of the House of Representatives, which was the highest tribute his
colleagues could pay him and illustrates his rapid advancement in
influence. Nor did he take this leading position without rivalry. There
were strong men among the Whigs of Illinois even at that date. That
party represented the wealth, education, and culture of the State, as
the Republican party does to-day, while the masses of the people were
Democrats. Notwithstanding this rivalry, he pushed rapidly forward, and
the qualities which he had shown from the beginning of his political
career were strengthened by experience, knowledge, and self-confidence.
His kindly disposition and good-nature, his wit and his stories, his
willingness to accept any responsibility that might be thrust upon him
or undertake any duty, no matter how laborious or disagreeable, and his
determination to succeed in everything he attempted made him a leader;
while his skill in debate, in parliamentary tactics, and political
organization made his co-operation necessary to the success of any
movement.
Lincoln organized the Whig party in Illinois. Up to 1832 the convention
system was unknown. In that year it was introduced by the Democrats
and was denounced with great vigor by the Whigs, who declared it an
invention "intended to abridge the liberties of the people by depriving
individuals of the privilege of becoming candidates for office, and
depriving them of the right to vote for candidates of their own choice;"
nevertheless, all good Whigs, and Lincoln among them, immediately
recognized the advantages of the new plan. It concentrated the strength
of a party upon single candidates for offices instead of allowing
it to be scattered and wasted upon several who voluntarily offered
themselves. The "machine" organized by Jackson's supporters worked well;
Lincoln watched it closely, and although he was reluctant to accept the
principle, he was compelled to admit the advantage of the practice,
and prepared, at the request of his fellow-Whigs, a confidential
circular which formed the basis of a remarkably complete and effective
organization of the Whig party in the State.
In 1841, the year previous to his marriage, Lincoln was offered the Whig
nomination for Governor, but declined it. He also declined renomination
for the Legislature the following year, and became a candidate for
Congress. He did not wait to be invited, but sought the nomination and
managed his own canvass. He never believed in concealing his ambition;
he was never guilty of false modesty; he held that it was an honorable
aspiration, and acted accordingly; but, to his disappointment, Sangamon
County was instructed for his friend and colleague, Edward D. Baker. He
was the more sensitive because he, "a stranger, friendless, uneducated,
penniless boy, working on a flat-boat at ten dollars a month," he wrote
a friend, had "been put down here as the candidate of pride, wealth, and
aristocratic family distinction. Yet so, chiefly, it was. There was,
too, the strangest combination of church influence against me. Baker is
a Campbellite, and therefore, as I suppose, with few exceptions, got all
that church. My wife has some relations in the Presbyterian churches and
some with the Episcopal churches; and therefore, wherever it would tell,
I was set down as either the one or the other, while it was everywhere
contended that no Christian ought to go for me, because I belonged to no
church, was suspected of being a deist, and had talked about fighting a
duel. With all these things Baker, of course, had nothing to do. Nor do
I complain of them. As to his own church going for him, I think that was
right enough, and as to the influences I have spoken of in the other,
though they were very strong, it would be grossly untrue and unjust to
charge that they acted upon them in a body, or were very near so. I only
mean that those influences levied a tax of a considerable per cent.
upon my strength throughout the religious community."
Lincoln was appointed a delegate to the Convention and instructed to
look after Baker's interests. This, he said, "was a good deal like
acting as bridegroom for a man who has cut you out;" but he was loyal
and energetic and as skilful as usual, although unsuccessful. J. M.
Ruggles, one of the delegates, says, "The ayes and noes had been taken
and there were fifteen votes apiece, and one in doubt that had not
arrived. That was myself. I was known to be a warm friend of Baker,
representing people who were partial to Hardin. As soon as I arrived
Baker hurried to me, saying, 'How is it? It all depends on you.' On
being told that, notwithstanding my partiality for him, the people
I represented expected me to vote for Hardin, and that I would have
to do so, Baker at once replied, 'You are right--there is no other
way.' The Convention was organized, and I was elected secretary. Baker
immediately arose and made a most thrilling address, thoroughly arousing
the sympathies of the Convention, and ended by declining his candidacy.
