsense sense, that, by my stuff, people may judge the

better what his is:

Great Boy, thy tragedy and sculptures done,

From press and plates, in fleets do homeward run:

And in ridiculous and humble pride,

Their course in ballad-singers' baskets guide;

Whose greasy twigs do all new beauties take

From the gay shows thy dainty sculptures make.

Thy lines a mess of rhyming nonsense yield,

A senseless tale, with fluttering fustian filled.

No grain of sense does in one line appear;

Thy words big bulks of boisterous bombast bear;

With noise they move, and from players' mouths rebound,

When their tongues dance to thy words' empty sound.

By thee inspired, thy rumbling verses roll,

As if that rhyme and bombast lent a soul;

And with that soul they seem taught duty too;

To huffing words does humble nonsense bow,

As if it would thy worthless worth enhance,

To the lowest rank of fops thy praise advance,

To whom by instinct all thy stuff is dear;

Their loud claps echo to the theatre.

From breaths of fools thy commendation spreads,

Fame sings thy praise with mouths of loggerheads;

With noise and laughing each thy fustian greets,

'Tis clapped by choirs of empty-headed cits,

Who have their tribute sent, and homage given,

_As men in whispers send loud noise to heaven_.[166]

Thus I have daubed him with his own puddle. And now we are come from

aboard his dancing, masquing, rebounding, breathing fleet; and as if we

had landed at Gotham, we meet nothing but fools and nonsense.

Order and harmony in each appear,

Their lofty bulks the flaming billows bear;

In state they move, and on the waves rebound,

As if they danced to their own trumpets' sound:

By winds inspired, with lively grace they roll,

As if that breath and motion lent a soul;

And with that soul they seem taught duty too,

Their topsails lowered, their heads with reverence bow,

As if they would their general's worth enhance,

From him by instinct taught allegiance.

Whilst the loud cannons echo to the shore,

Their flaming breaths salute you emperor;

From their deep mouths he does your glory sing,

With thunder and with lightning greets his King.

Thus to express his joys, in a loud choir,

And concert of winged messengers of fire,

He has his tribute sent, and homage given,

As men in incense send up vows to heaven.

POSTSCRIPT.

Some who are pleased with the bare sound of verse, or the rumbling

of robustious nonsense, will be apt to think Mr Settle too severely

handled in this pamphlet; but I do assure the reader, that there are

a vast number of errors passed by, perhaps as many, or more, than are

taken notice of, both to avoid the tediousness of the work, and the

greatness. It might have occasioned a volume upon such a trifle. I

dare affirm, that no objections in this book are fruitless cavils: but

if, through too much haste, Mr Settle may be accused of any seeming

fault, which may reasonably be defended, let the passing by many gross

errors without reprehension compound for it. I am not ignorant, that

his admirers, who most commonly are women, will resent this very ill;

and some little friends of his, who are smatterers in poetry, will be

ready for most of his gross errors to use that much mistaken plea of

_poetica licentia_, which words fools are apt to use for the palliating

the most absurd nonsense in any poem. I cannot find when poets had

liberty, from any authority, to write nonsense, more than any other

men. Nor is that plea of _poetica licentia_ used as a subterfuge by

any but weak professors of that art, who are commonly given over to a

mist of fancy, a buzzing of invention, and a sound of something like

sense, and have no use of judgment. They never think thoroughly, but

the best of their thoughts are like those we have in dreams, imperfect;

which though perhaps we are often pleased with sleeping, we blush at

waking. The licentious wildness and extravagance of such men's conceits

have made poetry contemned by some, though it be very unjust for any to

condemn the science for the weakness of some of the professors.

Men that are given over to fancy only, are little better than madmen.

What people say of fire, viz. that it is a good servant, but an ill

master, may not unaptly be applied to fancy; which, when it is too

active, rages, but when cooled and allayed by the judgment, produces

admirable effects. But this rage of fancy is never Mr Settle's crime;

he has too much phlegm, and too little choler, to be accused of this.

He has all the pangs and throes of a fanciful poet, but is never

delivered of any more perfect issue of his phlegmatic brain, than a

dull Dutchwoman's sooterkin is of her body.

His style is very muddy, and yet much laboured; for his meaning (for

sense there is not much) is most commonly obscure, but never by reason

of too much height, but lowness. His fancy never flies out of sight,

but often sinks out of sight:--but now I hope the reader will excuse

some digression upon the extravagant use of fancy and poetical licence.

Fanciful poetry and music, used with moderation, are good; but men

who are wholly given over to either of them, are commonly as full

of whimsies as diseased and splenetic men can be. Their heads are

continually hot, and they have the same elevation of fancy sober,

which men of sense have when they drink. So wine used moderately

does not take away the judgment, but used continually, debauches

men's understandings, and turns them into sots, making their heads

continually hot by accident, as the others are by nature; so, mere

poets and mere musicians are as sottish as mere drunkards are, who live

in a continual mist, without seeing or judging any thing clearly.