Hardin was nominated by acclamation and then came the episode.
"Immediately after the nomination, Mr. Lincoln walked across the room
to my table and asked if I would favor a resolution recommending Baker
for the next term. On being answered in the affirmative, he said, 'You
prepare the resolution, I will support it, and I think we can pass it.'
The resolution created a profound sensation, especially with the friends
of Hardin. After an excited and angry discussion, the resolution passed
by a majority of one."
Thus Lincoln defeated his own prospects for a Congressional nomination
for four years. Baker was elected in 1844, and then his turn came in
1846, when the Democrats gave him for a competitor the famous Methodist
circuit rider, Peter Cartwright, one of the best-known and beloved men
of that period on the frontier. He was the highest type of the itinerant
preacher. For sixty years he travelled on horseback throughout the
Western country, marrying the young people, baptizing their children,
burying the dead, preaching by the wayside and in the forests, and
when he died in 1872, at eighty-seven years of age, the record of his
ministry showed that he had admitted to the church twelve thousand
persons, had preached fifteen thousand sermons, and a procession of one
hundred and twenty-nine children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren
followed him to his grave. With all his piety and devotion to the
Methodist Church, Peter Cartwright was an ardent admirer of Andrew
Jackson and a Democrat of the most intolerant pro-slavery type. He
probably had a larger acquaintance than any other man in the State, was
an exhorter of magnetic intensity, and his energy was unsurpassed; but,
nevertheless, Lincoln defeated him by 1511 majority when Henry Clay
carried the district by only 914.
When the Thirtieth Congress was called to order on December 6, 1847,
Abraham Lincoln answered to his name. The rolls also bore the name of
Stephen A. Douglas, but before the House of Representatives met he had
been elected to the United States Senate. Lincoln was the only Whig
member from Illinois. In those days the House met in the old Hall of
Representatives, now used for statuary, and he was so unfortunate as to
draw one of the most undesirable seats far in the background. He was
assigned to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads, at the foot of
the list, attended its meetings regularly, and occasionally took part
in the debates on the bills appropriating money for the support of the
postal service and other matters pertaining to that committee. He also
was a member of the Committee on Expenditures in the War Department,
which, however, never met. He devoted a good deal of time trying to
secure amendments to the laws relating to bounty lands for soldiers,
a subject of which he had some personal knowledge, having himself
received a patent for some wild land in Iowa. He looked after certain
grants of land made to railroads in Illinois, and endeavored to protect
actual settlers who might possibly have been interfered with. During his
first session he made the personal acquaintance of but few members, and
lived at a quiet Congressional boarding-house kept by a Mrs. Sprigg, on
Capitol Hill, where his messmates were Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio, and
several other Whigs. His favorite place of resort was the post-office
of the House of Representatives, where he was in the habit of meeting
and exchanging stories with several congenial spirits. Among them
were Robert Toombs and Alexander H. Stephens, who, like himself, were
destined to become conspicuous figures in the great impending drama.
Several writers have described encounters between Lincoln and Jefferson
Davis at this period, but they were imaginary. Although Mr. Davis was
appointed to the Senate the same year, it is not probable that he ever
met the obscure member of the Lower House from Illinois.
From the recollections of his colleagues we have many incidents and
anecdotes of more or less interest, which show that he retained the same
unassuming, simple habits that characterized him as a member of the
Legislature.
Daniel Webster, who was then in the Senate, used occasionally to have
Lincoln at one of his pleasant Saturday breakfasts, where the Western
Congressman's humorous illustrations of the events of the day, sparkling
with spontaneous and unpremeditated wit, would give great delight
to "the solid men of Boston" assembled around the festive board. At
one time Lincoln had transacted some legal business for Mr. Webster
connected with an embryo city laid out where Rock River empties into the
Mississippi. Mr. Fletcher Webster had gone there for a while; but Rock
Island City was not a pecuniary success, and much of the land on which
but one payment had been made reverted to the original owners. Lincoln
had charged Mr. Webster for his legal services ten dollars, which the
great expounder of the Constitution regarded as too small a fee, and he
would frequently declare that he was still Lincoln's debtor.
The librarian of the United States Supreme Court remembers that Lincoln
came to the library one day for the purpose of procuring some law-books
which he wanted to take to his room for examination. He placed them in a
pile on the table, tied them up with a large bandanna handkerchief from
his pocket, and, putting a stick which he had brought with him through a
knot in the handkerchief, shouldered his burden and marched off to his
room. In a few days he returned the books in the same way.
He saw very little of the social life of the capital, although Mrs.
Lincoln was with him during the long session. His experience was similar
to that of the average green Congressman who comes to Washington
unheralded and who is compelled to live on his salary. The only social
adventure of which we have any knowledge was in attending the inaugural
ball, March 4, 1849, of which Mr. E. B. Washburne writes,--
"A small number of mutual friends, including Mr. Lincoln, made up a
party to attend Taylor's inauguration ball together. It was by far the
most brilliant inauguration ball ever given. Of course Mr. Lincoln had
never seen anything of the kind before. One of the most modest and
unpretending persons present, he could not have dreamed that like honors
were to come to him almost within a little more than a decade. He was
greatly interested in all that was to be seen, and we did not take our
departure until three or four o'clock in the morning. When we went to
the cloak and hat room, Mr. Lincoln had no trouble in finding his short
coat, which little more than covered his shoulders, but after a long
search was unable to find his hat. After an hour he gave up all idea of
finding it. Taking his cloak on his arm, he walked out into Judiciary
Square, deliberately adjusted it on his shoulders, and started off
bareheaded for his lodgings. It would be hard to forget the sight of
that tall and slim man, with his short cloak thrown over his shoulders,
starting for his long walk home on Capitol Hill, at four o'clock in the
morning, without any hat on."
After the election of President Taylor, in 1848, Lincoln, being the
only Whig member of Congress from Illinois, was required to recommend
candidates for office and practically controlled the patronage of the
State. He was not a civil service reformer. Even while he was President
he adhered to the time-honored doctrine that the victors in politics,
as in war, were entitled to the spoils, while at the same time he
endeavored to get the most efficient men available for the public
offices and recognized merit as the first claim for promotion. While in
Congress he performed his duty with absolute fairness to his political
foes and with loyalty to his political friends so far as he was able
to control appointments. Some of his recommendations are unique, for
example:
"I recommend that William Butler be appointed Pension Agent for the
Illinois agency when the place shall be vacant. Mr. Hurst, the present
incumbent, I believe has performed his duties very well. He is a decided
partisan, and I believe expects to be removed. Whether he shall be, I
submit to the Department. This office is not confined to my district,
but pertains to the whole State; so that Colonel Baker has an equal
right with myself to be heard concerning it. However, the office is
located here (at Springfield), and I think it is not probable that any
one would desire to remove from a distance to take it."
In another instance he writes the Secretary of Interior, "I recommend
that Walter Davis be appointed Receiver of the Land Office at this
place, whenever there shall be a vacancy. I cannot say that Mr. Herndon,
the present incumbent, has failed in the proper discharge of any of the
duties of the office. He is a warm partisan, and openly and actively
opposed to the election of General Taylor. I also understand that since
General Taylor's election he has received a reappointment from Mr. Polk,
his old commission not having expired. Whether this is true the records
of the Department will show. I may add that the Whigs here almost
universally desire his removal."