A man should be learned in several sciences, and should have a

reasonable, philosophical, and in some measure a mathematical head,

to be a complete and excellent poet; and besides this, should have

experience in all sorts of humours and manners of men; should be

thoroughly skilled in conversation, and should have a great knowledge

of mankind in general. Mr Settle having never studied any sort of

learning but poetry, and that but slenderly, as you may find by his

writings, and having besides no other advantages, must make very

lame work on't; he himself declares, he neither reads, nor cares for

conversation; so that he would persuade us he is a kind of fanatic in

poetry, and has a light within him, and writes by an inspiration; which

(like that of the heathen prophets) a man must have no sense of his own

when he receives; and no doubt he would be thought inspired, and would

be reverenced extremely in the country where Santons are worshipped.

But some will, I doubt not, object, that poetry should not be reduced

to the strictness of mathematics; to which I answer, it ought to be so

far mathematical as to have likeness and proportion, since they will

all confess that it is a kind of painting. But they will perhaps say,

that a poem is a picture to be seen at a distance, and therefore ought

to be bigger than the life. I confess there must be a due distance

allowed for the seeing of any thing in the world; for an object can no

more be seen at all too near, than too far off the eye: but granting

that a poem is a picture to be viewed at a great distance, the distance

and the bigness ought to be so suited, as though the picture be much

bigger than the life, yet it must not seem so; and what miserable

mistakes some poets make for want of knowing this truly, I leave to

men of sense to judge; and by the way, let us consider that dramatic

poetry, especially the English, brings the picture nearer the eye, than

any other sort of poetry.

But some will say after this, what licence is left for poets?

Certainly the same that good poets ever took, without being faulty,

(for surely the best were so sometimes, because they were but men,)

and that licence is fiction; which kind of poetry is like that of

landscape-painting; and poems of this nature, though they be not

_vera_, ought to be _verisimilia_.

The great art of poets is either the adorning and beautifying of

truth, or the inventing pleasing and probable fictions. If they invent

impossible fables, like some of Æsop's, they ought to have such morals

couched under them, as may tend to the instruction of mankind, or the

regulation of manners, or they can be of no use; nor can they really

delight any but such as would be pleased with Tom Thumb, without these

circumstances. But there are some pedants, who will quote authority

from the ancients for the faults and extravagancies of some of the

moderns; who being able to imitate nothing but the faults of the

classic authors, mistake them for their excellencies. I speak with all

due reverence to the ancients; for no man esteems their perfections

more than myself, though I confess I have not that blind implicit faith

in them which some ignorant schoolmasters would impose upon us, to

believe in all their errors, and own all their crimes: to some pedants

every thing in them is of that authority, that they will create a new

figure of rhetoric out of the fault of an old poet. I am apt to believe

the same faults were found in them, when they wrote, which men of sense

find now; but not the excellencies which schoolmasters would persuade

us: yet I must say now,

_Nobis non licet esse tam disertis,

Musas qui colimus severiores._

MARTIAL. Epipgr. ix. 12.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 163: There was a royal theatre at Whitehall, where this play

was twice acted. This playhouse was burned in 1697. The _dancing tree_,

refers to this stage direction in the second act: "A Moorish dance

is presented by Moors in several habits, who bring in an artificial

palm-tree, about which they dance to several antique instruments of

music."]

[Footnote 164: For Ben Jonson's controversy with Dekker, See Vol. X. p.

451. Dekker was as far superior to Settle, as Dryden was to Jonson.]

[Footnote 165: This seems, as conjectured by Mr Malone, to have been

some parody on Macbeth, which, strange to tell! had been converted

into a sort of opera by D'Avenant. Such burlesque performances were

fashionable about this time.]

[Footnote 166: These lines are a parody on the following passage in

"The Empress of Morocco," (act ii. sc. 1.) which, we are told in the

Remarks, was much admired.

_The scene opened, is represented the prospect of a large river,

with a glorious fleet of ships, supposed to be the navy of Muly

Hamet. After the sound of trumpets, and the discharging of guns,_

_Enter King, young Queen_, HAMETALHAZ, _and Attendants._

_Hamet._ Great Sir, your royal father's general

Prince Muly Hamet's fleet does homeward sail,

And in a solemn and triumphant pride

Their course up the great river Tensift guide,

Whose gilded currents do new glories take

From the reflexion his bright streamers make.

The waves a masque of martial pageants yield,

A flying army on a floating field.

]

PREFACE TO THE HUSBAND HIS OWN CUCKOLD.

_This play was written by John Dryden, our author's second son, and is

said to have been founded on a real incident which happened at Rome. It

was dedicated to Sir Robert Howard, the author's uncle, and acted in

1696, with the advantages of a Prologue from Congreve, and an Epilogue

from our author._ See Vol. X. p. 423.

I have thought convenient to acquaint the reader with somewhat

concerning this comedy, though perhaps not worth his knowledge. It

was sent me from Italy some years since, by my second son, to try its

fortune on the stage; and being the essay of a young unexperienced

author, to confess the truth, I thought it not worthy of that honour.

It is true, I was not willing to discourage him so far, as to tell him

plainly my opinion, but it seems he guessed somewhat of my mind, by my

long delays of his expectation; and therefore, in my absence from the

town last summer, took the boldness to dedicate his play to that person

of honour whose name you will find before his Epistle. It was received

by that noble gentleman with so much candour and generosity, as neither

my son nor I could deserve from him. Then the play was no longer in my

power; the patron demanding it in his own right, it was delivered to

him: and he was farther pleased, during my sickness, to put it into

that method in which you find it; the loose scenes digested into order,

and knit into a tale.

As it is, I think it may pass amongst the rest of our new plays: I

know but two authors, and they are both my friends,[167] who have done

better since the Revolution. This I dare venture to maintain, that the

taste of the age is wretchedly depraved in all sorts of poetry; nothing

almost but what is abominably bad can please. The young hounds, who

ought to come behind, now lead the pack; but they miserably mistake

the scent. Their poets, worthy of such an audience, know not how to

distinguish their characters; the manners are all alike inconsistent,

and interfering with each other. There is scarce a man or woman of

God's making in all their farces, yet they raise an unnatural sort

of laughter, the common effect of buffoonery; and the rabble, which

takes this for wit, will endure no better, because it is above their

understanding. This account I take from the best judges; for I thank

God, I have had the grace hitherto to avoid the seeing or reading of

their gallimaufries. But it is the latter end of a century, and I hope

the next will begin better.

This play, I dare assure the reader, is none of those; it may want

beauties, but the faults are neither gross, nor many. Perfection in any

art is not suddenly obtained: the author of this, to his misfortune,

left his country at a time when he was to have learned the language.

The story he has treated, was an accident which happened at Rome,

though he has transferred the scene to England. If it shall please God

to restore him to me, I may perhaps inform him better of the rules of

writing; and if I am not partial, he has already shewn that a genius

is not wanting to him. All that I can reasonably fear is, that the

perpetual good success of ill plays may make him endeavour to please by

writing worse, and by accommodating himself to the wretched capacity

and liking of the present audience, from which heaven defend any of my

progeny! A poet, indeed, must live by the many; but a good poet will

make it his business to please the few. I will not proceed farther on a

subject which arraigns so many of the readers.

For what remains, both my son and I are extremely obliged to my dear

friend, Mr Congreve, whose excellent Prologue was one of the greatest

ornaments of the play. Neither is my Epilogue the worst which I have

written; though it seems, at the first sight, to expose our young

clergy with too much freedom. It was on that consideration that I had

once begun it otherwise, and delivered the copy of it to be spoken,

in case the first part of it had given offence. This I will give you,

partly in my own justification, and partly too because I think it

not unworthy of your sight; only remembering you, that the last line

connects the sense to the ensuing part of it.--Farewell, reader: if

you are a father, you will forgive me; if not, you will when you are a

father.

Time was, when none could preach without degrees,

And seven-years toil at Universities;

But when the canting saints came once in play,

The spirit did their business in a day:

A zealous cobler, with the gift of tongue,

If he could pray six hours, might preach as long.

Thus, in the primitive times of poetry,

The stage to none but men of sense was free;

But thanks to your judicious taste, my masters,

It lies in common, now, to poetasters.

You set them up, and till you dare condemn,

The satire lies on you, and not on them.

When mountebanks their drugs at market cry,

Is it their fault to sell, or yours to buy?

'Tis true, they write with ease, and well they may; }

Fly-blows are gotten every summer's day; }

The poet does but buz, and there's a play. }

Wit's not his business, &c.

FOOTNOTE:

[Footnote 167: Probably, Southerne and Congreve.]

END OF THE FIFTEENTH VOLUME.

Edinburgh,

Printed by James Ballantyne & Co.

* * * * *

+------------------------------------------------------------------+

| Transcriber notes: |

| |

| P.132. 'daar' is 'dart' in other copy. Changed. |

| Footnote 124: 'Cleveland' is 'Cleiveland' in other copy, changed.|

| P.378. 'houshold' changed to 'household'. |

| |

| Underscore before and after text indicates italics. |

| Fixed various punctuation. |

| |

+------------------------------------------------------------------+

The works of John Dryden, now first collected in eighteen volumes. Volume 15 · 第 8 / 8 章