In another case he forwards the recommendations of the man whom he does
not prefer, with an endorsement calling attention to the importance of
the writers, and adding, "From personal knowledge I consider Mr. Bond
every way worthy of the office and qualified to fill it. Holding the
individual opinion that the appointment of a different gentleman would
be better, I ask especial attention and consideration of his claims, and
for the opinions expressed in his favor by those over whom I can claim
no superiority."
In all his communications to the Executive Department concerning
appointments to office, he never claims a place because of his position
and influence; nor does he demand patronage on behalf of his party or
his State; nor does he ask for the removal of an incumbent, although in
several cases he says that it is desired by the public and the patrons
of the office. He always puts himself in the position of an adviser
to the government, and modestly expresses his opinion as to the best
man for appointment. If there are two candidates, he describes their
qualifications with evident candor and fairness.
Lincoln was tendered the Governorship of Oregon, and might have been
Commissioner of the General Land Office under President Taylor, but,
fortunately, resisted the temptation.
Amos Tuck, of New Hampshire, in his memoirs, says, "In December, 1847,
I made my first visit to Washington, and at the same time took my
seat as a member of the House of Representatives. The representation
of New Hampshire was equally divided, or rather was half Democratic,
Messrs. Peaslee and Johnson, and half opposition, Mr. Wilson, Whig,
and myself, Independent Democrat. It was the second Congress in Mr.
Polk's administration, and the Mexican War was at its height. Robert C.
Winthrop was Speaker.
"The most distinguished man by far, member of the House, was John
Quincy Adams. By general consent he had for years occupied the seat of
his choice, one of the two largest on the floor, in the second row of
seats, the first fronting the Speaker at the left. New members were
anxious to see Mr. Adams, the honored ex-President, politically the
most distinguished man of the country. He was old and feeble, but clear
in mind and decided in all his views as he had been in the days of his
vigor. He made one short speech early in the session, but could be heard
only by a few near him, and in the month of February following died in
the Speaker's room at the Capitol.
"I was late in arriving.... In the fourth seat at my left sat a new
member from Illinois, the only Whig from that State, a tall, awkward,
genial, good fellow, the future President of the United States, Abraham
Lincoln. He was then thirty-nine years old, bore all the signs of scanty
preparation for influential position, and excited attention only as the
lone star of Illinois Whigs and as an agreeable specimen of frontier
character. He was not regarded as a man of mark, nor did the thought
seem to have entered his own mind of ever taking a high position in the
country. Mr. Lincoln had no opportunity, if he had then had the ability,
which I do not think he possessed at that time, of distinguishing
himself. I remember that the good-will of his acquaintances was strong
in his favor. He made one set speech, near the close of the session,
wherein he made sundry telling points against the Democrats, delivering
it in the open area in front of the clerk's desk, and created much
amusement by the aptness of his illustrations, walking around in
front of the Democratic members, singling out individuals specially
responsible for unsound and inconsistent doctrines. He was good-natured,
enjoyed his own wit, heartily joined in the amusement he excited in
others, and sat down amid the cheers of his friends. The friendship
formed between Mr. Lincoln and myself in that Congress continued through
his life. Alexander H. Stephens and Robert Toombs, of Georgia, were
likewise members of the Thirtieth Congress, as they had been of the
previous Congress. They were both Whigs, the leading men in the House
of their party in the South, but more wedded to slave interests than to
their political party."
His term in Congress ended on March 4, 1849, and he was not a candidate
for re-election. A year before he had contemplated the possibility of
entering the field again. He then wrote to his friend and partner,
Herndon, "It is very pleasant for me to learn from you that there are
some who desire that I should be re-elected. I made the declaration that
I would not be a candidate again, more from a wish to deal fairly with
others, to keep peace among our friends, and keep the district from
going to the enemy, than for any cause personal to myself, so that, if
it should so happen that nobody else wishes to be elected, I could not
refuse the people the right of sending me again. But to enter myself as
a competitor of others, or to authorize any one so to enter me, is what
my word and honor forbid."
Upon returning from Congress in the spring of 1849, Lincoln renewed
his law practice and devoted himself exclusively to it, taking no part
in politics and having all that he could do in court until there was a
great upheaval in the political situation caused by the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise. This so aroused his patriotism and indignation
against the Democratic party that he went back to the stump and the
committee-room and again became the recognized leader of the Whig party
in Illinois. All through Illinois and other States in the neighborhood
the Whig politicians turned to him for counsel, which was due to his
reputation for wisdom and sagacity. It has been said that Lincoln
intended to retire from politics, and he wrote a friend that he "had
lost interest until the repeal of the Missouri Compromise;" but his
ambition as well as his interest soon revived, for we find him in 1854
the most prominent candidate of the Whig party for the United States
Senate.
There was an exciting canvass of the State. He entered into it with
great enthusiasm, spoke in nearly every county, and it was agreed
by all concerned that if the Republican and Anti-Nebraska Democrats
should carry the Legislature, Lincoln would be elected to succeed
General Shields. He expected it himself, and his defeat brought him
more disappointment and chagrin than any other event in his life. It
was a painful experience, but he accepted the result with his usual
good-nature and philosophy, and his conduct under the most trying
circumstances added lustre to his reputation as a patriotic, honorable,
unselfish man, and he never forgot his obligation to those who stood by
him in the contest.
With his usual candor, he had addressed letters to the Whigs and
Anti-Nebraska men who had been elected to the Legislature, asking their
support. The replies were almost without exception favorable and in some
cases enthusiastic. He was personally known to almost every member, and
by his voice and advice had assisted all the Whig candidates during the
campaign. But, unfortunately, a complication arose which embarrassed
them and him. He had been elected as one of the members from Sangamon
County, and the Constitution of the State contained a clause making
members of the Legislature and other officials ineligible to the United
States Senate. The highest authorities pronounced this provision
unconstitutional because the Senate alone was authorized to decide
the qualifications of its own members and a State Legislature had no
jurisdiction over the subject; but, rather than run the risk of taking
the election into the courts, Lincoln decided to resign, relying upon
the majority of 650 votes, which had been cast for him, to elect another
Whig in his place. Very little interest was taken in the canvass. The
Democrats appeared inclined to let the contest go by default. That
disarmed the leaders of the Whig party and made the rank and file
indifferent. For the first and only time in his political career Lincoln
was caught napping. The Democrats nominated a candidate at the very last
moment, plunged into a hasty but energetic canvass, got out a full vote,
and elected his successor by 60 majority, which lost the Legislature
to the Whigs and left them dependant upon their Free-Soil Democratic
allies. The members of that party in other parts of the State were very
indignant and blamed Lincoln for this unlooked-for result.
He was still further embarrassed by the unauthorized and impertinent
act of a small group of abolitionists who met in Springfield before
the session of the Legislature, passed resolutions endorsing Lincoln
as their candidate for the Senate, and, without consulting him,
appointed him a member of their State Central Committee. There were only
twenty-six in the assembly,--earnest, eager men, and radical in their
views,--and although Lincoln's policy of recognizing the constitutional
authority for slavery was well known to them, they admired his ability
and the able fight he was making against the extension of the system in
the Territories. He was not aware that his name appeared in the list of
the abolitionist committee until several weeks after the Convention had
adjourned. In fact, very little notice was taken of its meetings, and
its action was discovered by the Democrats before it was known to the
Whigs. Lincoln immediately wrote a letter declining to serve and saying
that he was perplexed to understand why his name was used, because
he supposed that his position on the slavery question was not at all
satisfactory to their party. But, notwithstanding his disavowal, five
Anti-Nebraska Democrats refused under any circumstances to support him
for Senator, but cast their votes for Lyman Trumbull. Lincoln was voted
for by the other Free-Soilers and Shields by the Democrats. In a letter
to Mr. Washburne, written on the evening after the election, Lincoln
gives this description of the close of the fight: