PART I. THE RELIEF

FOREWORD

The life-story of Sir Henry M. Stanley is not only of intense human

interest but presents a noble example of the possibilities of real

manhood in the face of unceasing and overwhelming obstacles. Stanley

made every obstacle a stepping-stone, and thus rose from waifdom to high

estate. He rendered unparalleled services to the cause of humanity and

civilization by his fearless penetration of darkest Africa, opening

mysterious regions for the first time to the world’s knowledge, to

Christian Missions and to peaceful commerce. His work resulted in the

suppression of the worst horrors of African Slavery.

We may well note Stanley’s qualities of honest ambition, sense of duty,

untiring industry, tenacity of purpose, dauntless courage, breadth of

view and steadfast trust in God.

Stanley was my greatly-valued friend, and I treasure my memories of him

and of his life work. Pray accept this Autobiography with my Christmas

Greeting.

[Illustration:

Henry

]

_Christmas, 1914_

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

SIR HENRY MORTON STANLEY

[Illustration: HENRY M. STANLEY, 1890]

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

SIR HENRY MORTON

STANLEY, G.C.B.,

* * * * *

D.C.L., (Oxford and Durham), LL.D., (Cambridge and Edinburgh), etc.;

Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Halle; Honorary Member of The

Royal Geographical Society, and the Geographical Societies of The Royal

Scottish, Manchester, etc.; Gold Medallist of The Royal Geographical

Society of London; Gold Medallist of Paris, Italy, Sweden, and Antwerp

Geographical Societies, etc.; Grand Cordon of the Medjidie; Grand

Commander of the Osmanlie; Grand Cordon of the Order of the Congo; Grand

Commander of the Order of Leopold; Star of Zanzibar; Star of Service on

the Congo; etc., etc.

* * * * *

EDITED BY HIS WIFE,

DOROTHY STANLEY.

_WITH SIXTEEN ILLUSTRATIONS, MAP, AND

ONE FACSIMILE LETTER._

FOURTH EDITION.

LONDON:

SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON AND CO., LTD.

COPYRIGHT REGISTERED IN GREAT BRITAIN

AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

REPRINTED FROM AMERICAN PLATES BY

WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON

EDITOR’S PREFACE

In giving to the world this Autobiography of my husband’s early years, I

am carrying out his wishes. Unfortunately, the Autobiography was left

unfinished. I am, however, able to give very full extracts from his

journals, letters, and private note-books, in which, day by day, he

jotted down observations and reflections.

My best introduction is the following passage from a letter he wrote to

me on November 30, 1893:--

‘I should like to write out a rough draft, as it were, of my life. The

polishing could take care of itself, or you could do it, when the time

comes. Were I suddenly to be called away, how little, after all, the

world would know of me! My African life has been fairly described, but

only as it affected those whom I served, or those who might be

concerned. The inner existence, the _me_, what does anybody know of?

nay, you may well ask, what do I know? But, granted that I know little

of my real self, still, I am the best evidence for myself. And though,

when I have quitted this world, it will matter nothing to me what people

say of me, up to the moment of death we should strive to leave behind us

something which can either comfort, amuse, instruct, or benefit the

living; and though I cannot do either, except in a small degree, even

that little should be given.

‘Just endeavour to imagine yourself in personal view of all the poor

boys in these islands, English, Scotch, Welsh, and Irish, and also all

the poor boys in Canada, the States, and our Colonies; regarding them as

we regard those in the schools we visit in Lambeth, or at Cadoxton, we

would see some hundreds, perhaps thousands, to whom we would

instinctively turn, and wish we had the power to say something that

would encourage them in their careers.

‘That is just how I feel. Not all who hear are influenced by precept,

and not all who see, change because of example. But as I am not singular

in anything that I know of, there must be a goodly number of boys who

are penetrable, and it is for these penetrable intelligences, and

assimilative organizations, that I would care to leave the truthful

record of my life. For I believe the story of my efforts, struggles,

sufferings, and failures, of the work done, and the work left undone,--I

believe this story would help others. If my life had been merely

frivolous, a life of purposeless drifting, why, then silence were

better. But it has not been so, and therefore my life can teach some

lessons, and give encouragement to others.’

The pathos of this Autobiography lies in the deprivations and denials of

those early years, here recorded for the first time. Yet these

sufferings, as he came to realise, were shaping and fitting him for the

great work he was to perform; and his training and experiences were

perhaps the finest a man could have had, since, day by day, he was being

educated for the life that lay before him. Stanley writes:--

‘It can be understood how invaluable such a career and such a training,

with its compulsory lessons, was to me, as a preparation for the

tremendous tasks which awaited me.’

A boy of intense and passionate feelings, the longing for home, love,

friends, and encouragement, at times amounted to pain; yet all these

natural blessings were denied him; he received no affection from

parents, no shelter of home, no kindness or help of friends, excepting

from his adopted father, who died soon after befriending the lonely boy.

Baffled and bruised at every turn, yet ‘the strong pulse of youth

vindicates its right to gladness, even here.’ Orphaned, homeless,

friendless, destitute, he nevertheless was rich in self-reliance and

self-control, with a trust in God which never failed him. And so Stanley

grew to greatness, a greatness which cannot be fully measured by his

contemporaries. As a key to Stanley’s life, it may be mentioned that one

of his earliest and dearest wishes, often expressed to me in secret,

was, by his personal character and the character of his work in every

stage of his career, to obliterate the stigma of pauperism which had

been so deeply branded into his very soul by the Poor-Law methods, and

which in most cases is so lifelong in its blasting effects on those who

would strive to rise, ever so little, from such a Slough of Despond. So

that, when he had achieved fame as an explorer, he craved, far more than

this, a recognition by the English and American Public of the high

endeavour which was the result of a real nobility of character and aim.

The ungenerous conduct displayed towards Stanley by a portion of the

Press and Public would have been truly extraordinary, but for the

historical treatment of Columbus and other great explorers into the

Unknown. Stanley was not only violently attacked on his return from

every expedition, but it was, for instance, insinuated that he had not

discovered Livingstone, while some even dared to denounce, as forgeries,

the autograph letters brought home from Livingstone to his children,

notwithstanding their own assurance to the contrary. This reception

produced, therefore, a bitter disappointment, only to be appreciated by

the reader when he has completed this survey of Stanley’s splendid

personality.

That Stanley sought no financial benefit by exploiting Africa, as he

might legitimately have done, is borne out by the fact that instead of

becoming a multi-millionaire, as the result of his vast achievements,

and his unique influence with the native chiefs, the actual sources of

his income were almost entirely literary. This is indicated in the text.

Accepting Free Trade as a policy, the blindness of the British Nation to

the value of additional colonies, and the indifference, not only of

successive Governments, but of the various Chambers of Commerce, and the

industrial community generally, whose business instincts might have been

expected to develop greater foresight, were a source of the deepest

concern and disappointment to Stanley; for it meant the loss to England

both of the whole of the present Congo Free State, and, later, of the

monopoly of the Congo Railway, now one of the most profitable in the

world. The determined opposition for long exhibited to the acquisition

of Uganda and British East Africa was also, for a time, a great anxiety

to him.

It may also be pointed out here that all that is now German East Africa

was explored and opened up to commerce and civilisation by British

explorers, Livingstone, Burton, Speke, and Stanley. Thus England threw

away what individual Empire-builders had won for the realm. The obvious

advantages and paramount necessity to a Free-Trade country of having

vast new markets of its own are sufficiently apparent, whatever views

are held on the difficult Fiscal Question.

Canon Hensley Henson, in 1907, preached a remarkable sermon at St.

Margaret’s Church, Westminster, on St. Paul; and the following passage

struck me as being, in some respects, not inapplicable to Stanley:--

‘St. Paul, in after years, when he could form some estimate of the

effect of his vision, came to think that it represented the climax of a

long course of Providential action; his ancestry, character, training,

experiences, seemed to him, in retrospect, so wonderfully adapted to the

work which he had been led to undertake, that he felt compelled to

ascribe all to the over-ruling Providence of God; that no less a Power

than God Himself had been active in his life; and the singular congruity

of his earlier experiences with the requirements of his later work,

confirmed the impression.’

‘Such men,’ wrote the Rev. W. Hughes, Missionary on the Congo, ‘as Dr.

Livingstone and Henry M. Stanley, who went to Africa to prepare the way

and open up that vast and wealthy country, that the light of

civilisation and the Gospel might enter therein, are men created for

their work, set apart, and sent out by Divine Providence, which

over-rules everything that it may promote the good of man, and show

forth His own glory. No one who has always lived in a civilised country

can conceive what these two men have accomplished.’

The following striking picture of Stanley, from an article in

‘Blackwood’s Magazine,’ may well be given here:--

‘If the history of modern discovery has a moment comparable for dramatic

interest to that in which Columbus turned his prow westward, and sailed

into space, to link for ever the destinies of two hemispheres, it is the

one in which a roving white man, in the far heart of Africa, set his

face down the current of a mighty river, and committed himself to its

waters, determined, for weal or woe, to track their course to the sea.

The Genoese navigator, indeed, who divined and dared an unknown world,

staked the whole future of humanity on his bold intuition, but posterity

may one day trace results scarcely less momentous to the resolve of the

intrepid explorer who launched his canoe on the Congo at Nyangwe, to win

a second great inheritance for mankind.

The exploration of the great, moving highway of Africa makes an epoch in

the discovery of Africa, closing the era of desultory and isolated

research, and opening that of combined, steady effort towards a

definite, though distant, goal. That goal is the opening-up of the vast

Equatorial region to direct intercourse with Europe.’

I will now close my preface with St. Paul’s words, because they so

wonderfully apply to Stanley:--

In journeyings often, in perils of waters,

In perils of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen,

in perils by the heathen,

In perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness,

in perils in the sea,

In perils among false brethren;

In weariness and painfulness, in watchings often,

In hunger and thirst, in fastings often,

In cold and nakedness.

* * * * *

If I must needs glory, I will glory of the things that concern my

weakness.

(II Corinthians, Chap. xi, 26, 27, 30.)

The first nine chapters of the book are the Autobiography, covering the

early years of Stanley’s life. In the remaining chapters, the aim has

been to make him the narrator and interpreter of his own actions. This

has been done, wherever possible, by interweaving, into a connected

narrative, strands gathered from his unpublished writings.

These materials consist, first, of journals and note-books. For many

years he kept a line-a-day diary; through some periods, especially

during his explorations, he wrote a full journal; and at a later period

he kept note-books, as well as a journal, for jotting down, sometimes a

personal retrospect, sometimes a comment on the society about him, or a

philosophical reflection.

The material includes, next, a number of lectures, upon his various

explorations; these he prepared with great care, but they were never

published. They were written after he had published the books covering

the same travels; and in the lectures we have the story told in a more

condensed and colloquial way. Finally, there are his letters; in those

to acquaintances, and even to friends, Stanley was always reserved about

himself, and his feelings; I have therefore used only a few of those

written to me, during our married life.

In some parts of the book, a thread of editorial explanation connects

the passages by Stanley’s hand; and for some periods, where the original

material was fragmentary, the main narrative is editorial.

The use of the large type signifies that Stanley is the writer; the

smaller type indicates the editor’s hand.

I would here record my deep gratitude to Mr. George S. Merriam, of

Springfield, Massachusetts, U. S. A., for the invaluable help and advice

he has given me; and also to Mr. Henry S. Wellcome, Stanley’s

much-valued friend, for the great encouragement and sympathy he has

shown me throughout the preparation of this book for the press.

Mr. Sidney Low’s beautiful tribute, I republish, by kind permission of

Messrs. Smith and Elder, from the ‘Cornhill Magazine,’ of July, 1904.

Finally, I would draw attention to the map of Africa placed at the end

of this volume: Stanley carefully superintended the making of it by the

great map-maker, Mr. John Bolton, at Messrs. Stanford’s. It was Mr.

Bolton’s suggestion that I should put the small outline map of England

beside it to indicate, by comparison, the relative size of that portion

of Africa which is included in the larger map.

D. S.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION TO THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY XV

PART I

AUTOBIOGRAPHY. THROUGH THE WORLD

I. THE WORKHOUSE 3

II. ADRIFT 35

III. AT SEA 69

IV. AT WORK 86

V. I FIND A FATHER 118

VI. ADRIFT AGAIN 140

VII. SOLDIERING 167

VIII. SHILOH 186

IX. PRISONER OF WAR 205

PART II

THE LIFE (_continued, from Stanley’s Journals, Notes, etc._)

X. JOURNALISM 219

XI. WEST AND EAST

INDIAN WARS OF THE WEST.--ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN, ETC. 225

XII. A ROVING COMMISSION 237

XIII. THE FINDING OF LIVINGSTONE 251

XIV. ENGLAND AND COOMASSIE 285

XV. THROUGH THE DARK CONTINENT 296

XVI. FOUNDING THE CONGO STATE 333

XVII. THE RESCUE OF EMIN

I. THE RELIEF 353

II. PRIVATE REFLECTIONS 380

XVIII. WORK IN REVIEW 392

XIX. EUROPE AGAIN 409

XX. THE HAPPY HAVEN 423

XXI. POLITICS AND FRIENDS 439

XXII. IN PARLIAMENT 466

XXIII. SOUTH AFRICA 482

XXIV. FAREWELL TO PARLIAMENT 501

XXV. FURZE HILL 506

XXVI. THE CLOSE OF LIFE 512

XXVII. THOUGHTS FROM NOTE-BOOKS 517

BIBLIOGRAPHY 541

INDEX 543

ILLUSTRATIONS

HENRY M. STANLEY, 1890 _Frontispiece_

_Photograph by Mrs. Frederic W. H. Myers._

COTTAGE WHERE HENRY M. STANLEY WAS BORN _to face_ 4

FYNNON BEUNO 42

HENRY M. STANLEY, AGED 15 52

“CRAIG FAWR” FROM THE FARM 54

HENRY M. STANLEY, AGED 17 140

HENRY M. STANLEY, AGED 20 167

HENRY M. STANLEY, 1872 264

_Photograph by the London Stereoscopic Co., Regent St., London._

DOCTOR LIVINGSTONE 282

_Photograph by the London Stereoscopic Co., Regent St., London._

HENRY M. STANLEY AND HIS ZANZIBARIS, 1877 330

HENRY M. STANLEY, 1882 336

_Photograph By Messrs. Thomson, New Bond St., London._

HENRY M. STANLEY, 1885 348

_Photograph By Messrs. Elliott & Fry, Baker St., London._

FAC-SIMILE OF A LETTER BY SIR HENRY M. STANLEY 378

HENRY M. STANLEY AND HIS OFFICERS, 1890 390

HENRY M. STANLEY, ON HIS RETURN FROM AFRICA, 1890 409

_Photograph by Mrs. Frederic W. H. Myers._

DOROTHY STANLEY 423

_Photograph by Mrs. Frederic W. H. Myers._

IN THE VILLAGE CHURCHYARD, PIRBRIGHT 516

MAP OF AFRICA SHOWING STANLEY’S JOURNEYS _at end_

_By Messrs. Stanford, London._

INTRODUCTION TO THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY

There is no reason now for withholding the history of my early years,

nothing to prevent my stating every fact about myself. I am now

declining in vitality. My hard life in Africa, many fevers, many

privations, much physical and mental suffering, bring me close to the

period of infirmities. My prospects now cannot be blasted by gibes, nor

advancement thwarted by prejudice. I stand in no man’s way. Therefore,

without fear of consequences, or danger to my pride and reserve, I can

lay bare all circumstances which have attended me from the dawn of

consciousness to this present period of indifference.

I may tell how I came into existence, and how that existence was moulded

by contact with others; how my nature developed under varying

influences, and what, after life’s severe tests, is the final outcome of

it. I may tell how, from the soft, tender atom in the cradle, I became a

football to Chance, till I grew in hardihood, and learned how to repel

kicks; how I was taught to observe the moods and humours of that large

mass of human beings who flitted by me.

As I have been in the habit of confining myself to myself, my reserve

has been repugnant to gossip in every shape or form, and I have ever

been the least likely person to hear anything evil of others, because,

when the weakness or eccentricity of a casual acquaintance happened to

be a topic, I have made it a principle to modify, if I could not change

it. In this book I am not translating from a diary, nor is it the

harvest of a journal, but it consists of backward glances at my own

life, as memory unrolls the past to me. My inclination, as a young man,

was always to find congenial souls to whom I could attach myself in

friendship, not cling to for support, friends on whom I could thoroughly

rely, and to whom I could trustfully turn for sympathy, and the exchange

of thoughts. But, unfortunately, those to whom in my trustful age I

ventured to consign the secret hopes and interests of my heart,

invariably betrayed me. In some bitter moods I have thought that the

sweetest parts of the Bible are wholly inapplicable to actual humanity,

for no power, it appeared to me, could ever transform grown-up human

beings so as to be worthy of heavenly blessings.

‘Little children, love one another,’ says divine St. John. Ah! yes,

while we are children, we are capable of loving; our love is as that of

Angels, and we are not far below them in purity, despite our trivial

errors and fantasies; for however we err, we still can love. But when I

emerged from childhood, and learned by experience that there was no love

for me, born, so to say, fatherless, spurned and disowned by my mother,

beaten almost to death by my teacher and guardian, fed on the bread of

bitterness, how was I to believe in Love?

I was met by Hate in all its degrees, and not I alone. Look into the

halls of legislation, of religious communities, of justice; look into

the Press, any market-place, meeting-house, or walk of life, and answer

the question, as to your own soul, ‘Where shall I find Love?’

See what a change forty years have wrought in me. When a child, I loved

him who so much as smiled at me; the partner of my little bed, my

play-fellow, the stranger boy who visited me; nay, as a flower attracts

the bee, it only needed the glance of a human face, to begin regarding

it with love. Mere increase of years has changed all that. Never can I

recall that state of innocence, any more than I can rekindle the

celestial spark, for it was extinguished with the expansion of intellect

and by my experience of mankind. While my heart, it may be, is as tender

as ever to the right person, it is subject to my intellect, which has

become so fastidious and nice in its choice, that only one in a million

is pronounced worthy of it.

No doubt there will be much self-betrayal in these pages, and he who can

read between the lines, as a physiognomist would read character, will

not find it difficult to read me. But then, this is the purpose of an

Autobiography, and all will agree that it must be much more authentic

than any record made of me by another man. Indeed, I wish to appear

without disguise, as regards manners and opinions, habits and

characteristics.

If a nation can be said to be happy which has no history, that man is

also happy whose uneventful life has not brought him into prominence,

and who has nothing to record but the passing of years between the

cradle and the grave. But I was not sent into the world to be happy, nor

to search for happiness. I was sent for a special work. Now, from

innocent boyhood and trustful youth, I have advanced to some height

whence I can look down, pityingly; as a father I can look down upon that

young man, Myself, with a chastened pride; he has done well, he might

have done better, but his life has been a fulfilment, since he has

finished the work he was sent to do.

Amen.

PART I

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

THROUGH THE WORLD

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF SIR HENRY MORTON STANLEY

CHAPTER I

THE WORKHOUSE

It is said that one of the patrician Mostyns, of North Wales, possesses

a written pedigree forty feet long, to prove the claim of his family to

a direct descent from Adam. Though no doubt much of this extraordinary

genealogy is fabulous, it allows all of us plebeians a reasonable hope

to believe that we are also descended from that venerated ancestor of

our common humanity. The time has been when patrician families fondly

believed their first progenitor had come direct from Heaven, and we

baser creatures had to be content with an earthly sire.

I can prove as ancient a descent for myself, though the names of my

intermediate progenitors between Adam and my grandfathers, Moses and

John, have not been preserved. My family belonged to a class always

strangely indifferent to written pedigrees, which relied more on oral

traditions, the preserving of which has been mostly the duties of

females, on account of their superior fluency of speech, and their

disposition to cling to their family hearth. My earliest pains were

caused by the endless rehearsal of family history to which my nurse was

addicted; for soon after sunset each evening she would insist on taking

me before some neighbour’s fire, where I would meet about a dozen dames

from the Castle Row, prepared to indulge in their usual entertainment of

recitations from their stock of unwritten folklore. After a ceremonious

greeting and kindly interchange of civil enquiries about each other’s

health and affairs, they would soon drift into more serious matter. I

have a vague idea that much of it bordered on the uncanny and awful, but

I retain a strong impression that most of their conversations related to

the past and present of their respective families, courtships,

marriages, and deaths being prime events. I also remember that there

were many long pauses, during which I could hear a chorus of sympathetic

sighs. The episodes which drew these from their affectionate breasts are

quite forgotten, but those sighs haunt me still.

Such families as were clustered in front of the Green of Denbigh Castle

were an exceedingly primitive folk, with far less regard for ancient

ancestry than the Bedouin of the Desert. Indeed, I doubt whether

any tradesman or farmer in our parts could say who was his

great-great-grandfather, or whether one yeoman out of a hundred could

tell who was his ancestor of two hundred years back. As King Cazembe

said to Livingstone, the ‘Seeker of Rivers,’ ‘We let the streams run on,

and do not enquire whence they rise or whither they flow.’

So these simple Welsh people would answer if questioned about their

ancestors, ‘We are born and die, and, beyond that, none of us care who

were before us, or who shall come after us.’

My personal recollections do not extend beyond the time I lay in the

cradle; so that all that precedes this period I have been obliged to

take upon trust. Mind and body have grown together, and both will decay

according to the tasks or burdens imposed on them. But strange,

half-formed ideas glide vaguely into the mind, sometimes, and then I

seem not far from a tangible and intelligent view into a distant age.

Sometimes the turn of a phrase, a sentence in a book, the first faint

outline of a scene, a face like, yet unlike, one whom I knew, an

incident, will send my mind searching swiftly down the long-reaching

aisles, extending far into remote, pre-personal periods, trying to

discover the connection, to forge again the long-broken link, or to

re-knit the severed strand.

My father I never knew. I was in my ‘teens’ before I learned that he had

died within a few weeks after my birth. Up to a certain date in the

early Forties, all is profound darkness to me. Then, as I woke from

sleep one day, a brief period of consciousness suddenly dawned upon my

faculties. There was an indefinable murmur about me, some unintelligible

views floated before my senses, light flashed upon the spirit, and I

entered into being.

At what age I first received these dim, but indelible, impressions, I

cannot guess. It must have been in helpless

[Illustration: THE COTTAGE WHERE HENRY M. STANLEY WAS BORN]

infancy, for I seem to have passed, subsequently, through a long age of

dreams, wherein countless vague experiences, emotions, and acts occurred

which, though indefinable, left shadowy traces on my memory. During such

a mechanical stage of existence it was not possible for me to

distinguish between dreams and realities.

I fancy I see a white ceiling, and square joists, with meat-hooks

attached to them, a round, pink human face, the frill of a cap, a bit of

bright ribbon; but, before I am able to grasp the meaning of what I see,

I have lapsed into unconsciousness again. After an immeasurable time,

the faculties seem to be re-awakened, and I can distinguish tones, and

am aware that I can see, hear, and feel, and that I am in my cradle. It

is close by a wooden staircase, and my eyes follow its length up, and

then down; I catch sight of a house-fly, and then another, and their

buzz and movements become absorbing. Presently a woman advances, bends

over me a moment, then lifts me up in her arms, and from a great height

I survey my world.

There is a settle of dark wood, a bit of carving at the end of it; there

is a black, shiny chimney; a red coal-fire, with one spluttering jet of

flame, and waving soot-flakes; there is a hissing black kettle, and a

thread of vapour from the nozzle; a bright copper bed-warmer suspended

to the wall; a display of coloured plates, mainly blue, with Chinese

pictures on them, arranged over a polished dresser; there is an uneven

flagstone floor; a window with diamond panes set in lead; a burnished

white table, with two deep drawers in it; a curious old clock, with

intensely red flowers above, and chains and weights below it; and,

lastly, I see a door cut into two halves, the upper one being wide open,

through which I gain my first view of sky and space. This last is a

sight worth seeing, and I open my eyes roundly to take stock of this

pearly space and its drifting fleece as seen through the door, and my

attention is divided between the sky and the tick-tack of the clock,

while forced to speculate what the white day and the pearly void mean.

There follows a transition into another state of conscious being wherein

I appear to have wings, and to be soaring up to the roof of a great

hall, and sailing from corner to corner, like a humming bee on a tour of

exploration; and, the roof presently being removed, I launch out with

wings outspread, joyous and free, until I lose myself in the unknowable,

to emerge, sometime after, in my own cradle-nest at the foot of the

wooden stairs.

And thus, for an unknown stretch of time, I endure my days without

apparent object, but quietly observant, and an inarticulate witness of a

multitude of small events; and thus I waited, and watched, and dreamed,

surrendering myself to my state, undisturbed, unaffected, unresisting,

borne along by Time until I could stand and take a larger and more

deliberate survey of the strange things done around me. In process of

time, however, my tongue learns to form words, and to enter upon its

duties, and it is not long before intelligence begins to peep out and to

retain durably the sense of existence.

One of the first things I remember is to have been gravely told that I

had come from London in a band-box, and to have been assured that all

babies came from the same place. It satisfied my curiosity for several

years as to the cause of my coming; but, later, I was informed that my

mother had hastened to her parents from London to be delivered of me;

and that, after recovery, she had gone back to the Metropolis, leaving

me in the charge of my grandfather, Moses Parry, who lived within the

precincts of Denbigh Castle.

Forty years of my life have passed, and this delving into my earliest

years appears to me like an exhumation of Pompeii, buried for centuries

under the scoriæ, lava, and volcanic dust of Vesuvius. To the man of the

Nineteenth Century, who paces the recovered streets and byeways of

Pompeii, how strange seem the relics of the far distant life! Just so

appear to me the little fatherless babe, and the orphaned child.

Up to a certain time I could remember well every incident connected with

those days; but now I look at the child with wonder, and can scarcely

credit that out of that child I grew. How quaint that bib and tucker,

that short frock, the fat legs, the dimpled cheeks, the clear, bright,

grey eyes, the gaping wonderment at the sight of a stranger; and I have

to brush by the stupefied memories of a lifetime!

When I attempt to arrest one of the fleeting views of these early stages

of my life, the foremost image which presents itself is that of my

grandfather’s house, a white-washed cottage, situated at the extreme

left of the Castle, with a long garden at the back, at the far end of

which was the slaughterhouse where my Uncle Moses pole-axed calves, and

prepared their carcasses for the market; and the next is of myself, in

bib and tucker, between grandfather’s knees, having my fingers guided,

as I trace the alphabet letters on a slate. I seem to hear, even yet,

the encouraging words of the old man, ‘Thou wilt be a man yet before thy

mother, my man of men.’

It was then, I believe, that I first felt what it was to be vain. I was

proud to believe that, though women might be taller, stronger, and older

than I, there lay a future before me that the most powerful women could

never hope to win. It was then also I gathered that a child’s first duty

was to make haste to be a man, in order that I might attain that highest

human dignity.

My grandfather appears to me as a stout old gentleman, clad in corduroy

breeches, dark stockings, and long Melton coat, with a clean-shaven

face, rather round, and lit up by humorous grey eyes. He and I occupied

the top floor, which had an independent entrance from the garden. The

lower rooms were inhabited by my uncles, Moses and Thomas. By-and-bye,

there came a change. My strong, one-armed Uncle Moses married a woman

named Kitty, a flaxen-haired, fair girl of a decided temper; and after

that event we seldom descended to the lower apartments.

I have a vivid remembrance of Sunday evenings at a Wesleyan chapel, on

account of the tortures which I endured. The large galleried building,

crowded with fervid worshippers, and the deep murmur of ‘Amens,’ the

pious ejaculations, are well remembered, as well as the warm atmosphere

and curious scent of lavender which soon caused an unconquerable

drowsiness in me. Within a short time my head began to nod heavily, to

the great danger of my neck, and the resolute effort I made to overcome

this sleepiness, to avoid the reproaches of my grandfather, who affected

to be shocked at my extraordinary behaviour, caused the conflict with

nature to be so painful that it has been impossible for me to forget the

chapel and its scenes.

After passing my fourth year there came an afternoon when, to my dismay

and fright, a pitcher with which I was sent for water fell from my hands

and was broken. My grandfather came to the garden door on hearing the

crash, and, viewing what had happened, lifted his forefinger menacingly

and said, ‘Very well, Shonin, my lad, when I return, thou shalt have a

sound whipping. You naughty boy!’

A tragedy, however, intervened to prevent this punishment. It appears

that he was in a hurry to attend to some work in a field that day, and,

while there, fell down dead. The neighbours announced that he had died

through the ‘visitation of God,’ which was their usual way of explaining

any sudden fatality of this kind. He was aged 84. His tomb at Whitchurch

declares the event to have occurred in 1847.

Soon after, I was transferred to the care of an ancient couple who lived

at the other end of the Castle, named Richard and Jenny Price, keepers

of the Bowling Green, into which one of the courts of the old Castle had

been converted. The rate for my maintenance was fixed at half-a-crown a

week, which my two uncles agreed to pay to the Prices. Old Richard

Price, besides being a gamekeeper, was Sexton of Whitchurch, and Verger

of St. David’s. His wife Jenny, a stout and buxom old lady, is

remembered by me mostly for her associations with ‘peas-pudding,’ for

which I had a special aversion, and for her resolute insistence that,

whether I liked it or not, I should eat it.

Other memories of this period are also unforgettable for the pains

connected with them,--such as the soap-lather in my Saturday evening

tub, and the nightly visits of Sarah Price, the daughter of the house,

to her friends at Castle Row, where she would gossip to such a late hour

that I always suffered from intolerable fidgets. Mothers of the present

day will understand how hard it is for a child of four or five years old

to remain awake long after sunset, and that it was cruel ignorance on

the part of Sarah to keep me up until ten o’clock every night, to listen

to her prosy stories of ghosts and graves. Sarah’s description of a

devil, a curious creature with horns on his head, with hoofed feet and a

long tail, was wont to make me shiver with fright. She was equally

graphic and minute in her descriptions of witches, ghosts, fairies,

giants and dwarfs, kidnappers and hobgoblins, bugaboos, and other

terrific monsters, against whose extraordinary powers it behoved me to

be always on guard. The dark night was especially haunted by them, and

the ingle-nook by a bright fire was then the safest place for children.

If the grown folk had not all shared Sarah’s belief in these gruesome

creatures, I might perhaps have doubted they existed; but I remember to

have seen them huddle closer to the fire, look warily over their

shoulders at the shadows, as though they lay in wait for a casual bit of

darkness to pounce upon them and carry them off to the ghostly limbo.

Had Sarah but known how pain impresses the memory of a child, it is

probable that she would have put me to bed rather than have taken me

with her, as a witness of her folly and ignorant credulity. She believed

herself to be very level-headed, and, indeed, by her acquaintances she

was esteemed as a sensible and clever woman; but, as she infected me

with many silly fears, I am now inclined to believe that both she and

her neighbours were sadly deficient in common-sense.

One effect of these interminable ghost-stories was visible one evening

when I went to fetch some water from the Castle well. It appeared to me

that I saw on this occasion a tall, black spectre, standing astride of

the Castle well. I took it at first to be the shadow of a tree, but

tracing it upward I saw a man’s head which seemed to reach the sky. I

gazed at it a short time, unable to move or cry out; then the phantom

seemed to be advancing upon me, fear put wings to my feet, and I turned

and ran, screaming, and never once halted until I had found a safe

hiding-place under my bed. The dreadful vision of that ghost haunted me

for years, and for a long time I made it a rule not to retire until I

had looked under the bed, lest, when asleep, ghosts and kidnappers might

come and carry me off. The belief that the darkness was infested by evil

agencies and ferocious visitants hostile to little boys I owe to Sarah’s

silly garrulity at Castle Row.

I am under the impression that during the day, for a portion of this

period, I was sent to an infant’s school, where there was a terrible old

lady who is associated in my mind with spectacles and a birch rod; but I

have no particular incident connected with it to make it definite.

Richard Price and his wife Jenny seem to have, at last, become dismayed

at my increasing appetite, and to have demanded a higher rate for my

maintenance. As both my uncles had in the mean time married, and through

the influence of their wives declined to be at further charge for me,

the old couple resolved to send me to the Workhouse. Consequently Dick

Price, the son, took me by the hand one day, Saturday, February 20th,

1847, and, under the pretence that we were going to Aunt Mary at Fynnon

Beuno, induced me to accompany him on a long journey.

The way seemed interminable and tedious, but he did his best to relieve

my fatigue with false cajolings and treacherous endearments. At last

Dick set me down from his shoulders before an immense stone building,

and, passing through tall iron gates, he pulled at a bell, which I could

hear clanging noisily in the distant interior. A sombre-faced stranger

appeared at the door, who, despite my remonstrances, seized me by the

hand, and drew me within, while Dick tried to sooth my fears with glib

promises that he was only going to bring Aunt Mary to me. The door

closed on him, and, with the echoing sound, I experienced for the first

time the awful feeling of utter desolateness.

The great building with the iron gates and innumerable windows, into

which I had been so treacherously taken, was the St. Asaph Union

Workhouse. It is an institution to which the aged poor and superfluous

children of that parish are taken, to relieve the respectabilities of

the obnoxious sight of extreme poverty, and because civilisation knows

no better method of disposing of the infirm and helpless than by

imprisoning them within its walls.

Once within, the aged are subjected to stern rules and useless tasks,

while the children are chastised and disciplined in a manner that is

contrary to justice and charity. To the aged it is a house of slow

death, to the young it is a house of torture. Paupers are the failures

of society, and the doom of such is that they shall be taken to eke out

the rest of their miserable existence within the walls of the Workhouse,

to pick oakum.

The sexes are lodged in separate wards enclosed by high walls, and every

door is locked, and barred, and guarded, to preserve that austere

morality for which these institutions are famous. That the piteous

condition of these unfortunates may not arouse any sympathy in the

casual visitor, the outcasts are clad in fustian suits, or striped

cotton dresses, in which uniform garb they become undistinguishable, and

excite no interest. Their only fault was that they had become old, or so

enfeebled by toil and sickness that they could no longer sustain

themselves, and this is so heinous and grave in Christian England that

it is punished by the loss of their liberty, and they are made slaves.

At one time in English history such wretches were left to die by the

wayside; at another time, they incurred the suspicion of being witches,

and were either drowned or burnt; but in the reign of Queen Victoria the

dull-witted nation has conceived it to be more humane to confine them in

a prison, separate husband from wife, parent from child, and mete out to

each inmate a daily task, and keep old and young under the strictest

surveillance. At six in the morning they are all roused from sleep; and

at 8 o’clock at night they are penned up in their dormitories. Bread,

gruel, rice, and potatoes compose principally their fare, after being

nicely weighed and measured. On Saturdays each person must undergo a

thorough scrubbing, and on Sundays they must submit to two sermons,

which treat of things never practised, and patiently kneel during a

prayer as long as a sermon, in the evening.

It is a fearful fate, that of a British outcast, because the punishment

afflicts the mind and breaks the heart. It is worse than that which

overtakes the felonious convict, because it appears so unmerited, and so

contrary to that which the poor have a right to expect from a Christian

and civilised people.

Ages hence the nation will be wiser, and devise something more suited to

the merits of the veteran toilers. It will convert these magnificent and

spacious buildings into model houses for the poor, on the flat system,

which may be done at little expense. The cruel walls which deprive the

inmates of their liberty will be demolished, and the courts will be

converted into grassy plats edged by flowering bushes. The stupid

restraints on the aged will be abolished, husbands and wives will be

housed together, their children will be restored to them after school

hours. The bachelors and spinsters will dwell apart, the orphans will be

placed in orphanages, the idiots in asylums, and the able-bodied tramp

and idler in penitentiaries, and these costly structures will lose their

present opprobrious character.

But now, as in 1847, the destitute aged and the orphans, the vagabonds

and the idiots, are gathered into these institutions, and located in

their respective wards according to age and sex. In that of St. Asaph

the four wards meet in an octagonal central house, which contains the

offices of the institution, and is the residence of the governor and

matron.

It took me some time to learn the unimportance of tears in a workhouse.

Hitherto tears had brought me relief in one shape or another, but from

this time forth they availed nothing. James Francis, the one-handed

school-master into whose stern grasp Dick Price had resigned me, was

little disposed to soften the blow dealt my sensibilities by treachery.

Though forty-five years have passed since that dreadful evening, my

resentment has not a whit abated. Dick’s guile was well meant, no doubt,

but I then learned for the first time that one’s professed friend can

smile while preparing to deal a mortal blow, and that a man can mask

evil with a show of goodness. It would have been far better for me if

Dick, being stronger than I, had employed compulsion, instead of

shattering my confidence and planting the first seeds of distrust in a

child’s heart.

Francis, soured by misfortune, brutal of temper, and callous of heart,

through years of control over children, was not a man to understand the

cause of my inconsolable grief. Nor did he try. Time, however,

alleviated my affliction, and the lapse of uncounted days, bringing

their quota of smarts and pains, tended to harden the mind for life’s

great task of suffering. No Greek helot or dark slave ever underwent

such discipline as the boys of St. Asaph under the heavy masterful hand

of James Francis. The ready back-slap in the face, the stunning clout

over the ear, the strong blow with the open palm on alternate cheeks,

which knocked our senses into confusion, were so frequent that it is a

marvel we ever recovered them again. Whatever might be the nature of the

offence, or merely because his irritable mood required vent, our poor

heads were cuffed, and slapped, and pounded, until we lay speechless and

streaming with blood. But though a tremendously rough and reckless

striker with his fist or hand, such blows were preferable to deliberate

punishment with the birch, ruler, or cane, which, with cool malice, he

inflicted. These instruments were always kept ready at hand. It simply

depended upon how far the victim was from him, or how great was his

fury, as to which he would choose to castigate us with. If we happened

to be called up to him to recite our lessons, then the bony hand flew

mercilessly about our faces and heads, or rammed us in the stomachs

until our convulsions became alarming. If, while at the desk, he was

reading to us, he addressed a question to some boy, the slightest error

in reply would either be followed by a stinging blow from the ruler, or

a thwack with his blackthorn. If a series of errors were discovered in

our lessons, then a vindictive scourging of the offender followed, until

he was exhausted, or our lacerated bodies could bear no more.[1]

My first flogging is well remembered, and illustrates the man’s temper

and nature thoroughly, and proves that we were more unfortunate than

vicious. It was a Sunday evening in the early part of 1849. Francis was

reading aloud to us the 41st chapter of Genesis, preliminary to

dismissing us to our dormitory. There was much reference in the chapter

to Joseph, who had been sold as a slave by his brothers, and had been

promoted to high rank by Pharaoh. In order to test our attention, he

suddenly looked up and demanded of me who it was that had interpreted

the dream of the King. With a proud confidence I promptly replied,--

‘Jophes, sir.’

‘Who?’

‘Jophes, sir.’

‘Joseph, you mean.’

‘Yes, sir, Jophes.’

Despite his repeated stern shouts of ‘Joseph,’ I as often replied

‘Jophes,’ wondering more and more at his rising wrath, and wherein lay

the difference between the two names.

He grew tired at last, and laying hold of a new birch rod he ordered me

to unbreech, upon which I turned marble-white, and for a moment was as

one that is palsied, for my mind was struggling between astonishment,

terror, and doubt as to whether my ears had heard aright, and why I was

chosen to be the victim of his anger. This hesitation increased his

wrath, and while I was still inwardly in a turmoil he advanced upon me,

and rudely tore down my nether garment and administered a forceful

shower of blows, with such thrilling effect that I was bruised and

bloodied all over, and could not stand for a time. During the hour that

followed I remained as much perplexed at the difference between ‘Jophes’

and ‘Joseph’ as at the peculiar character of the agonising pains I

suffered. For some weeks I was under the impression that the scourging

was less due to my error than to some mysterious connection it might

have with Genesis.

With such a passionate teacher it may be imagined that we children

increased his displeasure times without number. The restlessness of

childhood, and nature’s infirmities, contributed endless causes for

correction. The unquiet feet, the lively tongues, defects of memory,

listlessness, the effects of the climate, all sufficed to provoke his

irritation, and to cause us to be summarily castigated with birch or

stick, or pummelled without mercy.

Day after day little wretches would be flung down on the stone floor in

writhing heaps, or stood, with blinking eyes and humped backs, to

receive the shock of the ebony ruler, or were sent pirouetting across

the school from a ruffianly kick, while the rest suffered from a

sympathetic terror during such exhibitions, for none knew what moment he

might be called to endure the like. Every hour of our lives we lived and

breathed in mortal fear of the cruel hand and blighting glare of one so

easily frenzied.

The second memorable whipping I received was during the autumn of 1851,

the year of Rhuddlan Eisteddfod. Cholera was reported to be in the

country, and I believe we were forbidden to eat fruit of any kind. Some

weeks, however, after the edict had been issued, I and the most

scholarly boy in the school were sent on an errand to the Cathedral

town. When returning, we caught sight of a bunch of blackberries on the

other side of a hedge, and, wholly oblivious of the consequences, we

climbed over a gate into the field and feasted on the delicious fruit,

and, of course, stained our fingers and lips. On reporting ourselves to

Francis, it was evident by the way he gazed at us both that he guessed

what we had been doing, but he said nothing, and we retired from him

with a sense of relief. About half an hour after we all had been

dismissed to our dormitory, and we were all quiet abed, the master’s

tramp was heard on the stairs, and when he appeared at the door he had a

birch as large as a broom in his hand.

He stood long enough to remind us all that he had expressly forbidden us

to eat any fruit from stall or hedge because of the sickness that was in

the country; then, giving a swishing blow in the air with his birch, he

advanced to my bed and with one hand plucked me out of bed, and

forthwith administered a punishment so dreadful that blackberries

suggested birching ever afterwards. He next went to the bed of the

scholar George, who hitherto had escaped the experience he was now to

undergo, because of his remarkable abilities. George, being new to the

exquisite pain of flagellation, writhed and struggled to such an extent

that he exasperated the master, and received double punishment, and his

back, breast, and legs were covered with wounds.

The hard tasks imposed upon us, such as sweeping the play-ground with

brooms more suited to giants than little children, the washing of the

slated floors when one was stiff from caning, the hoeing of frost-bound

ground, when every stroke on it caused the nerves to quiver, the

thinly-clad body all the while exposed to a searching wind; the

compelling us to commit whole pages to memory during the evening; in

these, and scores of other ways, our treatment was ferocious and stupid.

Under such treatment as these examples describe, who could have supposed

that any of the St. Asaph waifs would ever have developed into anything

resembling respectable manhood? Yet several of these poor lads have

since risen to receive a large measure of respect from Society. One of

them has become a wealthy merchant, another is a vicar, a third is a

colonial lawyer, and a fourth is a person of distinction in a South

African State.

It is true that, though unfortunate in early infancy, many of these

children were of sound, vigorous stock, and descended from people who

had once been eminently respectable; and the diet, though meagre, was

nourishing; but the inhuman discipline, the excessive confinement to

school, ought to have dwarfed their bodies, crushed their spirits, and

made them hopelessly imbecile.

Up to the eleventh year of age we all appeared to be of the same mould,

and of a very level mediocrity. We were of the same cowed, submissive

aspect, and were a mere flock of cropped little oddities, eating at the

same table, rising from bed and retiring at the same minute, subject to

the same ruthless discipline, and receiving the same lessons. There were

four classes of us, and the grade of intelligence in each class was so

alike that one might predict with certainty what year the infant of the

fourth class would be promoted to a place in the first. Favoritism was

impossible, for no boy possessed means, grace, or influence to mollify

or placate such a monster as Francis. Clad in that uninteresting garb of

squalid fustian, with hair mown close to the skull, brow-beaten and

mauled indiscriminately, a god might have passed unnoticed by the

average visitor. But as each boy verged on his eleventh year his

aptitudes became more marked, and he became distinguished by a certain

individuality of character and spirit.

The number of boys in our school averaged thirty, but out of that number

only five could be picked out as possessing qualities rivalling those of

the average clever boys of the best public schools. One named ‘Toomis’

was a born mathematician, another was famous for retentiveness of

memory. George Williams was unusually distinguished for quick

comprehension, while Billy, with his big head and lofty brow, astonished

Her Majesty’s Inspector, who prophesied great things of him in the

future, while I, though not particularly brilliant in any special thing

that I can remember, held my own as head of the school.

When the Eisteddfod was held at Rhuddlan in 1851, I was the one chosen

to represent the genius of the school; but, soon after the nomination,

I fell ill of measles, and Toomis succeeded to the honour. Apropos of

this: exactly forty years later I was invited to preside over one of the

meetings of the Eisteddfod, held at Swansea, but as I was preparing for

this honour, a fall at Mürren, Switzerland, resulted in the fracture of

my left leg, which rendered my appearance impossible.

The other boys in the school consisted of the dunces, the indolent, the

malingerers, the would-be truants, the dull, the noisy, the fat-witted

majority, just six times more numerous than the naturally-able boys.

This proportion of one in six is very common in the world. In ships that

I have sailed in, among the military companions with whom I have

campaigned, among the blacks and the whites of my African expeditions,

in the House of Commons, and in Congress, the leaven of one in six

seemed to be required to keep things rightly going.

When Bishop Vowler Short--who had once been tutor to Cardinal

Newman--appeared on his annual visit to the school, he was heard to

express high approval of the attainments of some of the boys in the

first class, and, after honouring them with valuable souvenirs,

graciously blessed them.

When Captain Leigh Thomas, the Chairman of the Board of Guardians, who

was a local magnate, and of Indian distinction--being descended from

that Captain George Thomas, who, in the last century, rose from

obscurity to the rank of an Indian prince in North-West India--visited

us, he pointed out to Francis promising traits in several of the head

boys, and was not too proud to pat us on the head, and elevate us by

kind encouragements with a hope that there were bright rewards in store

for some of us for our manifest abilities.

Her Majesty’s Inspector of Schools on his tour of inspection professed

to discover in some of our boys the signs of unusual intelligence, and,

calling one up to him, felt his head and his temples, and then turned

round to Francis, and declared, in our acute hearing, that he felt

assured ‘that boy would be a prodigy of learning if he went on.’

Our parson--Mr. Smalley, of Cwm--unbent one day to examine us on

Scripture History, and one boy so astonished him by his wonderful

memory, and quick and correct answers, that he exclaimed, ‘Why,

Francis, you have quite a young Erasmus here.’

The famous Hicks Owen, of Rhyllon, examined us in geography one time,

and was pleased to say, on concluding, that some of us knew far more

geography than he knew himself, and that to prevent being shamed by us

he would have to study his gazetteers and atlas before he ventured among

us a second time.

The auditor of the Board, after testing Toomis’s proficiency in

mathematics, laughingly called him young Babbage, and a lightning

calculator.

Such commendation was a great encouragement and stimulus. The rarity of

it, I suppose, impressed it on our minds, and the sweetness of the

praise had a more penetrating effect than blame or bruise.

The difference between our school and the public grammar school of the

period lay in the fact that our instruction was principally religious

and industrial, while in the other it was mainly secular and physical.

The aim of the Guardians appeared to be the making of commonplace

farmers, tradesmen, and mechanics, and instead of the gymnasium, our

muscles were practised in spade industry, gardening, tailoring, and

joiner’s work.

Our outdoor games were of a gentle and innocent kind, and only pursued

when the weather prohibited the use of the hoe and spade. We

instinctively chased humble-bees, daddy-long-legs, we played with

cowslip-balls, wove chains of dandelion flowers, and made chaplets of

buttercups. The oldsters, through some mysterious connection with the

outside boy-world, became acquainted with spring-tops, tip-cat,

kite-flying, hop-scotch, and marbles, leap-frog, hen-and-chickens, and

follow-my-leader. Through some means, the art of telling the time by

thistledown, and of divining by blowing the tassel, had been introduced

among us. We sometimes played hide-and-seek, and excited ourselves by

mild gambling with stones. At rare intervals we blackened one another’s

eyes, but, from fear of consequences, our quarrels were more often

settled by wrestling, when the victor might indulge his spleen by

thumping the fallen without marking the face. We were firm believers in

nocturnal visitants, and in the magic of the rhyme,

‘Rain, rain, go to Spain,

Sun, sun, come again.’

The mimetic power was early developed in me. The school-teacher, and

various country persons, the old porter even, were mimicked well enough

to draw the applause of my school-mates.

We joyfully looked forward to the coming of May, which always preceded

the season of sunshine and outdoor play on the lush green plats outside

of the walls. We faithfully observed St. Valentine’s Day, the 29th of

May, the 5th of November, and the 30th of January, for the names of Guy

Fawkes, and Charles I and II, were well known to us. Good Friday was

always a gloomy day with us, and Easter was solemn; but Christmas became

associated with pudding, toffee, and apples, and was the most welcome

day in the year.

We were Church folk, and were swayed by her festivals. Most of us could

repeat the Morning Service from memory, a few knew the Collects and

Psalms by heart, for they had been given to us so frequently as tasks

because of their sub-divisions, and because it was deemed necessary to

keep us constantly occupied; and as, morning and evening, we performed

our devotions, we grew marvellously familiar with Sacred History.

Our school was a little world in miniature. Most of those now prominent

in my recollection had been foreshadowed by traits which distinguished

my school-mates. The small creatures were faithful prototypes of scores

of adults I have since met in various parts of the world. If they have

not met with their deserts, good, bad, or indifferent, it must be

because of their lack, or misuse, of opportunities, or accident. There

were some among them good enough for heaven, there were others who

seemed wholly vile. Even at that early age I held a belief that some of

them would become heroes and saints, and would be world-famous, while

there were two or three whom I regarded as too despicable for human

intercourse. Time, however, has proved me to have been wrong. My saint

occupies an average place among common men, my hero is lost in the deep

silence, my criminals are probably as good yeomen as could be wished, my

ideals of imbecility are modest citizens, but from among the unobserved

flock have emerged two or three to note and worth.

Meantime, remote and secluded from the world without our gates, which

rode in fine chariots, or sat in glory on the roof of the ‘Jellamanjosy’

coach, or strode free along the Queen’s highway, we vegetated within the

high walls surrounding our home of lowliness. We could take no part in

public rejoicings, or grieve in its sorrows; we knew no Royal or State

occasions, shared in no jubilant celebrations, and were equally ignorant

of public panics and disturbances, as of the pomp and woes of war. In

the Crimea there might be a million of men gathered together to play at

the dangerous game of cannon-balls, and to batter one another into

shapeless fragments; London might roar day and night with its thunderous

traffic; Birmingham might be suffocating under the fumes of its

furnaces; and Manchester might vibrate under the force of its

accumulated mechanisms,--to us it mattered as little as though we were

in another planet.

Year after year we noted the passing of the seasons by the budding

blossoms, the flight of bees, the corn which changed from green to gold,

the fall and whirl of leaves, followed soon after by white snow, and

blasts of nipping winds, which stiffened our muscles, and sent us

shivering to the fire.

The little shops near and in St. Asaph had somehow the air of

large-hearted benevolence, which I never knew to be realised. How often

I tried to peep in, that I might understand the ways of these singular

people, having by right divine the privilege of dispensing to all men

unlimited stores of food and clothing! How I envied the grocer’s boy,

who could dig his hands at his pleasure into inexhaustible barrels of

currants and boxes of raisins, and the plenteous loaves of white

fragrant sugar, or the smart youth with the blue necktie, who might wear

any gorgeous robe he chose, for I believed it was only his modesty which

prevented him from appearing in crimson, or yellow, silk and satin!

We had reason to believe that the great world outside contained lower

depths of misery than anything experienced by us; for, now and then, we

caught glimpses of horrid, unkempt vagrants as they came to the porter’s

lodge for a lodging; and, during our visits to St. Asaph, we could not

enter the town without being impressed with the squalor of the Irish

Square, which made us glad that we were not so disreputable as the

ragged urchins of that sordid locality. Little as we were aware of it,

our minds were becoming soiled by prejudices, just as our boots were

stained with the greasy mud of that neighbourhood. The repulsiveness of

the Square, and the insolence of the smutty-faced, bare-footed _gamins_,

made us believe that Irishmen and Roman Catholics were barbarians and

idolaters, and when, losing patience with their yelping clamour, we

turned to resent their attacks, and saw them skurry to their kennels, we

believed ourselves justified in the opinion that the young brats knew

nothing of fair fighting. Once this opinion became fixed, no amount of

argument would avail to prove its injustice.

Probably the very morning that I had had to bide the brunt of their

savage rudeness, and had been disgusted with their ugliness, had seen me

superintending the cleaning of our dormitory, with a zeal inspired by my

firm belief that before we could be called good, we must be clean,

within and without, and that our hearts, our persons, and our dwellings,

should be without stain. How I came to manifest the passion of a fanatic

for order and cleanliness I know not, yet when it was my turn to clean

up and make the beds, I was seized with a consuming desire to exhibit

everything at its best, to arrange the beds without a single crease or

pucker, to make the folds with mathematical exactness, to dust and

polish cupboards and window-sills until they were speckless, and to make

the flagstones shine like mirrors. ‘There,’ I would say to my companions

detailed for these duties, my eyes sparkling with pride, ‘that is the

way to wash a floor. Let us make the beds fit for princes to sleep in’;

and hard after this triumph of order and neatness I would perhaps be

despatched to the town to have every sense offended by the miracles of

dirt and disorder in and around the Irish Square. No wonder that we felt

unmitigated scorn for Irish habits and ways!

There were two or three boys, even among us, whom we should have exiled

among the Irish had we the power. We felt it to be degradation to be

near them at school. One was remarkable for a pasty complexion, small,

piggish eyes, white eyelashes, and carroty hair. Another had projecting

gooseberry eyes, which suggested that they might fall from him some

day, as from a bush. His stubborn soul could endure thumping without

bellowing, though a tear or two would trickle. His mouth was like that

of a beast, and garnished with great, jagged teeth; and, altogether, he

was so unlovely as to shock every sense in us. Between Francis and

ourselves, they had a hard time of it; and I often wonder how fate has

disposed of them during this long interval.

When I reached my eleventh year, the king of the school for beauty and

amiability was a boy of about my own age, named Willie Roberts. Some of

us believed that he belonged to a very superior class to our own. His

coal-black hair curled in profusion over a delicately moulded face of

milky whiteness. His eyes were soft and limpid, and he walked with a

carriage which tempted imitation. Beyond these indications of him I

remember but little, for just then I fell ill with some childish malady

which necessitated my removal to the infirmary, where I lay for weeks.

But as I was becoming convalescent I was startled by a rumour that he

had suddenly died.

When I heard that his body was in the dead-house I felt stricken with a

sense of irreparable loss. As the infirmary opened upon the court-yard

which contained our _morgue_, some of the boys suggested that it might

be possible to view him, and, prompted by a fearful curiosity to know

what death was like, we availed ourselves of a favourable opportunity,

and entered the house with quaking hearts. The body lay on a black bier,

and, covered with a sheet, appeared uncommonly long for a boy. One of

the boldest drew the cloth aside, and at the sight of the waxen face

with its awful fixity we all started back, gazing at it as if

spell-bound. There was something grand in its superb disregard of the

chill and gloom of the building, and in the holy calm of the features.

It was the face of our dear Willie, with whom we had played, and yet not

the same, for an inexplicable aloofness had come over it. We yearned to

cry out to him to wake, but dared not, for the solemnity of his face was

appalling.

Presently the sheet was drawn further away, and we then saw what one of

us had insinuated might be seen. The body was livid, and showed scores

of dark weals. One glance was enough, and, hastily covering it, we

withdrew, with minds confirmed in the opinion that signs of violence

would appear after death as testimonies against him who was guilty of

it. After what we had seen, it would have been difficult for anyone to

have removed from our minds the impression that Francis was accountable

for Willie’s death.

For weeks after this my first thought in the morning was of Willie’s

dead face, and, in consequence, I could not help looking into every face

with something of pity that mankind should be born for death and burial

in the cold remorseless earth. When I re-entered the school I found

myself curiously regarding Francis, and wondering that he was so

insensible to the miserable fate in store for him, and that he could be

so pitiless in his cruelty to his fellow-sufferers. What would he say, I

thought, when the Judge, who would come to judge the quick and the dead,

would ask him, ‘What hast thou done to thy brother Willie?’

Some time after Willie’s death, George, the scholar, and I became as

chummy as twin brothers. He was not so amiable as Willie, but we

believed him to be severely good, and far more learned, by which he

obtained our respect. He was not a zealous friend, and after some

intimacy with him I was often chilled with what appeared to be

selfishness in him. It may have been that I was too exacting, but I

certainly thought that it was not in his nature to be scrupulous in the

keeping of the pact of chumship. If a cake or an apple was to be divided

into two, an uneasy feeling came over me that he took pains to pick out

the larger half, and in any dispute with other boys George was not so

resolutely insistent on my behalf as the vow of brotherhood demanded.

After a few weeks of effort to make inward apologies for his laxity and

backwardness, it was forced upon me that he was by nature indifferent to

his obligations, and it was agreed that each should be a friend unto

himself for the future. There was no quarrel, however, but we parted

with mutual respect.

About this period I came across a pious romance--the title of which is

forgotten--relating to three young brothers or friends,--one of whom I

remember was named Enoch,--who for their perfect piety were attended by

a Guardian Angel. They had set out on travels through a land which must

have been subtropical, from its luxurious vegetation and its beflowered

scenes; but whatever might be the perils they encountered, or the

temptations that beset them, the unseen guardian was always near them,

and made them strong, confident, and victorious. The stories of Joseph,

David, and Daniel, and the three brave youths at Babylon had powerfully

affected me, but, unfortunately, their associations with tasks and rods

had marred their attractions. My delight in saintly Enoch and his

friends was unalloyed by any such bitter memories. The story was also

written in an easy every-day language, and the scenes were laid in a

country wherein God’s presence was still felt. God had departed from

Canaan, and He had cast off Israel, and now His protection was

vouchsafed to all the children of men without distinction, and only

piety and prayer were needed to secure His aid in times of distress.

Above the fireplaces in the schoolroom, the two dormitories, and

dining-hall, were tacked painted iron sheets which were inscribed with

appropriate Scriptural texts. We had Bible lessons morning and evening,

collects and gospels to commit to memory. Our shelves held a fair

collection of religious literature,--memoirs of Wesley, Fletcher, lives

of Bunyan, Fox, Milton, and others of less note, sermons, and

commentaries. Twice on Sunday we had full services, and after supper the

porter of the establishment, who was a Methodist of super-fervid zeal,

would treat us to a lengthy and noisy prayer, which, as I think of it

now, was rather a tedious string of adjurations to, and incriminations

of the Almighty, than a supplication for grace to the Creator.

But all these religious exercises and literature had not such direct

immediate effect as this romantic novelette. I now conceived God to be a

very real personage, as active to-day as in Biblical periods in His

supervision of mundane concerns. I fancied God’s Presence visible in

many small events, but, to obtain the Divine interposition in one’s

favour, it was necessary to earnestly solicit it, and to be worthy of it

by perfect sinlessness. Here was a great difficulty. It was not possible

to be wholly free from sin in our circumstances. I observed that our

seniors, though they punctiliously went through the forms of prayer,

were none of them blameless. They were cruelly unkind, they were unjust

in their punishments, they were censorious without cause, and most

ungentle. They asked for God’s forgiveness for their trespasses, but

were relentless in their condemnation of the smallest fault we

committed. When I came to think of that beast Will Thomas, and that imp

Davies, and that tale-bearer and mischief-maker Williams, my gorge rose

against them, and I felt that the circumstances of Enoch’s life were not

like mine.

However, I made a grand effort to free myself from my vanity and pride.

I compelled myself for a season to make the sacrifices demanded of me. I

championed ugly Will against his oppressors, and suppressed my scorn of

Davies. I strove to like Williams, though I feared he was incorrigible.

I sought to surprise each of them with good offices, and in the process

endured much contumely, because human beings are so prone to misconstrue

one’s actions. I rose at midnight to wrestle in secret with my wicked

self, and, while my schoolfellows sweetly reposed, I was on my knees,

laying my heart bare before Him who knows all things, vowing that the

next day should be a witness of my sincerity, and that I would have no

fear of derision for attempts at well-doing. I would promise to abstain

from wishing for more food, and, to show how I despised the stomach and

its pains, I would divide one meal out of the three among my neighbours;

half my suet pudding should be given to Ffoulkes, who was afflicted with

greed, and, if ever I possessed anything that excited the envy of

another, I would at once surrender it. Greater proof than these of my

resolve to be perfect I thought I could not show, and when I had done my

part, I hoped to see the sign of God’s favour in milder treatment by

Francis.

I cannot recollect that the season which I devoted to the subjection of

self witnessed the lenity which I anticipated, or that it had any effect

beyond a feeling of physical weakness; but, indirectly, I am not sure

that it was wholly without gain. Without the faith which supported me, I

might never have thought of experimenting on Will and practising it on

myself, my dislikes, and passions, and placing them at the service of

those I had despised; and I am inclined to think that the feeling of

friendlessness was soothed. It was a comfort to know that though without

a parent, relation, or friend on earth to turn to, I had a Father in

Heaven before Whom I was the equal of the mightiest.

I believed in the immediate presence of Angels who were deputed to

attend us for our protection, that the emissaries of the Evil One ranged

about during the darkness of the night, seeking to wreak their spite

against those averse to them, and I believed that the frightful dreams

from which we sometimes suffered were due to their machinations.

Sometimes I woke up in the middle of the night, after a tremendous

struggle with a nightmare, and, gaspingly looking out, fancied I saw the

evil spirits crowding the darkness and sailing about like huge fantastic

microbes, or standing, shadowy-grey, at the foot of the bed. I would rub

my eyes hard for a clearer vision, and I would observe them retreat

against the cold bare walls. Within, all was terror and confusion,

entreaties to Heaven for protection, admonition respecting some neglect

of prayer, or coldness in devotion; and I would rise from bed on being

thus informed of the remedy, and indulge in the sacred theft of prayer

with the humbleness due from a little child praying to the Universal

Father and Creator.

If, by accident, I was discovered, the day following was certain to be

one of torture, an opprobrious nickname, or bitter gibe, taunts,

immodest expressions or gestures; every kind of conspiracy would be made

to excite the demon that lurks within every human breast, so that by

night, what with hate of my fellows, burning anger at their atrocious

conduct, remorse for having succumbed to rage at their wicked practices,

I had collapsed from my virtuous state, to be again brought to my sense

of inborn sinfulness by some nightly visitation, or a curious gush of

tearful repentance, and an agony of longing for the love of some human

being.

The religious convictions of my childhood were too intense and real to

omit recalling them. Often it appeared as though it were wholly useless

to struggle against evil, yet there was an infinitesimal improvement in

each stage. The character was becoming more and more developed. The

temper was becoming firmer. Experience was teaching me something of that

great lesson of life which enables one to view more calmly lapses of

condition.

Thus there are two things for which I feel grateful to this strange

institution of St. Asaph. My fellow-man had denied to me the charm of

affection, and the bliss of a home, but through his charity I had

learned to know God by faith, as the Father of the fatherless, and I had

been taught to read. It is impossible that in a Christian land like

Wales I could have avoided contracting some knowledge of the Creator,

but the knowledge which is gained by hearing is very different from that

which comes from feeling. Nor is it likely that I would have remained

altogether ignorant of letters. Being as I was, however, the

circumstances of my environment necessarily focussed my attention on

religion, and my utterly friendless state drove me to seek the comfort

guaranteed by it.

It would be impossible to reveal myself, according to the general

promise involved in the title of this book, if I were to be silent

regarding my religious convictions. Were I to remain silent, the true

key to the actions of my life would be missing. Or, rather, let me try

to put the matter more clearly: the secret influence which inspired what

good I may have done in life, for the same reason prevented me from

doing evil, curbed passion, guided me when the fires of youth,

licentious company, irreverent mates, and a multitude of strange

circumstances must have driven me into a confirmed state of wickedness.

I was therefore grateful, after all, for the implanting of religious

principles in me by the Biblical education given me in the Union. The

fear of doing wrong intentionally, the feeling of reverence, the impulse

of charity, the possession of a conscience, are all due to this. Without

this teaching I should have been little superior to the African savage.

It has been the driving power for good, the arrestor of evil. It has

given me an acute and perceptive monitor, able by its own delicacy to

perceive evil no matter how deceptive its guise. It has formed a magnet

by which to steer more straightly than I could otherwise have done.

My belief that there was a God, overseeing every action, observing and

remembering, has come often between me and evil. Often when sorely

tempted, came the sudden strength to say, ‘No, I _will_ not, it will be

wicked; not criminal, but sinful; God sees me.’ It is precisely for this

strength that I am grateful. Reason would not have been sufficient to

restrain me from yielding to temptation. It required a conscience, and a

religious conviction created it. That same inward monitor has

restrained me from uttering idle words, from deceiving my

fellow-creatures with false promises, and from hastily condemning them

without sufficient evidence, from listening to slanders, and from

joining with them, from yielding to vindictiveness; it has softened a

nature that without its silent and gentle admonitions would, I am sure,

be much worse than it is. I do not claim that it has always been

successful,--far from it,--but I am grateful for what it has done; and

this feeling, so long as I possess it, will induce me to hope that it

will ever remain with me, a restraining power, a monitor to do my duty

to my Creator, and to my fellow-men.

Whether these religious convictions would have continued with me had I

lived the life of the city is another question. I think not. At least,

not in sufficient force. A journalist’s life in New York does not give

time for reflection or introspection.

Religion grew deep roots in me in the solitude of Africa, so that it

became my mentor in civilization, my director, my spiritual guide. With

religious conviction we can make real and substantial progress; it gives

body, pith, and marrow; without it, so-called progress is empty and

impermanent,--for without the thought of God we are tossed about on a

sea of uncertainty; for what is our earth compared with the vast

universe of worlds in immeasurable space? But above all the vastness of

infinity, of which the thoughts of the wisest men can extend to but an

infinitesimal fraction, is the Divine and Almighty Intellect which

ordered all this; and to Him I turn,--the Source of the highest energy,

the Generator of the principle of duty.

In the adults’ ward at St. Asaph was a harmless imbecile, named John

Holywell, who had been a resident of the house for about a score of

years. He was now over fifty, and was likely to remain until his body

was conveyed to a pauper’s grave. As his fate, so mine promised, except

that I could pray and read.

Tyranny of the grossest kind lashed and scowled at us every waking hour,

but even Will Thomas possessed something that I had not. He had

relations who occasionally visited him with gifts; but I was alone, none

ever came to see me.

I must have been twelve ere I knew that a mother was indispensable to

every child. To most boys of twelve such a simple fact must have been

obvious, but as my grandsire and nurse had sufficed for my earliest

wants, the necessity for a mother had not been manifest to me. Now that

I was told my mother had entered the house with two children, my first

feeling was one of exultation that I also had a mother, and a

half-brother and a half-sister, and the next was one of curiosity to

know what they were like, and whether their appearance portended a

change in my condition.

Francis came up to me during the dinner-hour, when all the inmates were

assembled, and, pointing out a tall woman with an oval face, and a great

coil of dark hair behind her head, asked me if I recognised her.

‘No, Sir,’ I replied.

‘What, do you not know your own mother?’

I started, with a burning face, and directed a shy glance at her, and

perceived she was regarding me with a look of cool, critical scrutiny. I

had expected to feel a gush of tenderness towards her, but her

expression was so chilling that the valves of my heart closed as with a

snap. ‘Honour thy father and mother,’ had been repeated by me a thousand

times, but this loveless parent required no honour from me. After a few

weeks’ residence my mother departed, taking her little boy with her, but

the girl was left in the institution; and, such is the system

prevailing, though we met in the same hall for months, she remained as a

stranger to me.

Among the notable incidents of this age was the suicide of the Governor,

who through some mental strain ended his life with a razor. Then there

was a burglary, or an attempt at one, in our schoolroom. We found one

morning that one of the windows had been forced open, the poker lay on

the table, and there were traces of the bookshelves and desks having

been ransacked. After that, handsome Harry Ogden, who had been sent to

Kinmel on an errand, returned highly intoxicated, which made us boys

marvel at his audacity. Then Barney Williams, one of the cleverest boys

in the school, was detected stealing stamps from the Master’s letters,

which offence was brought to the notice of the Guardians, and was

punished by a public birching, as much, we believed, to the satisfaction

of Francis as to the anguish of poor Barney.

Bishop Short having presented to us some skeleton drawings and views of

cathedrals, I took to copying them, and in a few months had acquired

such excellence that my reputation spread wide in our circle. Francis

affected to believe that I was destined for a ‘limner.’ The Bishop

rewarded me with a Bible bearing his autograph. Miss Smalley, of Cwm,

presented me with a drawing-book and pencils, and I was introduced to a

number of notabilities around as the ‘artist’ of the school. Other small

accomplishments tended to bring me into prominence. My recitations were

much admired. On our annual holidays I was selected to lead the choir of

glee-singers, and, after the Government Inspector’s examinations, I was

pronounced to be the most advanced pupil.

I have no idea of my personal appearance at this time, but I remember to

have heard some comments from bystanders as we bathed at Rhyl which made

me blush violently, also Captain Thomas saying that it would be of vast

benefit to me if I were put under a garden-roller. An old blacksmith of

Denbigh, as I passed him one day, asked me if I was not the grandson of

Moses Parry, and on my admitting it, pretended that I could not belong

to the big-boned Parry breed; while one that stood by him terrified me

by saying that I would be in prime order for eating, after a month’s

stuffing on raisins and sweeties. From an early age I contracted an

intense dislike to these wretched personalities.

In process of time my classmates, who had grown with me, and been

promoted simultaneously with myself, and now filled the first form,

began to be taken away by their relatives, or entered service. Benjie

Phillips became a page of Captain Thomas. When we saw him arrayed in his

beautiful livery, George, the scholar, and I thought fortune most unkind

and indiscriminating; but, looking backward, both of us must confess

that, like fools, we knew not what was good for us. Fortune had reserved

us for other work, but before we should be called we were fated to be

tried a little more.

‘Time teaches us that oft One Higher,

Unasked, a happier lot bestows

Than if each blighted dream’s desire

Had blossomed as the rose.’

Barney was the next to leave. Toomis, the calculator, found employment

with the Whiteley of the neighbourhood; and, finally, George, the

scholar, was claimed by an uncle to be prepared for the ministry.

When, in 1856, the time came for Francis’s annual visit to his friends

at Mold, he appointed me his deputy over the school. On the very first

day of his absence, a boy named David, my especial _bête noire_ on the

play-ground, and whose malice was a source of trouble to me, thought fit

to question my fitness for the post, and persisted in noisy

demonstrations against my authority. For a while the serious nature of a

conflict with one who had often proved himself my superior in strength

restrained me from noticing his breach of order. The sharp-witted boys

of the first class observed this reluctance, and rightly accounted for

it. They also soon became insolently boisterous, and I had to cry

‘Silence!’ as imperiously as possible. There was an instant’s hush from

habit at the word, but, overcoming their first fear, and prompted by

mischievous David, the buzz was resumed, and soon became intolerable.

I strode up in front of David, and ordered him to take his stand at the

Dunce’s corner, which he scornfully declined at once. He dared me to

compel him, and added biting words about my puny strength and impudence.

Instinctively, the school felt that an exciting struggle was impending,

and suspended their restlessness. I was forced to accept David’s

challenge, but when his sinewy arms embraced me I would gladly have

compromised with him had my pride permitted, for the unbending rigidity

of his stiff back was terrifying to think of. We contended breathlessly

for some time, but, finally, I succeeded in kicking his stubborn pins

from under him, and he fell heavily undermost. In a few seconds I rode

in triumph over his prostrate form, and demanded his submission, which

he sullenly refused. Dicky, more friendly than the others, came forward

at the call with a woollen muffler, and with his assistance I made David

captive, and after binding the tense arms conducted him to the

opprobrious corner, where he was left to meditate, with two others

similarly guilty. From the hour when the heroic whelp, David, was

subdued, my authority was undisputed. Often since have I learned how

necessary is the application of force for the establishment of order.

There comes a time when pleading is of no avail.

Not many weeks after Francis had returned from Mold, an event occurred

which had a lasting influence on my life. But for the stupid and brutal

scene which brought it about, I might eventually have been apprenticed

to some trade or another, and would have mildewed in Wales, because,

with some knowledge of my disposition, I require great cause to break

away from associations. Unknown to myself, and unperceived by anyone

else, I had arrived at the parting of the ways. Unconsciously I had

contracted ideas about dignity, and the promise of manhood was manifest

in the first buds of pride, courage, and resolution; but our

school-master, exposed to moods of savage temper, and arbitrary from

habit, had failed to notice the change.

In May, 1856, a new deal table had been ordered for the school, and some

heedless urchin had dented its surface by standing on it, which so

provoked Francis that he fell into a furious rage, and uttered terrific

threats with the air of one resolved on massacre. He seized a birch

which, as yet, had not been bloodied, and, striding furiously up to the

first class, he demanded to know the culprit. It was a question that

most of us would have preferred to answer straight off; but we were all

absolutely ignorant that any damage had been made, and probably the

author of it was equally unaware of it. No one could remember to have

seen anyone standing on the table, and in what other manner mere dents

had been impressed in the soft deal wood was inexplicable. We all

answered accordingly.

‘Very well, then,’ said he, ‘the entire class will be flogged, and, if

confession is not made, I will proceed with the second, and afterwards

with the third. Unbutton.’

He commenced at the foot of the class, and there was the usual yelling,

and writhing, and shedding of showers of tears. One or two of David’s

oaken fibre submitted to the lacerating strokes with a silent squirm or

two, and now it was fast approaching my turn; but instead of the old

timidity and other symptoms of terror, I felt myself hardening for

resistance. He stood before me vindictively glaring, his spectacles

intensifying the gleam of his eyes.

‘How is this?’ he cried savagely. ‘Not ready yet? Strip, sir, this

minute; I mean to stop this abominable and bare-faced lying.’

‘I did not lie, sir. I know nothing of it.’

‘Silence, sir. Down with your clothes.’

‘Never again,’ I shouted, marvelling at my own audacity.

The words had scarcely escaped me ere I found myself swung upward into

the air by the collar of my jacket, and flung into a nerveless heap on

the bench. Then the passionate brute pummelled me in the stomach until I

fell backward, gasping for breath. Again I was lifted, and dashed on the

bench with a shock that almost broke my spine. What little sense was

left in me after these repeated shocks made me aware that I was smitten

on the cheeks, right and left, and that soon nothing would be left of me

but a mass of shattered nerves and bruised muscles.

Recovering my breath, finally, from the pounding in the stomach, I aimed

a vigorous kick at the cruel Master as he stooped to me, and, by chance,

the booted foot smashed his glasses, and almost blinded him with their

splinters. Starting backward with the excruciating pain, he contrived to

stumble over a bench, and the back of his head struck the stone floor;

but, as he was in the act of falling, I had bounded to my feet, and

possessed myself of his blackthorn. Armed with this, I rushed at the

prostrate form, and struck him at random over his body, until I was

called to a sense of what I was doing by the stirless way he received

the thrashing.

I was exceedingly puzzled what to do now. My rage had vanished, and,

instead of triumph, there came a feeling that, perhaps, I ought to have

endured, instead of resisting. Some one suggested that he had better be

carried to his study, and we accordingly dragged him along the floor to

the Master’s private room, and I remember well how some of the infants

in the fourth room commenced to howl with unreasoning terror.

After the door had been closed on him, a dead silence, comparatively,

followed. My wits were engaged in unravelling a way out of the curious

dilemma in which I found myself. The overthrow of the Master before the

school appeared to indicate a new state of things. Having successfully

resisted once, it involved a continued resistance, for one would die

before submitting again. My friend Mose asked me in a whisper if I knew

what was to happen. Was the Master dead? The hideous suggestion changed

the whole aspect of my thoughts. My heart began to beat, as my

imagination conjured up unknown consequences of the outrage to

authority; and I was in a mood to listen to the promptings of Mose that

we should abscond. I assented to his proposal, but, first, I sent a boy

to find out the condition of the Master, and was relieved to find that

he was bathing his face.

Mose and I instantly left the school, for the ostensible purpose of

washing the blood from my face; but, as a fact, we climbed over the

garden-wall and dropped into Conway’s field, and thence hastened through

the high corn in the Bodfari direction, as though pursued by

bloodhounds.

This, then, was the result of the folly and tyranny of Francis. Boys are

curious creatures, innocent as angels, proud as princes, spirited as

heroes, vain as peacocks, stubborn as donkeys, silly as colts, and

emotional as girls. The budding reason is so young and tender that it is

unable to govern such composite creatures. Much may be done with

kindness, as much may be done with benevolent justice, but undeserved

cruelty is almost sure to ruin them.

We ran away with a boundless belief that beyond the walls lay the

peopled South that was next to Heaven for happiness. The singing birds,

the rolling coaches, the tides of joyous intercourse, the family groups,

the happy hearths, the smiling welcome of our kind, all lay beyond the

gates, and these we fled to meet, with the innocence of kids.

CHAPTER II

ADRIFT

Whatever innocent trust I may have entertained, that beyond the walled

domain of the Union House I should meet with glad friends, was doomed to

an early disappointment. I had often dreamed of a world that was next to

Heaven for happiness. Many a long summer evening I had spent looking out

of our windows upon the radiant vale of Clwyd, and the distant lines of

hills which rose beyond leafy Cefn, exciting my imagination by the

recital to myself of fanciful delights, which I believed to exist beyond

the far horizon. The tides of humanity, as they swept gaily over the

highroad in view of our gates, had seemed very beautiful and happy; but,

at the first contact with the highly privileged people whom we met on

the turnpike, they did not appear so gracious to me. Whether they

rolled-by in carriages, or sat on the coach, enjoyed the air at the

cottage-door, or smashed stones by the road-side, drove swift gigs, or

tramped afoot like ourselves, all alike were harsh and forbidding. Even

lads of our own age and frocked children assailed us with scorn and

abuse.

It impressed itself on me that we were outcasts. We wore the Workhouse

livery, and this revealed the sphere we belonged to, to all who met us.

Beings in that garb had no business on the public road! We were clearly

trespassers. What with the guilty feeling of having absconded, and

outraging the public sense by our appearance in scenes where we were

undoubted aliens, we began to feel exceedingly uncomfortable, and shrank

from the view of every one.

As night approached, other anxieties troubled us sorely. Where should we

sleep? How should we subsist? We could not remain always in hiding. The

sun was about setting when we came across a disused lime-kiln. We crept

through the arch into the open bowl-like interior. By cuddling together,

we could just find room in the bottom to sleep; but, as it was still

daylight, our feet could be seen through the opening of the arch by the

passers-by, and we should be taken prisoners. We therefore had to lean

on the sides of the kiln until the darkness came, before we could forget

our misery in sleep. In this awkward position we waited silently for the

darkness.

Our limbs ached with fatigue, our spirits were dejected. In about an

hour, probably, it would be dark; but in such a mood, what a time to

wait! Many illusions disappeared. Nothing of what I had seen through the

Workhouse windows was real. I had been all the time dreaming, having

taken too seriously facts which had been sugared with pleasantness for

our childish minds. The world was ugly, cruel, and hard, and all

grown-up people were liars. From my nurse and old women, my head had

been crammed with ghost stones, and I had become a believer in signs,

omens, auguries, and fetishism, transmitted to me by foolish peasants

from our tattooed ancestors, until the clear glass of my mind had been

blurred; and, as the darkness settled over me, memories of its spectral

inhabitants came trooping to the surface. I fancied I saw images of

those beings who haunt the dark when unguarded by lock and bolt. Through

the top and arch of the kiln, we were open to their assaults. I became

nervously watchful, and, the more I strained my eyes, the more I fancied

I could see flaming imps acting a ceaseless pantomime of malice. Once or

twice I thought I felt the whiff of ghostly wings, and my terror caused

a feeling of suffocation. The only safe thing to do was to talk, tell

stories to each other, that the accursed spirits might know we were

awake and fearless. I continued awake by this method until the sky began

to pale before the advancing dawn, when I softly dropped into sleep, and

so passed the most uneasy night I remember.

With the sunrise, we rose, stiff and hungry, to resume our flight. By

preference, we clung to the lanes, as being the safest for fugitives who

wore the parish uniform; but, near Corwen, our aching vitals compelled

us to brave the publicity of the pike road. We halted, at last, before a

stone cottage, at the door of which a stout and motherly old woman

stooped over a wash-tub resting on a three-legged stool. Her frilled cap

looked very white and clean. A flaxen-haired baby sat astride of the

door-sill, beating a tom-tom with a piece of china-ware. Our

desperately famished state overcame our shyness, and we asked for a

piece of bread. The woman braced herself up, and, giving us a

compassionate look, said, ‘You seem poorly, children. Surely you don’t

belong to these parts?’

‘No, ma’am, we belong to St. Asaph.’

‘Oh, yes. You are from the Workhouse.’

‘Yes, ma’am.’

She invited us cordially to enter, and, opening a cupboard that was

under the stairs, drew out a loaf. She cut off thick slices, smeared

them with butter and treacle, and, filling two large mugs with

buttermilk, set them before us, and bade us ‘eat and welcome.’

After such kindness it was not difficult to win our confidence. I well

remember how the homely clock, with its face crowned at the top with

staring red flowers, ticked loudly during the pauses of our narrative,

and how the minute-hand flung itself recklessly round the dial; how,

near the door, the wash-tub became covered with a scum as the

soap-bubbles exploded one by one; how the good woman suckled her babe to

sleep, as we talked. The coloured picture of that cottage stands out

unfading in my memory, despite the varied accumulations of so many

years.

Having been strengthened by food, and comforted with friendly advice, we

decided it would be best to push on towards Denbigh. Night overtook us,

and we sought the lee of a haystack in a field, too tired to fear

ghosts; and, early next day, drew near the castled town we both loved so

well.

We reached the foot of High Street, and looked with envy at the

shop-boys. We could not help peeping at the bright shop-windows which

exposed such varied wealth, and admiring those singularly-favoured

people, who were able to dispense such assortments of luxuries among

their friends.

Beyond the market-place Mose led the way up a narrow lane leading

towards Castle Green, and, shortly, turned in into a dingy stone house

near a bakery. After mounting some steps we were confronted by a woman

who, as soon as she rested her eyes upon my companion, lifted her hands

up, and cried out in affectionate Welsh,--

‘Why bless their little hearts! How tired they look! Come in, dears,

both of you!’

When Mose crossed the threshold he was received with a sounding kiss,

and became the object of copious endearments. He was hugged convulsively

in the maternal bosom, patted on the back, his hair was frizzled by

maternal fingers, and I knew not whether the mother was weeping or

laughing, for tears poured over smiles, in streams. The exhibition of

fond love was not without its effect on me, for I learned how a mother

should behave to her boy.

A glow of comfort warmed our hearts as she bustled about the kitchen,

intent upon unusual hospitality. She relieved us of our caps, dusted a

polished chair for each of us with her apron, and set them in the snug

ingle-corners, laughing and weeping alternately, and sending waves of

emotion careering over us out of sheer sympathy. She burned to talk, but

reminded herself, by starts, of our necessities, making us smile at her

self-reproaches, her hurried attempts to snatch the food from the

shelves of her dresser, and her evident intention to be bountiful. She,

finally, arranged a table, and, from a new tin-loaf, cut out generous

breadths, on which she dropped circles of black treacle, and pressed

them into our hands. After piling other lavishly-buttered slices on a

plate near by, the boiling water was poured over the tea, and not until

she had seen us well engaged on her bounties did she slacken her haste.

Then, bringing a high-backed chair between us, she laid one hand on the

other in her lap, and exclaimed,--

‘Dear heart alive, how you have grown, Mose, my lad! It makes my heart

thump to see you so beautiful and clever-looking. Are not you very

clever now? And don’t you know just everything, writing and ciphering,

and all that, you know? But what is the matter, children? How is it you

have come to Denbigh? Have you been sent on errands, or have you run

away? Don’t be bashful, but tell me truly.’

When Mose had related the incidents which brought about our sudden

departure from St. Asaph, a look of anxiety came across her face. Then

she asked who I was.

I announced, ‘I am the grandson of Moses Parry, of the Castle, on my

mother’s side, and of John Rowlands, of Llys, on my father’s side.’

‘Oh, indeed,’ she said gravely, nodding her head up and down. ‘I knew

them both well, for when your grandfather, Moses Parry, was rich and

lived at Plâs Bigot, I was a servant girl in his service. That was a

grand time for him. I have seen as many as forty people sit at the old

man’s table; the family, servants, and farm-hands all together. The

family sat at one end. Then came the big salt-cellar, and below it the

servants of the house and work-people were ranged on the two sides. A

fine houseful we had always, too, and a finer family could not be seen

in the Vale of Clwyd. Let me see; there was John, the eldest son, Moses,

and Thomas, and there were the daughters, Mary, Maria, and a young girl

called Elizabeth. Which of these was your mother? Not Mary, I warrant.’

‘My mother’s name is Elizabeth,’ I replied.

‘So! I think I remember something about her, and your father was the

eldest son of John Rowlands, of Llys! Well, I wonder! It seems strange

now how we lose count of people whom at one time in our young days we

knew well. And old John Rowlands is your grandfather! Dear heart alive!

‘I remember the burial of the old man, Moses Parry, very well. He died

suddenly in a field. I was at the funeral, and saw him buried at

Whitchurch. It was my duty, you know, and a fine funeral it was, too.

Poor old man! It was a great come-down in the world from the great house

at Plâs Bigot to that little cottage at the Castle. Did you think of

going to see old John Rowlands?’

‘Yes, I thought of him, and of Uncle Moses and Thomas, and of my cousin

Moses Owen, who keeps a school at Brynford, near Holywell.’

‘Well, I don’t wish to discourage you; but those who know John Rowlands

would tell you there was little hope of help from _him_. However, the

Llys is not above a good hour’s walk, and you could see him first. It

might turn out better than we expect.’

‘Why, is he so poor, then?’

‘Poor! Oh no, John Rowlands is rich enough. He has two big farms, and is

a very prosperous man, but he is severe, cross, and bitter. His eldest

son, John, who, I suppose, was your father, died many years ago,

thirteen or fourteen years, I should think. There are two daughters

living with him, and they might be kind to you. No, it will be no harm

to try the old man. He will not eat you, anyway, and something must be

done for you.’

From this good woman I received more information relating to my family

than I had ever heard previously. It has remained fresher in my memory

than events of last week. At a later period I questioned Aunt Maria, of

Liverpool, upon these matters, and she confirmed their accuracy.

The next morning, after a refreshing rest, I set out for the Llys,

Llanrhaidr. I have but a faint recollection of its appearance, though I

remember a big farm-yard, and fat stock-horses, pigs, cackling geese,

and fowls. My mind was too much preoccupied with the image of a severe

and sour old man, said to be my father’s father, to take note of

buildings and scenery.

Nothing is clear to me but the interview, and the appearance of two

figures, my grandfather and myself. It is quite unforgettable.

I see myself standing in the kitchen of the Llys, cap in hand, facing a

stern-looking, pink-complexioned, rather stout, old gentleman, in a

brownish suit, knee-breeches, and bluish-grey stockings. He is sitting

at ease on a wooden settee, the back of which rises several inches

higher than his head, and he is smoking a long clay pipe.

I remember that he asked who I was, and what I wanted, in a lazy,

indifferent way, and that he never ceased smoking while he heard me, and

that, when I concluded, he took his pipe from his mouth, reversed it,

and with the mouth-piece pointing to the door, he said, ‘Very well. You

can go back the same way you came. I can do nothing for you, and have

nothing to give you.’

The words were few; the action was simple. I have forgotten a million of

things, probably, but there are some few pictures and some few phrases

that one can never forget. The insolent, cold-blooded manner impressed

them on my memory, and if I have recalled the scene once, it has been

recalled a thousand times.

I was back with Mose before noon, and his mother said, ‘Oh, well, I see

how it is. You have failed. The hard-hearted old man would not receive

you.’

In the afternoon, I paid a visit to Uncle Moses, who was now a

prosperous butcher. Flaxen-haired Kitty, whose appearance in the dim

time when I was an infant had caused my expulsion from the house of my

grandfather, received me with reserve. They gave me a meal; but married

people, with a houseful of children, do not care to be troubled with the

visits of poor relations, and the meaning conveyed by their manner was

not difficult to interpret.

I next visited the ‘Golden Lion,’ kept by Uncle Thomas; but here also,

the house was full; and early on the following morning I was on my way

to Brynford, to interview Moses Owen, the school-master.

Brynford is a hamlet situate in the midst of a moory waste, about half

an hour from Holywell, and about five minutes’ walk from Denbigh. The

district is mostly given up to lead-mining. I stopped in front of a new

National Schoolhouse, and the master’s residence. My cousin was my last

chance. If he refused his aid, my fate must necessarily be that of a

young vagabond, for Wales is a poor country for the homeless and

friendless.

I was admitted by a buxom woman of decided temper, whose first view of

me was with an ill-concealed frown. But as I requested to see Mr. Owen,

the school-master, she invited me in, gazing curiously at the strange

garb of what she took to be a new pupil.

On being shown to the parlour, a tall, severe, ascetic young man of

twenty-two or twenty-three years demanded my business. As he listened to

me, an amused smile came to his face, and, when I had concluded, he

reassumed his pedagogic severity, and cross-examined me in my studies.

Though he gave me several hard questions which I was unable to answer,

he appeared pleased, and finally agreed to employ me as

pupil-teacher--payment to be in clothing, board, and lodging.

‘But I cannot take you as you are. You will have to go to my mother’s at

Tremeirchion, who will see that you are properly equipped for our school

with decent clothing, and in about a month you can return to me and

prove what you are worth.’

Thus I entered on my first stage in the world.

Within three hours, on the following day, I entered the straggling and

ancient village of Tremeirchion. It lies scattered along a hillside,

about three miles from St. Asaph, and four from Denbigh. In a remote

time its humble founders had been constrained to build their cabins on

this rocky waste at the outskirts of rich estates and fat farms, but

ultimately their cabins had been replaced by slate-roofed cottages, and

an ale-house or two, and as many shops for the sale of peasant

necessaries were added. About the XIIth Century a small church was

built, and a ‘God’s Acre’ attached to it, which was planted with yew for

the protection of the building from the gales,[2] and the whole was

surrounded by a wall. Later on, when the appearance of Wesley had

disturbed the litigious and discontented Welsh peasantry, a couple of

chapels rose up.

Beyond the village, and after descending the hillside about a mile, past

fir groves, and the leafy woods of Brynbella Hall, I came to the foot of

the hill, and at a few yards from the road-side stood the inn,

grocery-shop, and farm-house known as Ffynnon Beuno,--St. Beuno’s

Spring, or Well.

At the back of the house ran a narrow valley which terminated in the

Craig Fawr (Great Rock). Near the front was a lodge and gate, leading to

Brynbella Hall, well hidden by a tall, rook-haunted wood. The great

house was once occupied by Mrs. Thrale, Dr. Johnson’s friend.

Tremeirchion, literally translated, means the Maiden’s Town, and was so

named from a convent which stood in its vicinity, and was supposed to be

the refuge chosen by St. Winifred, when she retired with a company of

virgins after her revivification by good St. Beuno at Holywell. Compared

with the famous spring of St. Winifred’s at Holywell, that of St. Beuno

is a modest affair, and boasts of no virtues beyond purity and

sweetness. The water is collected in a stone tank adjoining the house of

Ffynnon Beuno, and is allowed to escape, for the benefit of the

villagers, through the open mouth of a rude representation of a human

head, which is affixed in the front wall.

The externals of Ffynnon Beuno favourably impressed me. The sign over

the door informed the public that Mary Owen

[Illustration: FYYNNON BEUNO]

kept open house for the entertainment of man and beast, and sold

groceries, tobacco, ale, and spirituous liquors, and, it might have

added, milk, and butter, poultry, and sheep. As I walked towards the

door I prayed inwardly that my aunt would be as gracious to me as I

believed the owner of the cosy establishment ought to be.

She stood in the centre of her kitchen floor, as I handed her son’s

letter to her. The contents surprised and annoyed her. Though there was

no scorn in her reception of me, I yet felt instinctively that she would

rather not have received the news. The announcement was too sudden and

precipitate to please a mother who, until now, had been a law to her

favourite son. She took her own time to express herself. She asked me

how I had found her house, whether I was hungry and tired, quietly

observing me the while. She set before me an abundance of choice food.

Her pattens signalled her movements in the pantry, dairy, shop, and

beer-cellar; but I knew she was thinking of me, and the letter from her

son. Each time she came in to add some dish to the fare she was

spreading for me, I felt her searching eyes on me. This was an ominous

beginning, and made me feel subdued as I sat in the shadow of the

ingle-nook.

Some neighbours came in to quench their thirst with my aunt’s brewing,

and from my place I could not fail to hear snatches of the conversation,

most of which related to me. My aunt was relieving herself of her

grievance, by which I discovered that her sense of prudence had been

offended by my cousin Moses’ rash act.

‘At his age,’ she said, ‘to take upon himself the keep and education of

a growing boy! He will be marrying himself shortly, and will have

children enough of his own to bring up. Why should he bother himself

about other people’s children? I say, “do what you can for your own, and

let other people do for their families the same.” I don’t like this whim

of Moses’ at all. In the first place, it is disrespect to me, his

mother, who has striven hard to establish him in life; and, in the

second place, it is extravagant, and every penny that that boy will cost

him must be a loss to the family that he will have to look after in the

course of a few years,’ etc., etc.

Poor Aunt Mary! She made me feel mean and depressed at the time, but I

understand it all now. She had inherited the instincts of economy, and

the calamities which had overtaken her father, and reduced his family

from affluence to poverty, had taught her wisdom. From these

circumstances she had long ago learned that only thrift, calculation,

and contrivance, can prevent the most respectable family from declining

to that poverty which leads to the workhouse. She knew that money meant

much to poor folk, and that the only way to make money in her condition

of life was to make the most of her resources, keep whatever she could

scrape from the proceeds of industry; and, acting on those principles,

she was an enemy to all imprudence and improvidence, waste and

extravagance. As she could not invoke the law to hinder young couples

from the folly of early marriage, she could disown them, even though

they were her nearest relatives, and suffer them, unassisted, to bear

the punishment due to the unwise. For mothers in her position, she knew

of no other course, and necessity left no choice. The scraps of

complaint which I heard enabled me to interpret her thoughts and actions

towards me henceforth. When I saw the bony, narrow face, dark with

vexations, and the way she jerked a tankard or a plate from the table,

or flapped vigorously her duster, I knew that I was at the bottom of her

trouble.

Her husband had died three years before, leaving her with the care of

four sons. As her sons approached manhood, her responsibility increased.

So far she had done admirably. Edward, the eldest, was a railway

official at Morley, where in time his abilities must necessarily secure

him promotion. Her second son, Moses, had graduated with honours at

Carnarvon College, and was now the teacher of a National School at

Brynford. Such a distinguished scholar, and one consumingly zealous in

all that belonged to his profession, could not fail to have a brilliant

future. John, the third son, was a lad of eighteen, on the eve of

entering the railway service, as a clerk. David, the youngest, a lad of

thirteen, was destined by his mother to assist her with the farm.

Before I left Ffynnon Beuno for school, I had abundant opportunities to

inform myself of the low estimate formed of me by the neighbours. My

aunt was so honest and candid that she admitted them fully into her

confidence respecting me, and these sympathetic gossips, while they

drank the home-brewed ale, expressed freely to one another their

opinions of me, regardless whose ears might hear.

It was through these--especially Hugh, the blacksmith, and John, the

butcher--that I was informed that I was the son of Aunt Mary’s youngest

sister, who had left her home early, for service in London, and had

thereby grievously offended her family. In straying to London, in spite

of family advice, my mother had committed a capital offence. She had,

moreover, become the mother of three children, and had thereby shown

herself to be a graceless and thriftless creature.

‘Now,’ said they, turning to me, ‘you will know what to expect if you

offend your aunt. With us the rule is “every family for itself, and God

for us all.” Mrs. Owen is a very good woman, but she will stand no

nonsense. You don’t belong to her, and you will be turned out of the

house the minute you forget yourself. So look out, my boy.’

A young boy cannot be expected to penetrate into the secret motives of

his elders, but, though his understanding may be dull, the constant

iteration of hints will not fail in the end to sharpen his intelligence.

Thus it was that I came to perceive that my condition had not been

bettered much by my abrupt exit from St. Asaph. If in one I had suffered

physical slavery, I was now about to suffer moral slavery. I say it in

no resentful sense, but as a fact. I saw that I was to be subject to an

anxious woman’s temper, whose petulance would not be controlled by any

tenderness for me. She was the undisputed mistress of her household, and

those who were of it could only remain with her by uncomplaining

submissiveness. This feeling of dependence on other people’s favour, and

the sense that my condition was never to be other than the singer of

their virtues, greatly troubled me at times.

There are some, by nature proud, who patient in all else,

demand but this:

To love and be beloved, with gentleness; and being scorned,

What wonder if they die, some living death!--SHELLEY.

To her own children, Aunt Mary was the best of mothers. Had I received

but a tithe of her affection, I fear that, like an ass partial to his

crib, I should have become too home-loving ever to leave. As Jacob

served Laban, I would have served aunt for years, for a mere smile, but

she had not interest enough in me to study my disposition, or to suspect

that the silent boy with a somewhat dogged look could be so touched by

emotion. What I might have become with gracious treatment her youngest

son David became. He clung to his mother’s hearth, and eventually

married the daughter of Jones, of Hurblas, by whom he had a large

family. All his life he remained profoundly ignorant that beyond his

natal nook the universe pulsed deep and strong, but, as the saying is,

‘Home-keeping youth hath ever homely wits,’ and gain and honour are not

for those who cling to their fireside.

Throughout the working week Aunt Mary’s face betrayed the fretfulness

occasioned by her many cares. She was a veritable specimen of the Martha

type, and, according to her nature, all her thoughts were bent upon

industry and its proceeds. She took gloomy views of her financial

affairs, and was prone to be in ill-humour, which was vented in saying

disagreeable things to her servants. The damp hollow in which her house

stood, between a brook and a well, hills and deep woods, probably was

accountable for much of this. Her face was thin and sharp, and showed

traces of bad health, as well as of anxiety. The querulous voice and

frequent sighing proved that she suffered in body and thought. But on

Sunday she was a model of propriety and decorum, and a beautiful

motherliness often shone in her eyes, and not a trace of anxiety could

be seen in her face. The next day, however, she would be transformed.

The mind which governed the estate recovered all its alertness. It

seemed as if the Sabbath cap and silk dress had some sedative influence

on her, for when they were put away in lavender, and the Monday gown had

been put on, she resumed her asperity. Like a stern general about to

commence battle, she issued her orders to David about matters connected

with the farm. No detail of byre or barn, seed or stock, field or fold,

was omitted. David repeated them to me, and I conveyed them to Dobbin,

the pony, Brindle, the cow, and her patient sisters, and to Pryn, the

terrier.

From Monday’s early breakfast to the Saturday tea, every creature at

Ffynnon Beuno understood the peremptory law that each was to work. Our

food was unstinted, and of superior quality. Never since have I tasted

such divine bread, or such savoury meat, and the Sunday dinner was

unsurpassable. If my aunt expected us to labour for her with all our

might, no one could complain of being starved, or being ill-fed. What

labour could a small, ignorant boy give for such bounties? I trimmed

hedges, attended the sheep, cleared the byre, fed the stock, swept the

farm-yard, cut and stacked fuel, drove Dobbin to Rhyl station for coal,

or to Denbigh for beer, or to Mostyn for groceries--the odd jobs that

may be done on a farm are innumerable.

Jane, the maid, was not averse to profiting by my help in churning, or

milking, or preparing the oven for the week’s baking. David, though a

year younger than I was, used me as his fag. From him I learned how to

mow, plough, and sow, to drive, ride, shear sheep, and mix pig-swill. I

came to love the farm, its odour of kine and sweet fodder, the humours

of the cattle and sheep, and, though often oppressed by the sense that I

was the one unloved creature at Ffynnon Beuno, my days were not

altogether unhappy.

At the end of a month, my school-outfit was ready, and David and I were

driven by my aunt in her green shandry to Brynford.

School-life commenced the next day, and I was duly appointed monitor of

the second class. In some subjects, a few of the head boys of the

National School were more advanced than I was, but in history,

geography, and composition I was superior.

The school closed at four o’clock, and from tea-time till our supper of

porridge and milk--which Moses Owen affected, from his belief in the

bone-making properties of oatmeal--was ready, I was kept indoors to

learn Euclid, Algebra, and Latin, and Grammar. As my cousin possessed a

fair library of solid literature, I soon made sensible progress, as,

with his system of tuition, and my eager desire to acquit myself to his

satisfaction, I could not fail to do.

Moses Owen was infatuated about books, and, had his health permitted, he

would doubtless, in time, have been heard of in the world. At least,

such was the opinion of those qualified to judge. He was, however, of

delicate constitution, like many slender, overgrown youths, and his

health required careful watching. His residence being new, and exposed

to the winds blowing over the moory waste, the damp was perceptible in

the weeping walls and the mouldy wall-paper, and he was often subject to

fits of lassitude and weakness; but when in tone, he showed all the

energy of his mother, and was indefatigable in teaching me. At

meal-times he was always cross-examining me on the subject of my tasks,

his conversation was highly scholastic, and, when out walking with him,

I was treated to lectures. Fed by such methods and stimulated to think,

I became infected with a passion for books, and for eighteen hours out

of the twenty-four I was wholly engrossed with them. When, a couple of

months later, I stood up for examination among the head pupils, my

progress was conspicuous.

In time, all friendship with any schoolfellow at Brynford was

impossible. Most of the boys were uncongenial through their incurable

loutishness. Few of them were cleanly or orderly, and their ideas of

what was right differed from mine. They were vilely irreligious, and to

my astonishment acted as though they believed manliness to consist of

bare-faced profanity. Most of them snuffled abominably, while as to

being tidy and neat, no savages could have shown greater indifference.

It would be easier to transform apes into men, than to make such natures

gentle. They all appeared to have become acquainted with my antecedents,

and their general behaviour towards me was not dissimilar to that which

the unconvicted show towards the ‘ticket-of-leave.’ The gentlest retort

was followed by expressions which reminded me of my ignoble origin.

Often they did not wait to be provoked, but indulged their natural

malice as from divine privilege. The effect of it was to drive me within

my own shell, and to impress the lesson on me that I was forever banned

by having been an inmate of the Workhouse. I was neither grieved nor

resentful for this, because I had no dignity or vanity which could be

wounded; and, being confined to my own thoughts, I obtained more leisure

for observation, and there was less occasion for speech.

My cousin, also, was too imperious and exacting to leave me much time

for brooding, and, to one of my temperament, moping is disagreeable.

When, however, a few of our neighbours’ children condescended, for want

of other company, to solicit mine for hunting nests among the furze, or

for a battle in the pools, or to explore an abandoned lead-shaft, the

restlessness latent in all boys was provoked in me, and I remember

several enjoyable Saturday afternoons.

Accomplished as my cousin Moses appears to have been in literature, he

was too young to know much about human nature. After months of

indefatigable tuition, he relaxed in his efforts. He began to affect a

disbelief in my advancement, and to indulge in scorn of my progress. My

short-comings were now the theme of his discourses, each time we met. My

task became heavier and longer, his sarcasms sharper, and his manner

more provoking. As I owed a home to him I was debarred from retorting.

He did not stoop to the vulgar punishment of birching or caning, but

inflicted moral torture by a peculiar gift of language. His cutting

words were more painful to bear than any amount of physical castigation;

their effect bewildered me and made me more despairing, and I think his

unkindness increased as my helpless dependency on him was made more

manifest. It frequently happens that as the dependent becomes humbler

the tyrant becomes harsher, for the spirit taken from one seems to be

converted into force in the other.

Aunt Mary, during all this period, had been regularly visiting her son

once a week with fresh home-supplies, and, by observing the change in my

cousin after one of these visits, I suspected that her wishes were

gradually perverting his original intentions towards me. Moses was

absolute over his brother David and myself, but when Aunt appeared it

was obvious, even to me, that, however great her respect for his talents

was, his personality sank in the presence of her masterful spirit. The

stronger nature of his mother ruled him as completely at Brynford as

when he was a tiny boy at home. In the same way that his mother showed

her pride in her son Moses, her son was proud of his mother’s fine

qualities, her wise management of her property and business, and the

esteem she won from all who came near her, as an honourable, far-seeing,

and right-judging woman.

A pity it is that Moses did not pursue the shorter and nobler course

with me. It was but due to his mother that her wishes should prevail,

but by hesitating, and gradually working himself into a dislike of me,

he deprived me of the sweet memory of his goodness. Had he but called me

and said, ‘I am too poor to play the benevolent cousin longer, and we

must part,’ and sent me off there and then, I should have lived to

honour him for his straightforwardness, and to remember with gratitude

that, as long as he was able to, he was graciously beneficent. But, with

every spoonful of food I ate, I had to endure a worded sting that left a

rankling sore. I was ‘a dolt, a born imbecile, and incorrigible dunce.’

When the tears commenced to fall, the invectives poured on my bent head.

I was ‘a disgrace to him, a blockhead, an idiot.’ If, wearying of this,

I armed myself with a stony impassiveness, he would vary his charges and

say, ‘I had hoped to make a man of you, but you are bound to remain a

clod-hopper; your stupidity is monstrous, perfectly monstrous!’ He would

push back his chair from the table, and with fierce, brow-beating

glances exclaim, ‘Your head must be full of mud instead of brains. Seven

hours for one proposition! I never knew the equal of this numskull. I

can endure no more of this. You must go back whence you came. You are

good for nothing but to cobble paupers’ boots,’ etc., etc.

It would be difficult to decide whether I, becoming more and more

confused by this wholly-unlooked-for violence, and confounded by a

growing belief in my worthlessness, or Moses, tired with his

self-imposed task of teaching his unfortunate cousin, deserved the more

pity. Had I been in his place, and believed my protégé to be the

matchless dunce he described me to be, I could never have had the heart

to bait him to despair, but would have sought an occupation for him more

suited for his capacities. Moses appears to have required time to heat

himself thoroughly for such a resolve, and, in his desire for a proper

pretence, he was becoming cruel.

So from this time he was mute about my merits. I was the object of

incessant disparagement and reproaches, and the feeling of this acted as

a weighty clog on my efforts. The excellence which the Owenses,

Pritchards, and Joneses of the school might aspire to was to be denied

me. My spiritual, intellectual, and bodily functions were to be

stimulated with birch, boot, and bluster; for in no other way could one

so dense as I be affected. The pain at last became intolerable, and I

was again drawing perilously near revolt. But Moses saw nothing, and

continued to shower his wordy arrows, which perpetually stung and caused

inward bleeding.

I used to think that Moses was a grand scholar, but I got to believe

that he had never been a boy. That towering intellect of his was not due

to education, it came to him with his mother’s milk. Yet I was unable to

understand, when I reflected on the severity of his manner, how the Lord

Bishop of St. Asaph--who was a Prince of the Church, and was three times

older than Moses--could unbend so far as to challenge us Workhouse boys

to a race over his lawn, and would laugh and be as frisky as any of us.

The stones of the highway would sooner rise and smile than Moses Owen

would relax the kill-joy mask he wore at this period.

At last, after a course of nine months’ tuition, I received permission

to visit Ffynnon Beuno, and I was never recalled to Brynford. Though my

aunt never forgot that she ought to be rid of me as soon as possible,

there was no hardship in doing chores for her at the farm. When she was

gracious, as she often was, she amply compensated me for any inward

sufferings inflicted during her severe week-day mood. She was an

exacting mistress, and an unsympathetic relative, though, in every other

sense, she was a most estimable woman. But what I lacked most to make my

youth complete in its joy was affection.

Tremeirchion is only a hamlet overlooking the Vale of Clwyd, inhabited

by tradesmen, farm-employees, and navvies, and their families; but my

impression is that though the Vale contains a large number of landed

proprietors, few of them are prouder than the occupants of the hamlet.

Sarah Ellis, who rented a cottage from my aunt at the grand rate of 30

shillings a year, carried herself more majestically than any royal

person I have since seen, and seemed to be always impressing her dignity

on one. There was Mr. Jones, of Hurblas, Jones, of Tynewydd, Jones, of

Craig Fawr, Hugh, the blacksmith, Sam Ellis, the navvy--they are revived

in my mind now, and I fail to see what cause they had of being so

inordinately haughty as I remember them to have been. Then there was my

aunt--she was proud, David was proud--they were all exceedingly proud in

Tremeirchion. I am reminded how they despised all foreigners, hated the

Sassenach, and disparaged their neighbours, and how each thought his, or

her, state, manners, or family to be superior to any other. Yet, if

their condition was not humble, where shall we look for humbleness? But

I am doubtless wrong in calling this opinionative habit ‘pride’; perhaps

‘prejudice’ would describe it, the prejudice born of ignorance, and

fostered in a small, untravelled community, which knew nothing of the

broad, sunny lands beyond the fog-damp Vale. The North-Welsh are a

compound of opposites,--exclusive as Spaniards, vindictive as Corsicans,

conservative as Osmanlis; sensible in business, but not enterprising;

quarrelsome, but law-abiding; devout, but litigious; industrious and

thrifty, but not rich; loyal, but discontented.

Our tavern-kitchen on a Saturday night was a good school for the study

of the North-Welsh yeoman and peasant, for then it used to be full of

big-boned men, dressed in velveteen coats and knee-breeches, who drank

like troopers, and stormed like madmen. The farmer, butcher, tailor,

shoemaker, navvy, game-keeper, and a ‘gent’ or two held high carnival

during the last hours of the working week; and David and rosy-cheeked

Jane and myself had to trot briskly in the service of supplying these

mighty topers with foaming ale.

The first quart made them sociable, the second made them noisily merry.

Tom Davies, the long-limbed tailor, would then be called for a song,

and, after a deal of persuasion, he would condescend, in spite of his

hoarseness, to give us ‘Rule Britannia,’ or the ‘March of the Men of

Harlech,’ the chorus of which would be of such stupendous volume that

the bacon flitches above swung to the measure. If, while under the

influence of the ale and the patriotic song, the French had happened to

invade the Vale of Clwyd, I do believe that if the topers could have got

within arm’s length of them the French would have had a bad time of it.

Then another singer would treat us to ‘The Maid of Llangollen,’ which

soothed the ardent tempers heated by the late valorous thoughts; or John

Jones, the butcher, envious of the applause won by Tom Davies, would

rise and ring out the

[Illustration: HENRY M. STANLEY, AT 15]

strain, ‘To the West, where the mighty Mizzourah,’ which gave us the

vision of a wide and free land awaiting the emigrant, and an enormous

river flowing between silent shores to the sea. More beer would be

called for by the exulting men, while eyes spoke to eyes of enchanted

feelings, and of happy hearts. Courage was high at this juncture,

waistcoats would be unbuttoned for easy breathing, content flushed each

honest face, the foaming ale and kitchen fire were so inspiring!

After ten, the spirits of our customers would be still more exalted, for

they were deep in the third quart! All the combativeness of the Welsh

nature then was at white heat. This would be the time for Dick

Griffiths--wooden-legged Dick--to indulge in sarcasm at the expense of

the fiery butcher; and for Sam Ellis, the black-browed navvy, to rise

and challenge them both to a bout of fisticuffs; and then would follow

sad scenes of violence, for John, who was gamey as a bantam-cock, would

square off at the word.

But, at this critical moment, Aunt Mary would leave her shop-counter,

and walk solemnly into the kitchen, and, with a few commands, calm the

fiery souls. Dick would be bustled out ignominiously, as he was too

irascible for peace after half-past ten. Sam would be warned of dreadful

consequences if he lifted his voice again; while as for John Jones, the

butcher, it was pitiful to see how craven he became at sight of a

woman’s uplifted forefinger. Thus did the men waste their spare time in

gossip, and smoking, and drinking--which involved a waste of their spare

cash, or the surplus left in their pockets after the purchase of

absolute necessities. The gossip injured men’s morals, as the smoking

deadened their intellects, and the beer disturbed their lives. The

cottage and farm fireside has received greater praise than it deserves,

for if we think of the malice, ill-nature, and filthy or idle gossip

vacuous minds find pleasure in, it will be seen that there is another

side to the picture, and that not a flattering one.

This chapter might be expanded to a book, if I were to dwell on too many

details of this period. It was crowded with small felicities

notwithstanding myriads of slights. During the prostrating fevers of

Africa, memory loved to amuse itself with its incidents. It had been my

signal misfortune to have been considered as the last in the village,

and every churl was but too willing to remind me of it. My aunt was

nothing loth to subdue any ebullience of spirit with the mention of the

fact that I was only a temporary visitor, and my cousin David was quick,

as boys generally are, to point out how ill it became me to forget it,

while Jane used it as an effective weapon to crush any symptom of

manliness. But, with a boy’s gaiety and healthful spirit, I flung all

thoughts of these miseries aside, so that there were times when I

enjoyed hearty romps with David, hunted for rabbits, and burrowed in the

caves, or made dams across the brook, with the memory of which I have

whiled many a lonely hour in African solitudes.

Aunt Mary had so often impressed it on me that I was shortly to leave,

and worry in the outer world for myself, that my imagination while with

the sheep on Craig Fawr, or at church, was engaged in drawing fanciful

pictures of the destiny awaiting me. My favourite spot was on the rocky

summit of the Craig. There the soul of ‘Childe Roland’ gradually

expanded into maturity. There he dreamed dreams of the life to come.

There I enjoyed a breezy freedom, and had a wide prospect of the rich

Vale of Clwyd,--from the seashore at Rhyl to the castled town of

Denbigh,--and between me and the sky nothing intervened. There was I

happiest, withdrawn from contact with the cold-hearted, selfish world,

with only the sheep and my own thoughts for company. There I could be

myself, unrestrained. My loudest shout could not be heard by man, my

wildest thought was free. The rolling clouds above me had a charm

indescribable, they seemed to carry my spirit with them to see the huge,

round world, in some far-off corner of which, invisible to everyone but

God, I was to work out my particular task.

At such a time, Enoch’s glorious and sweet life would be recalled in the

lovely land of flowers and sunshine, and it would not be long before I

would feel inspired to imitate his holy blamelessness, and, rising to my

feet, I would gather stones, and raise a column to witness my vows, like

Jacob in the patriarchal days. Those hours on the top of the Craig were

not wholly without their influence. They left on the mind remembrances

of a secret compact with the All-seeing God, Who heard, through rushing

clouds and space, the loveless

[Illustration: “CRAIG FAWR” FROM THE FARM]

boy’s prayer and promise; and, when provoked, they often came between me

and offence.

Finally, another aunt came to visit us from Liverpool; and, therewith,

the first phase of my future was shaped. When she had gathered the

intentions of her sister towards me, she ventured upon the confident

statement that her husband--Uncle Tom, as he came to be known to me--was

able to launch me upon a career which would lead to affluence and

honour. He had such great influence with a Mr. Winter--Manager of a

Liverpool Insurance Office--that my future was assured. After several

debates between the two sisters, Aunt Mary was persuaded that I had but

to land in Liverpool to be permanently established in a

highly-prosperous business.

After Aunt Maria’s departure, a letter from her husband arrived which

substantiated all she had said, and urged the necessity of an early

decision, as such a vacancy could not be left long unfilled. It only

needed this to hurry Aunt Mary in procuring for me the proper outfit,

which she was resolved should be as complete as if it were for one of

her own children.

When the day of departure at last came, my feelings were violently

wrenched; certainly some fibres of my affection were being torn, else

why that feeling of awful desolation? It may appear odd that I wept

copiously at leaving Ffynnon Beuno, where there were none who could have

wept for me, had they tried ever so hard. Nevertheless, when one image

after the other of the snug farm-house and lovely neighbourhood, the

Craig Fawr, the fields, the woods, the caves, the brook, crowded into my

mind, I was sorely tempted to pray for a little delay. It is probably

well that I did not, and it was better for my health that my affections

were with inanimate nature and not with persons, for, otherwise, it

would have been a calamity. Wordsworth finely describes the feeling that

moved me in the lines,--

‘These hills,

Which were his living being, even more

Than his own blood ... had laid

Strong hold upon his affections, were to him

A pleasurable feeling of blind love.’

As the little packet-steamer bore us towards Liverpool, and the shores

of Wales receded from view, the sight of the melancholy sea and cold

sky seemed in fit sympathy with the heavy burden which lay on my heart.

They stirred up such oppressive fancies that I regarded myself as the

most miserable being in existence, deprived of even a right to love the

land that I was born in. I said to myself, ‘I have done no harm to any

living soul, yet if I but get attached to a field, all conspire to tear

me away from it, and send me wandering like a vagabond over the

unknown.’

Who can describe that sadness? Anguish racked me, and a keen sense of

woe and utter beggary so whelmed the mind that my ears became dead to

words, my eyes blind to all colours, save that which sympathised with

the gloom within. No gold or silver had I, nor land, nor any right even

to such small share as might be measured for my grave; but my memory was

rich with pleasant thoughts, stored with scenic beauties. Oh! place me

on the summit of the Craig again, and let me sit in peace, and my happy

thoughts will fly out, one by one, and bring the smile to my face, and

make me proof against the misery of orphanage and the wintry cold of the

world; there my treasures, which to me were all-sufficing, wearied me

not with their weight or keeping, were of no bulk to kindle

covetousness, or strike the spark of envy, and were close-hidden within

the soul. Often as I have left English shores since, the terrible

dejection of spirit of that day has ever recurred to my mind.

When about half-way across the Dee estuary, I was astonished at seeing

many great and grand ships sailing, under towers of bellying canvas,

over the far-reaching sea, towards some world not our own. Not long

after there appeared on the horizon clouds of smoke, out of which,

presently, wound a large city. There I saw distinctly masses of houses,

immensely tall chimneys, towers, lengths of walls, and groves of

ship’s-masts.

My rustic intelligence was diverted by the attempt to comprehend what

this sight could mean. Was this Liverpool, this monstrous aggregation of

buildings, and gloomy home of ships? Before I could answer the question

satisfactorily, Liverpool was all around me: it had grown, unperceived

by me, into a land covered by numberless structures of surpassing

vastness and height, and spread on either side of our course. We sped

along a huge sea-wall, which raised its grim front as high as a castle,

and before us was a mighty river; on either side there was an

immeasurable length of shore, crowded with houses of all sorts; and when

I looked astern, the two lines with their wonders of buildings ran far

out towards the sea, whence we had so swiftly come.

Before my distracted mind could arrange the multitude of impressions

which were thronging on me, my aunt, who had sat through all unmoved and

silent, touched me on the shoulder and bade me follow her ashore.

Mechanically, I obeyed, and stepped out on a floating stage which was

sufficiently spacious to accommodate a whole town-full of people; and,

walking over an iron bridge, we gained the top of the colossal wall,

among such a number of human beings that I became speechless with fear

and amazement.

Entering a carriage, we drove along past high walls that imprisoned the

shipping, through an atmosphere impregnated with fumes of pitch and tar,

and streets whose roar of traffic was deafening. My ears could

distinguish clinks of iron, grinding roll of wheels, tramp of iron-shod

hoofs, but there was a hubbub around them all which was loud and

strenuous, of which I could make nothing, save that it was awful and

absorbing. Fresh from the slumbering existence of a quiet country home,

my nerves tingled under the influence of the ceaseless crash and

clamour. The universal restlessness visible out of the carriage windows,

and the medley of noises, were so overwhelming that from pure

distraction and an impressive sense of littleness in the midst of such a

mighty Babel, every intelligent faculty was suspended.

The tremendous power of this aggregate force so fiercely astir, made me

feel so limp and helpless that again I was tempted to implore my aunt to

return with me to the peace of Tremeirchion. But I refused the cowardly

impulse, and, before my total collapse, the carriage stopped at an

hotel. We were received by such smiling and obliging strangers that my

confidence was restored. The comfort visible everywhere, and the

composed demeanour of my aunt and her friends, were most soothing.

In the evening, Aunt Maria appeared, and her warm greetings served to

dissipate all traces of my late panic, and even infused a trifle of

exaltation, that my insignificant self was henceforth to be considered

as one of the many-throated army which had made Liverpool so terrible to

a youthful rustic. She was pressed to stay for a nine-o’clock supper,

but when she rose to depart I was by no means reluctant to brave the

terror of the street. Aunt Mary slipped a sovereign into my hand, stood,

over a minute, still and solemn, then bade me be a good boy and make

haste to get rich. I was taken away, and I never saw her again.

The streets no longer resounded with the startling hurly-burly of the

day. At a quick trot we drove through miles of lighted ways, and by

endless ranges of ill-lit buildings. Once I caught a glimpse of a

spacious market, aglow with gas-lights, where the view of innumerable

carcases reminded me of the wonderful populousness of the great city;

but beyond it lay the peaceful region of a sleeping people. At about the

middle of this quieter part the cab halted, and we descended before the

door of No. 22, Roscommon Street.

My precious box, with its Liverpool outfit, was carried into the house,

and a second later I was in the arms of cheery ‘Uncle Tom.’ In

expectation of my coming there was quite a large party assembled. There

was my irrepressible cousin, Mary Parkinson, with her husband, tall John

Parkinson, the cabinet-maker, a brave, strong, and kindly fellow. There

were also my cousins Teddy and Kate, and Gerard, Morris, and others.

Cousin Mary was an independent young woman, and, like all women

conscious of good looks, sure of her position in a small circle; but,

important as she might be, she was but secondary to Uncle Tom, her

father. He was the central figure in the gathering, and his sentiments

were a law to his household. He stood in the forefront, of medium size,

corpulent, rubicund, and so genial, it was impossible to withstand him.

‘My word, laddy! thou art a fine boy! Why, I had no idea they could

raise such as thou in Wales. What hast been living on to get so plump

and round--cheeks like apples, and eyes like stars? Well, of all!--I

say, Mary, John, my dears, why are ye standing mute? Give the laddy here

a Lancashire welcome! Buss him, wench! He is thy first cousin. Teddy, my

lad, come up and let me make thee acquainted with thy cousin. Kate, step

forward, put up thy mouth, dear; there, that is right! Now welcome, a

thousand times, to Liverpool, my boy! This is a grand old city, and thou

art her youngest citizen,’ etc., etc.

He was so breezy and bluff of speech, and so confident of great things

for me in Liverpool, that I forgot I was in the city of noise and smoke,

as well as my first dread of it. He was the first of his type I ever

met. He had the heartiness and rollickness of the traditional ‘sea-dog,’

as sound in fibre as he was impervious to care. No presence could daunt

him or subdue his unabashed frankness. He was like that fellow

‘Who having been praised for bluntness doth affect

A saucy roughness.

He cannot flatter, he!

An honest mind and plain,--he must speak truth;

An they will take it, so; if not, he’s plain.’

Uncle Tom was a man of fair education, and had once occupied a

responsible post in the railway service. It was through his influence

that Edward Owen had found a position in it, and I presume that the

memory of that had influenced Aunt Mary in committing me to his care.

Uncle Tom must have been found wanting in some respects, for he had

descended in the scale of life, while his protégé, Edward, was now

mounting rapidly. He now was a poor ‘cottoner,’ at a pound a week, with

which he had to support himself and large family. His fault--if fault it

may be called--may be guessed by the fact that, while his family was

increasing, he had rashly undertaken to burden himself with the care of

a boy of my age, while the slightest accident or indisposition would

leave him wholly without means to support anybody. His heart was

altogether too easily expansive for one of his condition. Had his means

permitted, he would have kept perpetual holiday with his friends, he so

loved good cheer and genial fellowship. He was over-contented with

himself and others; and too willing to become surety for anyone who

appeared to possess good-humour and good-nature; and, through that

disposition, which is fatal to a man of family, he continued to fall

lower and lower, until his precarious wages barely sufficed for the

week’s wants.

During the first few days I did little more than tramp through the

streets of Liverpool from Everton to the Docks, with Teddy Morris, aged

12, as a guide, who showed me the wonders of the city with the air of an

important shareholder glorying in his happy investments. The spirit of

his father in regard to its splendour and wealth had taken possession of

him, and so much was I impressed with what he said to me, that, had a

later comer questioned me about Liverpool, I should doubtless have

expressed the conviction that its grandeur was due in a great measure to

the presence of Uncle Tom and his son Teddy.

The day came when Uncle Tom took me to interview Mr. Winter, through

whose influence I was to lay the foundation of that promised prosperity

that was to be mine. I had donned my new Eton suit for the first time,

and my hair shone with macassar. Such an important personage as Mr.

Winter could only live among the plutocracy of Everton Heights; and

thither we wended, with hope and gladness in our eyes.

Years ago, when Uncle Tom was in affluent circumstances, he had

befriended Mr. Winter in some way that had made that gentleman pledge

himself to repay his kindness. He was about to test the sincerity of his

professions by soliciting his influence on behalf of his wife’s nephew.

We were received with a profuse show of friendship, and such civilities

that they seemed obsequious to me when I compared the sheen of Mr.

Winter’s black clothes with the fluffy jacket on Uncle Tom’s shoulders.

The gentleman took out his spotless kerchief and affected to dust the

chair before placing it before his visitor, and anxiously inquired about

the health of good Mrs. Morris and her divine children. When he came

finally to touch upon my affairs, I was rendered quite emotional with

pride by the compliments he showered upon me.

Mrs. Winter, an extremely genteel person in long curls, presently

appeared upon the scene, and after cooing with her spouse and exchanging

affectionate embraces, was introduced to us. But, though we were

present, husband and wife had such an attraction for each other that

they could not refrain from resuming their endearments. My cheeks burned

with shame as I heard them call one another, ‘My sweetie, darling love,

blessed dearie,’ and the like; but Uncle Tom was hugely delighted, and

took it all as a matter of course. In Wales, however, married people

did not conduct themselves so grossly in public.

When we rose to go away, Mr. Winter resumed his earnest and benevolent

manner to us, and begged my uncle to call on him next morning at nine

sharp, and he would be sure to hear of something favourable. While

returning home down the slope from Everton, Uncle Tom was most emphatic

in declaring that ‘dear old Winter was a born gentleman, a dear, kind

heart, and excellent old soul,’ and that I might consider myself as a

‘made man.’ Exultations at my prospects inclined me to echo my uncle’s

sentiments, and to express my belief that Mrs. Winter was like a saint,

with her dove-like eyes and pretty ringlets, though in some recess of me

was something of a disdain for those mawkish endearments of which I had

been an unwilling witness. These subjects occupied us all the way back

to No. 22, Roscommon Street, upon entering which we revealed all that

had happened to Aunt Maria, and made her participate in the delights of

hope.

Twenty times during the month did Uncle Thomas and I travel up to

Everton Heights, and the oftener we called on Mr. and Mrs. Winter, the

less assured we became of the correctness of our first impressions.

These visits cost Uncle Tom, who ought to have been at work checking the

cotton bales, seventy shillings, which he could ill afford to lose. The

pair at every occasion met us with exquisite politeness, and their

cooing by-plays recurred regularly, he affectionate beyond words, she

standing with drooping head, and meek sense of unworthiness, as he

poured over her the oil of sweetness.

The visits had been gradually becoming more and more tedious to us, for

what may have been gratification to them was nauseous to disappointed

people, until at the end of the twenty-first visit Uncle Tom burst out

uncontrollably with, ‘Now, d--n it all! Stop that, Winter. You are

nothing but an artful humbug. In God’s name, man, what pleasure can you

find in this eternal lying? Confound you, I say, for a d--d old rascal

and hypocrite! I can’t stand any more of this devilish snivelling. I

shall be smothered if I stay here longer. Come, boy, let’s get out of

this, we will have no more of this canting fraud.’

Instinct had prepared me somewhat for this violent explosion, but I was

shocked at its force when it occurred. It deepened my belief that my

uncle was a downright, honest, and valiant man; and I respected the

righteousness of his anger, but I was bound to be grieved by his

profanity. He fumed all the way home at the _farceur_, and yet comforted

himself and me, saying, ‘Never mind, laddie! We’ll get along somehow

without the help of that sweep.’

Aunt Maria’s conduct when we reached home was the beginning of a new

experience. She called me aside and borrowed my gold sovereign, for, as

she put it, ‘Uncle Tom has now been out of work for over three weeks,

because, you know, it was necessary to call every day on the false

friend, who fed him with hopes. He is awfully distressed and put out,

and I must get him a good meal or two to put spirit into him. In a day

or two he will be all right.’

On Monday morning of the next week she borrowed my Eton suit, and took

it to the place of the three gilt balls. The Monday after, she took my

overcoat to the same place, and then I knew that the family was in great

trouble. The knowledge of this was, I think, the first real sharpener of

my faculties. Previously, I had a keen sight, and acute hearing, but

that was all: there had been no effect on the reason. I have often

wondered that I was so slow of understanding things which had been

obvious to little Teddy from the first.

I now walked the streets with a different object than sight-seeing. Shop

windows were scrutinised for the legend ‘Boy wanted.’ I offered my

services scores of times, and received for answer that I was either too

young, too little, not smart enough, or I was too late; but one day,

after a score of refusals, I obtained my first employment at a

haberdasher’s in London Road, at five shillings a week; and my duties

were to last from seven in the morning until nine at night, and to

consist of shop-sweeping, lamp-trimming, window-polishing, etc.

As London Road was some distance from Roscommon Street, I had to rise

before six o’clock, by which I enjoyed the company of uncle, who at this

hour prepared his own morning meal. At such times he was in the best of

moods. He made the most savoury coffee, and was more generous than aunt

with the bread and butter. He was unvaryingly sanguine of my ultimate

success in life. He would say, ‘Aye, laddie, thou ‘ilt come out all

right in the end. It’s a little hard at first, I know, but better times

are coming, take my word for it’; and he would cite numerous instances

of men in Liverpool, who, beginning at the lowest step, had risen by

dint of perseverance and patience to fabulous wealth. Those early

breakfasts, while Aunt Maria and the children were asleep, and uncle

bustled cheerfully about with the confidence of a seer in the future,

have been treasured in my memory.

At half-past six I would leave the house, with a tin bucket containing

bread and butter and a little cold meat to support me until nine at

night. Thousands in similar condition were then trudging through the

streets to their various tasks, bright, happy, and regular as

clock-work. To all appearance they took pride in their daily toils, and

I felt something of it, too, though the heavy shutters, which I took

down and put up, made me wince when I remembered them. I think most of

us would have preferred the work with the wages to the wages without the

work. The mornings were generally sunless, the buildings very grimy, the

atmosphere was laden with soot, and everything was dingy; but few of us

thought of them as we moved in long and lively procession of men and

boys, women and girls, with complexions blooming like peaches, and lips

and ears reddened with rich blood.

As it drew near half-past nine at night, I would return home with

different views. My back ached, I was hungry and tired, and a supper of

cockles and shrimps, or bloater, was not at all stimulating. At

half-past ten I would be abed, weary with excessive weariness.

So long as my fresh country strength endured, my habits were regular,

but after two months the weight of the shutters conquered me, and sent

me to bed for a week to recuperate. Meantime, the haberdasher had

engaged a strong boy of eighteen in my place. Then followed a month of

tramping about the streets again, seeking fresh work, during which I

passed through the usual vicissitudes of hope and disappointment. The

finances of the family fell exceedingly low. Nearly all my clothes

departed to the house of the gilt balls, and their loss entailed a

corresponding loss of the smartness expected in office or shop-boys.

Necessity drove me further afield, even as far as the Docks. It was

then, while in search of any honest work, that I came across the bold

sailor-boys, young middies, gorgeous in brass buttons, whose jaunty air

of hardihood took my admiration captive. In the windows of the marine

slop-shops were exposed gaudy kerchiefs stamped with the figures of the

Royal Princes in nautical costume, which ennobled the sailor’s

profession, though, strange to say, I had deemed it ignoble, hitherto.

This elevation of it seduced me to enter the Docks, and to inspect more

closely the vessels. It was then that I marvelled at their lines and

size, and read with feelings verging on awe the names ‘Red Jacket,’

‘Blue Jacket, ‘Chimborazo,’ ‘Pocahontas,’ ‘Sovereign of the Seas,’

‘William Tapscott,’ etc. There was romance in their very names. And what

magnificent ships they were! Such broad and long-reaching extent of

decks, such girth of hulk and dizzy height of masts! What an atmosphere

of distant regions, suggestive of spicy Ind, and Orient isles! The

perfume of strange products hung about them. Out of their vast holds

came coloured grain, bales of silks hooped with iron, hogsheads,

barrels, boxes, and sacks, continuously, until the piles of them rose up

as high as the shed-roof.

I began to feel interested in the loud turmoil of commerce. The running

of the patent tackles was like music to me. I enjoyed the clang and boom

of metal and wood on the granite floors, and it was grand to see the

gathered freight from all parts of the world under English roofs.

On boards slung to the rigging were notices of the sailing of the ships,

and their destinations. Some were bound for New York, New Orleans,

Demerara, and West Indies, others were for Bombay, Calcutta, Shanghai,

the Cape, Melbourne, Sydney, etc. What kind of places were those cities?

How did these monstrous vessels ever leave the still pools walled round

with granite? I burned to ask these and similar questions.

There were real Liverpool boys about me, who were not unwilling to

impart the desired information. They pointed out to me certain

stern-faced men, with masterful eyes, as the captains, whose commands

none could dispute at sea; men of unlimited energy and potent voices as

the mates, or officers, who saw to the carrying out of their superior’s

commands; and the jerseyed workmen in the rigging--some of whom sported

gold earrings, and expectorated with superb indifference--as the sailors

who worked the ships from port to port. Each of these seamen bore on his

face an expression which I interpreted to mean strength, daring, and

defiance.

Before I parted from these boys, who were prodigies of practical wisdom,

and profound in all nautical matters, I had learned by comparing the

‘Red Jacket’ and ‘Dreadnought’ with the ‘American Congress’ and

‘Winfield Scott,’ the difference between a first-class clipper and an

ordinary emigrant packet, and why some ships were ‘Black-Ballers’ and

others ‘Red-Crossers,’ and how to distinguish between a vessel built in

Boston and one of British build.

One day, in my wanderings in search of work, I rambled up a by-street

close to the Brambley Moor Dock, and saw over a butcher’s stall a

notice, ‘Boy wanted.’ I applied for the vacancy, and Mr. Goff, the

proprietor, a pleasant-faced, prosperous-looking man, engaged me

instantly and turned me over to his foreman. This man, a hard,

sinister-faced Scotsman, for his fixed scowl, and implacable

irascibility, was a twin brother of Spleen. There never was such a

constant fault-finder, and, for general cantankerousness, I have never

met his like. The necessity of finding some work to do, and of never

leaving it, except for a change of work, called forth my utmost efforts

to please; but the perpetual scolding and cross tantrums, in which he

seemed to take delight, effectually baffled my simple arts. This man’s

eyes peculiarly affected me. They were of the colour of mud, and their

pin-point pupils sparkled with the cruel malignity of a snake’s. When,

in after years, I first looked into the visual orbs of the African

crocodile, my first thought was of the eyes of Goff’s foreman. Heaven

forbid that after such a long period I should malign him, but I cannot

resist the conviction that when he died, those who had known him must

have breathed freer!

Wretched as was my fortnight’s stay at the butcher’s under the

inhumanly-malicious foreman, it was the means of my becoming more

intimately acquainted with the stern lords of the sea, and their stately

ships; for my work consisted in carrying baskets of fresh provisions to

the vessels in the docks; and Time and Fate had so ordered it that

through this acquaintance I should be shunted into another line of life.

During the last few weeks domestic matters at Roscommon Street had not

been at all pleasant. The finances of the family had fallen very low,

and it had been evident that here, also, as at Ffynnon Beuno, there was

a wide distinction between children who had parents and those who were

orphaned. For if ever a discussion rose between my cousin and myself, my

uncle and aunt were invariably partial to their own, when called to

arbitrate between us. It was obvious that I was the least aggressive and

troublesome, the most respectful and sympathetic, of the younger members

of the family, but these merits were as naught when weighed in the

scales of affection. Teddy’s temper, made arrogant by the conceit that

he was his father’s son, required to be curbed sometimes; but if I

asserted myself, and promised him a thrashing, the maternal bosom was a

sure refuge; and, as each mother thinks her son more perfect than any

other boy, a certain defeat awaited me. Just as I had submitted to the

humours of David at Ffynnon Beuno, I was forced to submit to those of

Teddy. If aunt’s censures of me were not sufficient to ensure immunity

to the nagging boy, there was the old man’s rough tongue to encounter.

Slowly the thought was formed that if I were not to be permitted to

resent Teddy’s infirmities of temper, nor to obtain the protection of

his over-indulgent parents, my condition could not be worse if I

exchanged the growing intolerance of the evil for some other, where, at

least, I should enjoy the liberty of kicking occasionally. On striking a

balance between the gains of living with Teddy’s family and the crosses

received through Teddy’s insolence, it appeared to my imperfect mind

that my humiliation was in excess. I had not obtained the clerkship for

which I had left Wales, my gold sovereign was gone, all my clothes were

in the pawnshop. I had fallen so low as to become a butcher’s errand

boy, under a brute. At home, there was as little peace at night, as

there was, during the day, with the foreman. Exposed to the unruly

spitefulness of Teddy, the frowns of aunt, the hasty anger of uncle, and

the unholy fury of the Scotsman, I was in a fair way of being ground

very fine.

At this juncture, and while in an indifferent mood, Fate caused a little

incident to occur which settled my course for me. I was sent to the

packet-ship ‘Windermere’ with a basket of provisions, and a note to

Captain David Hardinge. While the great man read his note, I gazed

admiringly at the rich furniture of the cabin, the gilded mirrors, and

glittering cornices, and speculated as to the intrinsic value of this

gilding, but, suddenly, I became conscious that I was being scrutinised.

‘I see,’ said the captain, in a strong and rich voice, ‘that you admire

my cabin. How would you like to live in it?’

‘Sir?’ I answered, astonished.

‘I say, how would you like to sail in this ship?’

‘But I know nothing of the sea, sir.’

‘Sho! You will soon learn all that you have to do; and, in time, you may

become a captain of as fine a ship. We skippers have all been boys, you

know. Come, what do you say to going with me as cabin-boy? I will give

you five dollars a month, and an outfit. In three days we start for New

Orleans, to the land of the free and the home of the brave.’

All my discontent gathered into a head in a moment, and inspired the

answer: ‘I will go with you, sir, if you think I will suit.’

‘That’s all right. Steward!’ he cried; and, when the man came, the

captain gave him his instructions about me. As he spoke, I realised

somewhat more clearly what a great step I had taken, and that it was

beyond my power to withdraw from it, even if I should wish to do so.

There was no difficulty in obtaining Goff’s consent to quit his service;

and the fiendish foreman only gave a sardonic smile which might mean

anything. As I strode towards home, my feelings varied from spasms of

regret to gushes of joy, as I mentally analysed the coming change.

Larded bread, and a sordid life with its pawnshops and family

bickerings, were to be exchanged for full rations and independence.

Constant suppression from those who usurped the right to control my

actions, words, and thoughts, was to be exchanged for the liberty

enjoyed by the rest of the world’s toilers. These were the thoughts

which pleased me; but when I regarded the other side, a haunting sense

of insecurity and foreboding sobered me, and made me unhappy. Then

there was a certain feeling of affection for my native land and family.

Oh! if my discontent had not been so great, if Uncle Tom had been only

more just, I had clung to them like a limpet to a rock! It needed all

the force of reason, and the memories of many unhappinesses and

innumerable spites, to sever all connection with my humble love, and

accept this offer of freedom and release from slavery. The magnitude of

the change, and the inevitable sundering of all earthly ties at such

short notice, troubled me greatly; but they had no effect in altering my

decision.

When the old man reached home and heard the news, he appeared quite

staggered. ‘What! Going to America!’ he exclaimed. ‘Shipped as a

cabin-boy! Come now, tell me what put that idea into your head? Has

anything happened here that I do not know? Eh, wife, how is this?’

His sincere regret made it harder than ever to part. It was in my nature

to hate parting. Aunt joined her arguments to those of Uncle Tom to

dissuade me. But there rose up before me a great bulk of wretchedness,

my slavish dependence on relatives who could scarcely support

themselves, my unfortunate employment, Teddy’s exasperating insolence,

family recriminations, my beggar’s wardrobe, and daily diet of

contumely; and I looked up from the introspection, and, with fixed

resolve, said:--

‘It is no use, uncle. I must go. There is no chance of doing anything in

Liverpool’; and, though he was not of a yielding disposition, uncle

consented at last.

In strict justice, however, to his character, I must admit that, had

circumstances been equal to his deserving, his nephew would never have

been permitted to leave England with his consent; for, according to him,

there was no place in all the world like England.

On the third day the ‘Windermere’ was warped out of dock, and then a

steam-tug towed her out into mid-river. Shortly after, a tug brought the

crew alongside. Sail was loosened, and our ship was drawn towards the

ocean, and, as she headed for the sea, the sailors, with rousing

choruses, hoisted topsails, and sheeted them home.

CHAPTER III

AT SEA

When the ‘Windermere’ was deserted by the tug, and she rose and fell to

the waves, I became troubled with a strange lightness of the head, and

presently I seemed to stand in the centre of a great circle around which

sea, and sky, and ship revolved at great speed. Then for three days I

lay oblivious, helpless, and grieving; but, at the deck-washing on the

fourth morning, I was quickened into sudden life and activity by hearing

a hoarse, rasping voice, whose owner seemed in a violent passion,

bawling down the scuttle: ‘Now then, come out of that, you--young

Britisher! Step up here in a brace of shakes, or I’ll come down and skin

your ---- carcase alive!’

The furious peremptoriness of the voice was enough to rouse the dead,

and the fear of the ogre’s threats drove all feelings of sickly

wretchedness away, and drew me on deck immediately. My nerves tingled,

and my senses seemed to swim, as I cast a look at the unsteady sea and

uneasy ship; but the strong penetrating breeze was certainly a powerful

tonic, though not such a reviver as the sight of the ireful fellow who

came on at a tearing pace towards me and hissed: ‘Seize that

scrubbing-broom, you--joskin! Lay hold of it, I say, and scrub, you--son

of a sea-cook! Scrub like--! Scrub until you drop! Sweat, you--swab! Dig

into the deck you ---- white-livered lime-juicer!’

I stole the briefest possible glance at his inflamed face, to catch some

idea of the man who could work himself into such an intense rage, for he

was a kind of creature never dreamed of before by me. Seeing me bend to

my task without argument or delay, he darted to another boy on the lee

side, and with extreme irony and retracted lips, stooped, with hands on

knees, and said to him: ‘Now, Harry, my lad, I am sure you don’t want

the toe of my boot to touch ungently those crescents of yours. Do you

now?’

‘No, sir,’ said the boy promptly.

‘All right, then, my sweet son of a gun. Lay your weight on that broom,

and let her rip, d’ ye hear?’

‘Aye, aye, sir.’

Nelson, for that was his name, straightened himself, and cruelly

smiling, observed the sailors, who were scrubbing and holy-stoning with

exemplary industry, and then moved towards them discharging salvoes of

blasphemies on their heads, of varying force and character. I wondered,

as between the tremendous oaths I heard the sigh of the sea and the moan

of the wind, how long the Almighty would restrain His hand. I scrubbed

away until I became heated, but my thoughts were far from my work. I was

trying to unravel vague ideas about the oddness of things in this world.

It seemed to me surprising that, while so many people on land feared to

take the name of God in vain, men on the great sea, surrounded by perils

and wonders, could shout aloud their defiance of heaven and hell. There

was not a soul on board with whom I could exchange my inner thoughts,

and, from this period, I contracted a habit of communing with myself.

At eight bells I was told I belonged to Nelson, the second mate’s watch,

and that my berth was with Harry, in the apprentice cabin on the main

deck. There was no mention of the cabin-boy appointment. When the watch

was relieved, Harry and I had a talk. This boy had already made one

voyage on the ‘Windermere,’ and, though he despised greenhorns, among

whom he classed me, he was pleased to be good-natured with me, probably

because I showed such deference to his spirit and experience. He

graciously promised to coach me, or, rather, put me ‘up to the ropes,’

that I might avoid a few of the punishments mates are so quick to bestow

on dull ship-boys.

When I told him that I had been engaged as cabin-boy, he was uncommonly

amused, and said that the skipper was at his ‘old game.’ ‘On the last

voyage we had two boys who had been induced to join in the same way,

but, as soon as we were out to sea, Nelson got a hint from the “cappen”

and fell on them like a thousand of bricks, and chased them forrard

pretty quick, I tell ye. They were bully-ragged all the way to New

Orleans, and at the pier they sloped, leaving their sea-duds to me. We

made a good thing out of the young duffers. The skipper must have

cleared twenty-five dollars in wages from the pair of them, the mates

had their fun out of them, and I had their toggery.

‘What you’ve got to do is to mind your eye. Look out for Nelson, and be

lively. That man ain’t no softy, I tell ye. If he comes down on you,

you’ll get it hot, and no mistake. When he sings out, jump, as though

you were bitten, and answer, “Aye, aye, sir.” Never forget to “sir” him.

Whether it’s scrubbing, or brass-cleaning, or hauling, stick to your job

like--and “sharp” ‘s the word every time. The second mate is bad enough,

but Waters, the chief mate, is the very devil. With him the blow goes

before the word, while Nelson roars like a true sea-dog before he

strikes. Good Lord, I’ve seen some sights aboard this packet, I have.’

‘But how did the captain make twenty-five dollars by the boys on the

last voyage?’

‘How? Well you _are_ a goose! Why, they left their wages, over two

months due, in his hands, when they ran away from the ship for fear of

worse treatment going home. Aye, that’s the ticket, and the size of it,

my little matey. Haze and bully the young lubbers well at sea, and they

scoot ashore the first chance they get.’

‘Were the mates not hard on you?’

‘Oh, Waters took me into his watch, and showed a liking for me, for, you

see, I was not quite a greeny. My father saw me properly shipped, and I

signed articles. They didn’t, but came aboard with the cappen’s

permission, and so did you. The skipper has to account for me when he

gets to port; but you, you may be blown overboard, and no one would be

the wiser. I am now as good as an ordinary seaman, though too young for

the forecastle. I can furl royals as spry as any bucco sailor on board,

and know every rope on the ship, while you don’t know stem from stern.’

These glib nautical phrases, most of which were but vaguely understood

by me, his assurance, his daring, his want of feeling, made me admire

and wonder at him. He was a typical sea-boy, with a glitter in his eyes

and bloom in his smooth cheeks that told of superabundant health and

_hardiesse_. But for one thing, a prince might have been proud of him as

a son. Satan, I thought, had already adopted him. His absolute

ignorance of religion, his awful coarseness of speech, removed him miles

away from me, as though he were a brave young savage of another nation

and language, and utterly incomprehensible to me. He was not to be

imitated in any way, and yet he obtained my admiration, because he had

been to America, had manfully endured the tortures of sea-life, and bore

himself indomitably.

Long Hart, the cook, was another kind of hero to me. He stood over six

feet high in his galley felts, and his saffron complexion and creased

neck spoke of foreign suns, maritime romance, and many voyages. The gold

earrings he wore I suspected belonged to his dead wives. His nethers

consisted of black doe-skin, his body was cased in a dark blue jersey,

and a blue Phrygian cap covered his head. He disdained the use of

sailors’ colloquialisms, and spoke like a school-master in very grand

words. My rustic innocence appeared to have an attraction for him; on

the second evening after my recovery, he offered the freedom of his

galley to me, and, when I brought the apprentice kids, he was generous

in his helpings of soft-tack, scouse, and duff. During the dog-watches

he spun long yarns about his experiences in deep-sea ships, and voyages

to Callao, California, West Coast of Africa, and elsewhere, many of

which were horrible on account of the cruelty practised on sailors. I

heard of poor sailors hoisted up to the yard-arm, and ducked by the run

in the sea until they were nearly drowned; of men being keel-hauled,

tied stark-naked to the windlass, and subjected to the most horrible

indignities, put over the ship’s side to scrub the ship’s coppers in the

roasting hot sun, and much else which made me thankful that the captains

of the day were not so cruel as those twenty years back. His

condescension to a young lubber like myself, and his generosity, won

from me such deference and civility that he assumed a kind of

protectorship over me, and assisted in the enlightenment of my

understanding about many things.

The crew consisted mainly of Anglo-Irish, Dutchmen, one or two English,

and as many Yankees. They were undisciplined spirits, who found the wild

sea-life congenial to their half-savage natures, and had formed the odd

notion that to be sailors was to be of nobler stuff than shoremen, and

accordingly swaggered magnificently whenever they could do it safely.

For some reason they had conceived their nobility to lie in the fact

that they had voluntarily adopted a more perilous profession than any

practised by landsmen. They were adored by the girls in port, and

enjoyed the privilege of gloriously swearing whenever they chose, and

the pleasure of this conceit gave them happiness. Shoremen seldom swore,

except the dockmen, who aped sailors’ manners and gait. They went to

church, feared the constables, seldom got drunk or went on a spree,

sported gloves, and seemed afraid of work.

When they catch these shore-lubbers at sea, the sailors’ contempt for

them is very manifest. They are delighted when they are sea-sick, oaths

and blows are freely dealt to them, they take pleasure in provoking

their aversion to slush and tar, and secretly enjoy their cruel

treatment by the mates. As they made me feel my inferiority to Harry, I

have since witnessed many another treated in the same way. Poor brutes!

considering the slave life they lead, it would be a pity to deprive them

of this miserable consolation.

The discipline of the ‘Windermere’ was well begun by the time I regained

health. It was the pride of the officers that, though the ‘Windermere’

was not a ‘Black-Ball’ packet, she was big and smart enough to be one,

and they were resolved that the customs of the Black-Baller should

prevail on board, and that the discipline should be of the same quality.

Whether it came up to the regulation standard I do not know, but just as

Francis flogged, beat, and pummelled the infants under his charge, so

the ruffian mates stormed, swore, and struck or booted the full-grown

wretches on board the ‘Windermere.’ The captain was too high and mighty

to interfere, or he may have issued his orders to that purpose, and was

satisfied with the zealous service of his mates: at any rate, I scarcely

heard his voice except during gales of wind, and then it was stern and

strident.

Strange to say, the majority of the sailors preferred the American

ships, with all their brutality, to the English, with their daily doses

of lime-juice. Harry, Long Hart, and the forecastle arguments which we

had perforce to hear, as our den adjoined that of the sailors,

sufficiently informed me of the fact that the soft-tack, plum-duff, good

mess of beef of the Yankees, were preferred to the weevilly-biscuit,

horse-beef, and gill of lime-juice of the British. ‘Give me,’ said a

forecastle orator, ‘a Yankee ship, and not a lousy lime-juicer. Even on

the worst Yankee ship afloat no bucco sailor need fear the mates. If a

man knows his duty and won’t shirk, he is safe against the devil

himself, I say. Watch Bully Waters himself. He never drops on a real

shell-back, but on some infernal land-lubber who has shipped as an A.

B., when he is not fit to carry guts to a bear. It is the loutish

Dutchmen and Swedes who have spoiled these packet-ships. You can’t

expect mates, in a squall of wind that may whip the masts off, to stand

still until their orders enter the stupid head of a Dutchman who doesn’t

know a word of English. Well, what must they do? The ship is their first

duty, and they fly at the Dutchman, and if the Dutchman don’t understand

that he must skip--he must stand and be skinned. There’s my sentiments.’

I heard such defence scores of times, which proves that the worst side

has something to say for itself.

It may have been the shell-back’s boast or Harry’s criticism which

induced me, when on deck, to observe more closely that professional

superiority which made the ‘bucco sailor’ so fearless. It seemed to me

that though the ‘old hands’ knew their work well, they took precious

care to do as little as possible; and, had anyone asked me, after I had

got safely ashore, what I thought of them, I should have said that they

did more ‘dusting round’ than real work.

It is true the ‘old salts’ were loudest in their responses to the mate’s

commands, that they led the bowline song and the halliard chant, were

cheerier with their ‘Aye, ayes,’ ‘Belays,’ ‘Vast hauling,’ and chorus;

that they strove whose hands should be uppermost at the halliards and

nearest to the tackles; but all this did not impress me so much as they

might think it did. When the officers thundered out, ‘All hands shorten

sail,’ ‘Furl top-gallant sails,’ or ‘Reef topsail,’ the shell-backs

appeared to delay under various shifty pretexts to climb up the rigging,

in order that being last they might occupy the safe position at the bunt

of the sails; and when it was only a four-man job, the way in which they

noisily passed the word along, without offering to move, was most

artful. At serving, splicing, and steering, the skill of the old hands

counted greatly, no doubt; but in work aloft they were nowhere, compared

to those Dutchmen and Norwegians they so much derided. They were, in

fact, strategists in the arts of shirking.

Sometimes the ‘sojering,’ as it was called, was a little too

conspicuous; and then Bully Waters, with awful energy and frantic

malice, drew blood from ‘old salt’ and ‘joskin’ indiscriminately, with

iron belaying-pins, and kicked, and pounded, until I sickened at the

sound of the deadly thuds, and the faces streaming with blood; but I was

compelled to admit that for some days after there would be a more

spontaneous briskness to obey orders, and old and young regarded the

fiery mate from the corners of their eyes.

Five days from Liverpool there suddenly appeared on deck three

stowaways,--two Irish boys of about fourteen and fifteen, and an

Irishman,--ragged, haggard, and spiritless from hunger, sickness, and

confinement. Of course they had to undergo the ordeal of inspection by

the stern captain, who contemptuously dismissed them as though they were

too vile to look at; but Nelson chivied the three unfortunates from the

poop to the bow to ‘warm their cockles,’ as he phrased it. The cries of

the youngest boy were shrillest and loudest, but, when he afterwards

emerged to beg food, we guessed by his roguish smile that he had been

least hurt. Harry expressed his opinion that he was a ‘Liverpool rat,’

who would certainly end his days in the State’s prison.

Curiously enough, the presence of these two young stowaways acted as a

buffer between me and a considerable amount of inglorious mauling, which

Nelson, for practice’ sake, would have inflicted on my ‘Royal Bengal,

British person,’ as, with playful devilry, he admitted. But the rogues

did not appear to be very sensitive about the indignity to which they

were subjected. The younger Paddy disturbed the ship with shrill screams

if Nelson but raised his hand, and thus his rat’s wit saved him often.

O’Flynn, the eldest boy, would run and dodge his tormentor, until

Nelson, who seemed to love the fun of licking them, through cunning

caught them, and then the cries of the innocents would be heart-rending.

Before many days had passed, I had discovered that Nelson had also his

arts. Though I had never been in a theatre, and could not understand, at

first, why one man should assume so many poses, I should have been blind

not to perceive that the real self of Nelson was kept in reserve, and

that he amused himself by behaving differently to each on board. He had

one way with the captain, another with his colleague, and various were

the styles he assumed before the sailors. From profound deference to

Captain Hardinge, and respectful fellowship with Waters, he gradually

rose in his own estimation as he addressed himself to the lower grades,

until to me he was arrogance personified, and to the stowaways a

‘born-hellian.’ With Harry he indulged in broad irony, to the more

stodgy of the crew he was a champion prize-fighter, to others he spoke

with a dangerous smoothness, with lips retracted; but behind every

character he adopted stood the real Nelson, a ferocious and

short-tempered brute, ready to blaze up into bloody violence.

Until we were abreast of Biscay Bay we experienced no bad weather, but

rolled along comfortably under moderate breezes, with a spiteful gust or

two. I was gradually becoming seasoned, and indifferent to the

swing-swang of the sea. As Nelson said, with a condescending but evil

smile, I was ‘fresh as a daisy.’ The gales and tempests about which

Harry and Long Hart loved to talk were so long a-coming that I doubted

whether the sea was really so very dreadful, or that the canvas towers

would ever need to be taken in. From sunrise down to the decline of day

our mast-heads drew apparently the same regular lines and curves against

a clear sky. But now the blue disappeared under depths of clouds which

intensified into blackness very rapidly, and the whistling whispers in

the shrouds changed their note. The sea abandoned its mechanical heave,

and languid upshoot of scattered crests. Whether the sky had signalled

the change and the sea obeyed, or whether the elements were acting

simultaneously, I knew not, but, just as the cloudiness had deepened, a

shadow passed over the ocean, until it was almost black in colour; and

then, to windward, I could see battalion after battalion of white-caps

rushing gaily, exultingly, towards us. The watches were mustered:

captain and mates appeared with oil-skins ready, and when the wind began

to sing in louder notes, and the great packet surged over on her side,

and the water shot through the scuppers, the captain shook his head

disparagingly and cried, ‘Shorten sail, Mr. Waters; in with royals and

top-gallant sails, down with the flying jib,’ etc., etc.

This was the period when I thought Mr. Waters was at his grandest. His

trumpet-like voice was heard in ‘larum tones, as though the existence of

a fleet was at stake; and every ‘man-jack’ seemed electrified and flew

to his duty with all ardour. Nor was Nelson behind Waters in energy. The

warning sounds of the wind had announced that intensity of action was

expected from every soul. The waves leaped over the high foreboard, and

the ship was pressed over until the deck was as steep as the roof of a

church, and a foaming cataract impended over us. Then it was the mates

bawled out aloud, and sailors clambered up the shrouds in a frenzy of

briskness, and the deck-hands bawled and sang after a fashion I had not

heard before, while blocks tam-tammed recklessly, great sail-sheets

danced wildly in the air, and every now and then a thunder sound, from

bursting canvas, added to the general excitement. Though somewhat

bewildered by the windy blasts, the uproar of rushing waters, and the

fury of captain and crew, I could not help being fascinated by the

scene, and admiring the passionate energy of officers and crew. A gale

at sea is as stimulating as a battle.

When the area of sail had been reduced to the limit of safety, we had a

clearer view fore and aft, and I had more leisure to listen to the

wind-music in the shrouds, to observe the graver aspect of the sea, and

to be influenced by unspeakable impressions. What a power this invisible

element, which had stirred the sea to madness, was! If I raised my head

above the bulwarks, it filled my eyes with tears, tore at my hair, drove

up my nostrils with such force as to make me gasp. It flew up our

trousers, and under our oilskin jackets, and inflated us until we

resembled the plumpest effigies conceivable.

In the height of the turmoil, while trying to control my ideas, I was

startled by the penetrating voice of Waters singing in my ear.

‘Now, my young pudding-faced joker, why are you standing here with your

mouth wide open? Get a swab, you monkey, and swab up this poop, or I’ll

jump down your--throat. Look alive now, you sweet-scented son of a

sea-cook!’

That first voyage of mine was certainly a remarkable one, were it only

for the new-fangled vocabulary I was constantly hearing. Every sentence

contained some new word or phrase, coined extempore, and accentuated by

a rope’s end, or ungentle back-hander, with gutter adjectives and

explosive epithets. Every order appeared to require the force of a

gathered passion, as though obedience was impossible without it.

From this date began, I think, the noting of a strange coincidence,

which has since been so common with me that I accept it as a rule. When

I pray for a man, it happens that at that moment he is cursing me; when

I praise, I am slandered; if I commend, I am reviled; if I feel

affectionate or sympathetic towards one, it is my fate to be detested or

scorned by him. I first noticed this curious coincidence on board the

‘Windermere.’ I bore no grudge, and thought no evil of any person, but

prayed for all, morning and evening, extolled the courage, strength, and

energy of my ship-mates, likened them to sea-lions, and felt it an

honour to be in the company of such brave men; but, invariably, they

damned my eyes, my face, my heart, my soul, my person, my nationality; I

was damned aft, and damned forward. I was wholly obnoxious to everyone

aboard, and the only service they asked of God towards me was that He

should damn me to all eternity. It was a new idea that came across my

mind. My memory clung to it as a novelty, and at every instance of the

coincidence I became more and more confirmed that it was a rule, as

applied to me; but, until it was established, I continued to bless those

who persecuted me with their hideous curses. I am glad to think that I

was sustained by a belief that I was doing right; for, without it, I

should have given scope to a ferocious and blasphemous resentment. It

cheered me with a hope that, by and by, their curses would be blessings;

and, in the meantime, my mind was becoming as impervious to such

troubles as a swan’s back to a shower of rain.

Harry, on the contrary, made a distinction. He allowed no one to curse

him, except the officers. When a sailor ventured to swear at him, he

returned the swearing with interest, and clenched his fist ready for the

violent sequel. He had long ago overcome the young boy’s squeamishness

at an oath. If anything, he was rather prone to take the boy’s advantage

over a man, and dare him to prove himself a coward by striking one

younger and weaker. It is a cunning method of fence, which I have since

found is frequently practised by those who, without loss of manliness,

can resort to screaming. When I confided to him that the crew of the

‘Windermere’ were a very wicked set, he said the ‘Windermere’ was Heaven

compared to a Black-Ball packet-ship. I believe that he would have liked

to see more belaying-pins and marline-spikes thrown at the men by the

mates, more knuckle-dusting, and sling-shot violence. According to him,

brutal sailors should be commanded by brutal mates. ‘Lime-juicers’ were

too soft altogether for his kidney.

From the day we reached the region of the Trades, we enjoyed blue skies

and dry decks, speeding along under square yards, with studding-sails

below and aloft. Our work, however, was not a whit easier. The mates

hated to see idleness, and found endless jobs of scrubbing paint-work,

brass-cleaning, painting, oiling, slushing, and tarring, not to mention

sennet-making, and serving shrouds and stays. Sundays, however,--weather

permitting,--were restful. The sailors occupied themselves with

overhauling their kits, shaving, hair-cutting, and clothes-mending. In

the afternoon, after gorging themselves on duff, they were more given to

smoke, and to spinning such sanguinary yarns of sea-life that I wondered

they could find pleasure in following such a gory profession. When sea

and sky were equally sympathetic, and Waters and Nelson gave a rest to

their vocal machines, there might have been worse places than the deck

of the ‘Windermere’ on a Sunday; and, to us boys, the Sunday feed of

plum-duff, with its ‘Nantucket raisins,’ soft-tack, and molasses, or

gingerbread, contributed to render it delightful.

We were on the verge of the Gulf of Mexico, when one night, just after

eight bells were struck, and the watch was turning out, Waters, who was

ever on the alert for a drop on someone, hurled an iron belaying-pin at

a group of sailors on the main deck, and felled a Norwegian senseless.

Then, as though excited at the effect, he bounded over the poop-railing

to the main deck, amongst the half-sleepy men, and struck right and left

with a hand-spike, and created such a panic that old salts and joskins

began to leap over each other in their wild hurry to escape from the

demon. Four men lay on the deck still as death for a while, but,

fortunately, they recovered in a short time, though the Norwegian was

disabled for a week.

The next day, Nelson tried to distinguish himself. While washing decks,

he caught the youngest Paddy fairly, and availed himself of the

opportunity to avenge former failures so effectually that the boy had

not a joke left in him. His fellow-stowaway was next made to regret ever

having chosen the ‘Windermere’ to escape from the miseries inseparable

from Liverpool poverty. Before many minutes Nelson was dancing about me,

and wounding me in many a vulnerable point; and then, aspiring for

bigger game, he affected to feel outraged at the conduct of the man at

the wheel, and proceeded to relieve himself by clouting and kicking the

poor fellow, until the bright day must have appeared like a starry sky

to him.

Labouring under the notion that Liverpool sailors needed the most

ferocious discipline, our two mates seldom omitted a chance to prove to

them that they were resolved to follow every detail of the code, and to

promote their efficiency; but, when about four days from the mouth of

the Mississippi, they suddenly abstained from physical violence, and

except by intermittent fits of mild swearing, and mordant sarcasm, they

discontinued all efforts at the improvement of the men. The day before

we arrived at the Balize, the mates astonished me by their extravagant

praise of those they had so cruelly mauled and beaten. They called them

‘Jolly Tars,’ ‘Yankee Boys’ (a very high compliment), ‘Ocean heroes,’

etc., etc. Bully Waters exhibited his brilliantly white teeth in broad

smiles, and Nelson gushed, and was jovially ebullient. I heard one

sailor remark upon this sudden change of demeanour in them, that the

mates knew when to ‘’bout face’ and sing a new tune; and that old hands

could tell how near they were to the levee by the way Yankee mates

behaved, and that there was no place so unwholesome for bullies as the

New Orleans levee. Another sailor was of the opinion that the mates were

more afraid of being hauled up before the court; he had often seen their

like,--‘hellians at sea, and sweet as molasses near port.’

On the fifty-second day from Liverpool, the ‘Windermere’ anchored off

one of the four mouths of the Mississippi River, in twenty-seven feet of

water. The shore is called the Balize. Early next morning a small tug

took our ship, and another of similar size, in tow, and proceeded up the

river with us. We were kept very busy preparing the vessel for port, but

I had abundant opportunities to note the strange shores, and the

appearance of the greatest of American rivers. After several hours’

steaming, we passed ‘English turn,’ which Harry described as the place

where the English were ‘licked’ by the Americans on the 8th of January,

1815--a story that was then incredible to me. After an ascent of about

one hundred miles up the river, we came in view of the chief port of the

Mississippi Valley, and, in due time, our vessel became one of three

lying at a pier-head, pointing up among a seemingly countless number of

ships and river-steamers, ranged below and above our berth. The

boarding-house touts poured aboard and took possession of the sailors;

and, before many minutes, Harry and I alone remained of the crew that

had brought the big ‘Windermere’ across the sea to New Orleans.

* * * * *

Though about thirty-five years have elapsed since I first stood upon the

levee of the Crescent City, scarcely one of all my tumultuous sensations

of pleasure, wonder, and curiosity, has been forgotten by me. The levee

sloped down with a noble breadth to the river, and stretched for miles

up and down in front of the city, and was crowded with the cargoes of

the hundreds of vessels which lay broadside to it. In some places the

freights lay in mountainous heaps, but the barrels, and hogsheads, and

cotton bales, covered immense spaces, though arranged in precise order;

and, with the multitudes of men,--white, red, black, yellow,--horses,

mules, and drays and wagons, the effect of such a scene, with its fierce

activity and new atmosphere, upon a raw boy from St. Asaph, may be

better imagined than described.

During my fifty-two days of ship-life there had filtered into my mind

curious ideas respecting the new land of America and the character of

the people. In a large measure they were more complimentary than

otherwise; but the levee of New Orleans carried with its name a

reputation for sling-shots, doctored liquor, Shanghai-ing, and

wharf-ratting, which made it a dubious place for me. When Harry directed

my attention to the numerous liquor saloons fronting the river-side, all

the scandalous stories I had heard of knifing, fighting, and

manslaughter, recurred at once to my mind, and made me very shy of these

haunts of villainy and devilry. As he could not forego the pleasure of

introducing me to a city which he had constantly praised, he insisted

that I should accompany him for a walk that first night up Tchapitoulas

Street, and to some ‘diggins’ where he had acquaintances. I accepted his

invitation without any misgiving, or any other thought than of

satisfying a natural curiosity.

I think it is one of the most vivid recollections I possess. The details

of my first impressions, and an analysis of my thoughts, would fill many

pages. Of the thousands of British boys who have landed in this city, I

fancy none was so utterly unsophisticated as myself--for reasons which

have already been related.

Directly the sun was set we were relieved from duty, and were allowed

liberty to go ashore. We flew over the planking laid across the ships,

light as young fawns; and, when I felt the shore under my feet, I had to

relieve myself by an ecstatic whirl or two about Harry, crying out, ‘At

last! At last! New Orleans! It is too good to be true!’ I was nearly

overwhelmed with blissful feeling that rises from emancipation. I was

free!--and I was happy, yes, actually happy, for I was free--at last the

boy was free!

We raced across the levee, for joy begets activity, and activity is

infectious. What was a vivid joy to me, was the delight of gratified

pride to Harry. ‘I told you,’ he said, beaming, ‘what New Orleans was.

Is it not grand?’ But ‘grand’ did not convey its character, as it

appeared to my fresh young eyes. Some other word was wanted to express

the whole of what I felt. The soft, balmy air, with its strange scents

of fermenting molasses, semi-baked sugar, green coffee, pitch, Stockholm

tar, brine of mess-beef, rum, and whiskey drippings, contributed a

great deal towards imparting the charm of romance to everything I saw.

The people I passed appeared to me to be nobler than any I had seen.

They had a swing of the body wholly un-English, and their facial

expressions differed from those I had been accustomed to. I strove hard

to give a name to what was so unusual. Now, of course, I know that it

was the sense of equality and independence that made each face so

different from what I had seen in Liverpool. These people knew no

master, and had no more awe of their employers than they had of their

fellow-employees.

We reached the top of Tchapitoulas Street, the main commercial artery of

the city. The people were thronging home from the business quarters, to

the more residential part. They passed by in many hundreds, with their

lunch-buckets, and, though soiled by their labours, they were not

wearied or depressed. In the vicinity of Poydras Street, we halted

before a boarding-house, where Harry was welcomed with the warmth which

is the due of the returned voyager. He ordered dinner, and, with

appetites sharpened by youth and ocean airs, we sat down to a spread of

viands which were as excellent as they were novel. Okra soup, grits,

sweet potatoes, brinjalls, corn scones, mush-pudding, and

‘fixings’--every article but the bread was strange and toothsome. Harry

appropriated my praise of the meal to himself, paid for it with the air

of one whose purse was deep beyond soundings, and then invested a silver

piece in cigars; for American boys always smoked cigars, and, when in

New Orleans, English boys loved to imitate them.

Now, when I stepped on the levee, frisky as a lamb, I was about as good

as a religious observance of the Commandments can make one. To me those

were the principal boundary-stones that separated the region of right

from that of wrong. Between the greater landmarks, there were many

well-known minor indexes; but there were some which were almost

undiscoverable to one so young and untravelled as I was. Only the

angelically-immaculate could tread along the limits of right and wrong

without a misstep.

After dinner we sauntered through a few streets, in a state of sweet

content, and, by and by, entered another house, the proprietress of

which was extremely gracious. Harry whispered something to her, and we

were shown to a room called a parlour. Presently, there bounced in four

gay young ladies, in such scant clothing that I was speechless with

amazement. My ignorance of their profession was profound, and I was

willing enough to be enlightened; but, when they proceeded to take

liberties with my person, they seemed to me to be so appallingly wicked

that I shook them off and fled out of the house. Harry followed me, and,

with all the arts he could use, tried to induce me to return; but I

would as soon have jumped into the gruel-coloured Mississippi as have

looked into the eyes of those giggling wantons again. My disgust was so

great that I never, in after years, could overcome my repugnance to

females of that character.

Then Harry persuaded me to enter a bar-room, and called for liquor, but

here, again, I was obstinate. ‘Drink yourself, if you like,’ said I,

‘but I belong to the Band of Hope and have signed the pledge, so I must

not.’

‘Well smoke then, do something like other fellows,’ he said, offering me

my choice.

As I had never heard that smoking was a moral offence, and had a desire

to appear manly, I weakly yielded, and, putting a great cigar between my

lips, puffed proudly and with vigour. But alas! my punishment was swift.

My head seemed to swim, and my limbs were seized with a trembling; and,

while vainly trying to control myself, a surge of nausea quite

overpowered me, and I tried to steal back to the ship, as abjectly

contrite as ever repentant wretch could well be. Thus ended my first

night at New Orleans.

Harry’s story of the two English boys, who had been compelled to abscond

from the ‘Windermere’ the voyage before, recurred to me more than once

after Nelson’s greeting next morning. ‘Hello! you here still! I thought

you had vamoosed like the Irish stowaways. Not enough physic, eh? Well,

sonny, we must see what we can do for you.’

I was put to cleaning brass-work--a mechanical occupation that breeds

thought. If, attracted by a lively levee scene, I lifted my eyes, one or

other of the mates bawled out, ‘Now, you scalawag, or, you little sweep,

what in--are you doing? Get on with that work, you putty-faced son of

a--!’ and so on! Ever some roaring blasphemy, some hideous epithet,

with a kick or a clout, until, on the fifth day, conviction stole upon

every sense that it was to a set purpose; and my small remnant of

self-respect kindled into a revolt. I understand now that it was the

pitiful sum of money due to me they wished to save for the ship-owners

or captain, that prevented them from saying right out, ‘You may go, and

be ---- to you.’ Such a dismissal entailed a settlement. Just as Moses

Owen lacked the moral courage to despatch me from his presence, these

men were at the same game of nagging; and it succeeded in inspiring

indifference as to what would become of me. I could say, at last,

‘Better to rot on this foreign strand than endure this slave’s life

longer.’

That evening I declined to go ashore with Harry, and sat pondering in

the loneliness of my cabin, and prayer, somewhat fallen into disuse of

late, was remembered; and I rose from my knees primed for the venture.

Habit of association, as usual with me, had knit some bonds of

attachment between me and the ship. She connected me with England; by

her I came, and by her I could return. Now that was impossible; I must

follow the stowaways, and leave the floating hell for ever.

I lit the swinging pewter lamp, emptied my sea-bag on the floor, and out

of its contents picked my best shore clothes, and the Bishop’s Bible. I

dressed myself with care, and, blowing out the lamp, lay down. By and

by, Harry reeled in, half-stupefied with his excesses, rolled into his

bunk above me; and, when he was unconscious, I rose and glided out. Five

minutes later, I was hurrying rapidly along the river-side of the levee;

and, when about half a mile from the ship, I plunged into the shadows

caused by a pile of cotton bales, and lay down to await day-break.

CHAPTER IV

AT WORK

Soon after sunrise I came out of my nest, and after dusting myself,

strode towards Tchapitoulas Street.

‘The world was all before me where to choose,

And Providence my guide.’

The absolutely penniless has a choice of two things, work or starve. No

boy of my age and vitality could deliberately choose starvation. The

other alternative remained to me, and for work, work of any kind, I was

most ready; with a strong belief that it was the only way to achieve

that beautiful independence which sat so well on those who had

succeeded. I was quite of the opinion of my Aunt Mary, that ‘rolling

stones gathered no moss,’ and I wanted permanent work, wherein I could

approve myself steady, and zealously industrious. Hitherto, I had been

most unfortunate in the search. Respectful civility, prompt obedience,

and painstaking zeal, had been at a discount; but, such is the buoyancy

of healthy youth, I still retained my faith that decent employment was

within reach of the diligent, and it was this that I was now bent upon.

Hastening across the levee, I entered the great commercial street of the

city, at a point not far from St. Thomas Street, and, after a little

inward debate, continued down Tchapitoulas Street, along the sidewalk,

with all my senses wide-awake. I read every sign reflectively. The

store-owners’ names were mostly foreign, and suggestive of Teutonic and

Hibernian origin; but the larger buildings were of undeniable

Anglo-Saxon. At the outset, lager-beer saloons were frequent; then

followed more shanties, with rusty tin roofs; but, beyond these, the

stores were more massive and uniform, and over the doors were the

inscriptions, ‘Produce and Commission Merchants,’ etc.

As I proceeded, looking keenly about for the favourable chance, the

doors were flung open one by one, and I obtained a view of the interior.

Negroes commenced to sweep the long alleys between the goods piles, and

to propel the dust and rubbish of the previous day’s traffic towards the

open gutter. Then flour, whiskey, and rum barrels, marked and branded,

were rolled out, and arranged near the kerbstone. Hogsheads and tierces

were set on end, cases were built up, sacks were laid in orderly layers,

awaiting removal by the drays, which, at a later hour, would convey them

to the river-steamers.

Soon after seven, I had arrived near the end of the long street; and I

could see the colossal Custom-House, and its immense scaffolding. So

far, I had not addressed myself to a single soul, and I was thinking I

should have to search in another street; when, just at this time, I saw

a gentleman of middle age seated in front of No. 3 store, reading a

morning newspaper. From his sober dark alpaca suit and tall hat, I took

him to be the proprietor of the building, over the door of which was the

sign, ‘Speake and McCreary, Wholesale and Commission Merchants.’ He sat

tilted back against what appeared to be the solid granite frame of the

door, with a leisured ease which was a contrast to the activity I had

previously noticed. After a second look at the respectable figure and

genial face, I ventured to ask,--

‘Do you want a boy, sir?’

‘Eh?’ he demanded with a start; ‘what did you say?’

‘I want some work, sir; I asked if you wanted a boy.’

‘A boy,’ he replied slowly, and fixedly regarding me. ‘No, I do not

think I want one. What should I want a boy for? Where do you hail from?

You are not an American.’

‘I came from Liverpool, sir, less than a week ago, by a packet-ship. I

shipped as cabin-boy; but, when we got to sea, I was sent forward, and,

until last night, I was abused the whole voyage. At last, I became

convinced that I was not wanted, and left. As you are the first

gentleman I have seen, I thought I would apply to you for work, or ask

you for advice as to how to get it.’

‘So,’ he ejaculated, tilting his chair back again. ‘You are friendless

in a strange land, eh, and want work to begin making your fortune, eh?

Well, what work can you do? Can you read? What book is that in your

pocket?’

‘It is my Bible, a present from our Bishop. Oh, yes, sir, I can read,’ I

replied proudly.

He held out his hand and said, ‘Let me see your Bible.’

He opened it at the fly-leaves, and smiled, as he read the inscription,

‘Presented to John Rowlands by the Right Revd. Thomas Vowler Short, D.

D., Lord Bishop of St. Asaph, for diligent application to his studies,

and general good conduct. January 5th, 1855.’

Returning it to me, he pointed to an article in his newspaper, and said,

‘Read that.’ It was something about a legislative assembly, which I

delivered, as he said, ‘very correctly, but with an un-American accent.’

‘Can you write well?’ he next asked.

‘Yes, sir, a good round-hand, as I have been told.’

‘Then let me see you mark that coffee-sack, with the same address you

see on the one near it. There is the marking-pot and brush.’

In a few seconds, I had traced ‘[Illustration: symbol] MEMPHIS, TENN.,’

and looked up.

‘Neatly done,’ he said; ‘now proceed and mark the other sacks in the

same way.’

There were about twenty of them, and in a few minutes they were all

addressed.

‘Excellent!’ he cried; ‘even better than I could do it myself. There is

no chance of my coffee getting lost _this_ time! Well, I must see what

can be done for you. Dan,’ he cried to a darkie indoors, ‘when is Mr.

Speake likely to be in?’

‘’Bout nine, sah, mebbe a leetle aftah.’

‘Oh, well,’ said he, looking at his watch, ‘we have ample time before

us. As I don’t suppose you have breakfasted yet, you had better come

along with me. Take the paper, Dan.’

We turned down the next street, and as we went along he said first

impressions were very important in this world, and he feared that if his

friend James Speake had seen cotton fluff and dust on my jacket, and my

uncombed hair, he might not be tempted to look at me twice, or care to

trust me among his groceries; but, after a breakfast, a hair-cut, and a

good clean-up, he thought I would have a better chance of being

employed.

I was taken to a restaurant, where I was provided with superb coffee,

sugared waffles, and doughnuts, after which we adjourned to a basement

distinguished by a pole with red, white, and blue paint.

Everyone who has been operated upon by an American barber will

understand the delight I felt, as I lay submissive in the luxurious

chair, to be beautified by a demi-semi-gentleman, with ambrosial curls!

The mere fact that such as he condescended to practise his art upon one

who but yesterday was only thought worthy of a kick, gave an increased

value to my person, and provoked my conceit. When my dark hair had been

artistically shortened, my head and neck shampooed, and my face glowed

with the scouring, I looked into the mirror and my vanity was

prodigious. A negro boy completed my toilet with an efficient brushing

and a boot-polish, and my friend was pleased to say that I looked

first-rate.

By the time we returned to Speake and McCreary’s store, Mr. James Speake

had put in an appearance. After a cordial greeting, my benefactor led

Mr. Speake away by the arm and held a few minutes’ earnest conversation

with him. Presently I was beckoned to advance, and Mr. Speake said with

a smile to me,--

‘Well, young man, this gentleman tells me you want a place. Is that so?’

‘Yes, sir.’

‘That is all right. I am willing to give you a week’s trial at five

dollars, and if we then find we suit each other, the place will be

permanent. Are you agreeable?’

There could be no doubt of that fact, and Mr. Speake turned round to two

young gentlemen, one of whom he called Mr. Kennicy, and the other Mr.

Richardson, and acquainted them with my engagement as a help to Mr.

Richardson in the shipping business. The generosity of my unknown friend

had been so great that, before addressing myself to any employment, I

endeavoured to express my gratitude; but my strong emotions were not

favourable to spontaneous fluency. The gentleman seemed to divine what I

wished to say, and said,--

‘There, that will do. I know what is in your heart. Shake hands. I am

going up-river with my consignments, but I shall return shortly and hope

to hear the best accounts of you.’

For the first half-hour my heart was too full, and my eyes too much

blurred, to be particularly bright. The gentleman’s benevolence had been

immense, and as yet I knew not even his name, his business, or what

connection he had with the store of Speake and McCreary. I was in the

midst of strangers, and, so far, my experience of them had not been of

that quality to inspire confidence. In a short time, however, Mr.

Richardson’s frankness and geniality made me more cheerful. He appeared

to take pride in inducting me into my duties, and I responded with

alacrity. He had an extremely pleasant manner, the candour of Harry,

without his vulgarity. Before an hour had passed, I was looking up to

him as to a big brother, and was asking him all sorts of questions

respecting the gentleman who had taken me out of the street and started

me so pleasantly in life.

From Mr. Richardson I learned that he was a kind of broker who dealt

between planters up-river and merchants in New Orleans, and traded

through a brother with Havana and other West Indian ports. He had a desk

in the store, which he made use of when in town, and did a good deal of

safe business in produce both with Mr. Speake and other wholesale

merchants. He travelled much up and down the river, taking large

consignments with him for back settlements up the Arkansas, Washita, and

Saline, and other rivers, and returning often with cotton and other

articles. _His name was_ MR. STANLEY. His wife lived in St. Charles

Street, in a first-class boarding-house, and, from the style Mr. and

Mrs. Stanley kept up, he thought they must be pretty well off. This was

the extent of the information Mr. Richardson could give me, which was

most gratifying, and assured me that I had at least one friend in the

strange city.

There have been several memorable occasions in my life; but, among them,

this first initial stage towards dignity and independence must ever be

prominent. What a proud, glad holiday-spirit moved me then! I soon

became sensible of a kindling elation of feeling, for the speech of all

to me was as though everyone recognised that I had entered into the

great human fraternity. The abruptness of the transition, from the slave

of yesterday into the free-man of to-day, endowed with a sacred

inviolability of person, astonished me. Only a few hours ago, I was as

one whose skull might be smashed at the impulse of a moment; and now,

in an instant, as it were, I was free of the severe thraldom, and

elevated to the rank of man.

Messrs. Kennicy and Richardson were good types of free-spoken young

America. They were both touchy in the extreme, and, on points of

personal honour, highly intolerant. America breeds such people by

thousands, who appear to live eternally on the edge of resentment, and

to be as inflammable as tinder. It is dangerous to deal with them in

badinage, irony, sarcasm, or what we call ‘chaff.’ Before the expiration

of the first day, I had noted that their high spirits scarcely brooked a

reproof, or contradiction, the slightest approach to anything of the

kind exciting them to a strange heat. When I saw that they became

undisguisedly angry because Mr. Speake happened to ask them why some

order for goods had not been completed, I really could not help feeling

a little contempt for them. Otherwise, they were both estimable young

men, clean as new pins, exquisitely dressed, and eminently

cordial--especially Richardson, whom I warmly admired.

My first day’s employment consisted in assisting Dan and Samuel, the two

negroes, in taking groceries on trucks from the depths of the long store

to the sidewalk, or rolling liquor or flour-barrels on the edges of thin

boards,--an art I acquired very soon,--and in marking sundry lots for

shipment to Mississippi ports with strange names, such as Bayou

Placquemine, Attakapas, Opelousas, etc., etc. Richardson was, in the

meantime, busy in making out bills of lading, and arranging with the

pursers of the steamers for their transportation. The drays clattered to

the door, and removed the goods as fast as we could get them ready.

Every moment of the day added to my rapture. The three lofts above the

ground-floor contained piles upon piles of articles such as could be

comprised under the term groceries, besides rare wines and brandies,

liqueurs and syrups. The ground-floor was piled up to the ceiling almost

with sacks of coffee-berries, grains, and cases of miscellanea, barrels

of flour, tierces of bacon, hams, etc., etc. It was informing even to

read the titles on the neatly-branded cases, which contained bottled

fruit, tinned jams, berries of all kinds, scented soaps, candles,

vermicelli, macaroni, and other strange things. If I but stepped on the

sidewalk, I saw something new and unheard-of before. The endless drays

thundering by the door, and the multitudes of human beings, not one of

whom was like the other in head-gear or dress, had a fascination for me;

and, with every sound and sight, I was learning something new.

While influenced by all these things, I sprang upon work of any kind

with an avid desire to have it completed; but the negroes did their

utmost to suppress my boisterous exuberance of spirit by saying, ‘Take

it easy, little boss, don’t kill yourself. Plenty of time. Leave

something for to-morrow.’ Had the mates of the ‘Windermere’ but looked

in upon us, they might have learned that a happy crew had more work in

them, than when driven by belaying-pins and rope’s ends.

Towards evening we swept up; and, when we had tidied the store, it came

to my mind that I knew no lodging-house. In consulting with Dan, he said

he knew a Mrs. Williams, who kept a nice, cheap boarding-house on St.

Thomas Street, where I could be most comfortable. It was arranged that

he should introduce me, and I walked up Tchapitoulas Street, with the

two slaves, whose tin lunch-buckets swung heavily, I thought, as they

moved homeward.

Mrs. Williams, a young and black beauty, with intelligent features, was

most affable, and agreed to board me at a rate which would leave me a

respectable margin at the end of the week, and to give me a large attic

room for myself. Her house was of wood, with a garden in front, and a

spacious tree-shaded yard at the rear. The maternal solicitude she

showed in providing for my comfort greatly charmed me, though I was

forced to smile at her peculiar English and drawling accent. But when,

just as I was about to retire to my bedroom, she, in the most

matter-of-fact way, assisted me to undress, and took possession of my

shirt and collar, saying they would be washed and ironed by morning,

that I might look more ‘spruce,’ my estimation of her rose very high

indeed, and affected me to such a degree that I revolved all the

kindnesses I had experienced during the day, and was reminded to give

thanks to Him, Who, ‘like as a father, pitieth His children and them

that fear Him.’

The next morning, by half-past six, I was at the door of Speake and

McCreary’s store, fit for any amount of work, and glorying in my

condition. By eight o’clock the store, which was about one hundred feet

long, was sweet and clean, the sidewalk was swept, and the earlier

instalments of goods duly arranged on it for shipment. Then the

book-keeper and shipping-clerk entered, fresh and scented as for

courtship, took off their street coats, and donning their linen

‘dusters,’ resumed business. About nine, Mr. James Speake--McCreary was

dead--appeared with the mien of gracious masterhood, which to me was a

sign of goodness, and stimulative of noble efforts in his service.[3]

My activity and fresh memory were soon appreciated. Half-a-dozen times a

day my ready answers saved time. My hearing seemed to them to be

phenomenal; and my accuracy in remembering the numbers of kegs, cases,

and sacks remaining in store, caused me, before the end of the week, to

be regarded as a kind of walking inventory. I could tell where each

article was located, and the contents of the various lofts had also been

committed to my memory. Unlike the young gentlemen, I never argued, or

contradicted, or took advantage of a pettish ebullition to aggravate

temper; and, what was a great relief to persons with responsibilities in

a warm climate, I was always at hand, near the glass-door of the office,

awaiting orders. Previous to my arrival, Dan and Samuel had always found

something to do at a distance, either upstairs or in the back-yard; they

pretended not to hear; and it had been a fatiguing task to call them,

and trying to the patience to wait for them; but now I was within easy

hail, and my promptitude was commended. Thereupon my week’s trial ended

satisfactorily, even more so than I had anticipated, for I was

permanently engaged at twenty-five dollars a month. Such a sum left me

with fifteen dollars a month, net, after payment of board and lodging,

and was quite a fortune in my eyes. Mr. Speake, moreover, advanced a

month’s pay, that I might procure an outfit. Mr. Richardson, who boarded

in the more fashionable Rampart Street, undertook to assist in my

purchases, and presented me with a grand, brass-bound trunk of his own,

which, besides having a tray for shirts, and a partition for neck-ties

and collars, was adorned on the lid with the picture of a lovely maiden.

Truly, a boy is easily pleased! I had more joy in contemplating that

first trunk of mine, and imprisoning my treasures under lock and key,

than I have had in any property since!

My rating was now a junior clerk. Our next-door neighbours, Messrs. Hall

and Kemp, employed two junior clerks, whose pay was four hundred dollars

a year. They were happy, careless lads, who dressed well, and whose

hardest toil was with the marking-pot. I was now as presentable as they,

but I own to be proud that I had no fear of soiling my hands or clothes

with work, and I never allowed a leaky sack of coffee, or barrel of

flour, to leave our store for want of a little sewing or

coopering--tasks which they felt it to be beneath them to do!

Long before the ‘Windermere’ had sailed back for Liverpool with her

cotton cargo, a great change had come over me. Up to my arrival in New

Orleans, no indulgence had been shown me. I was scarcely an hour away

from the supervision of someone. From my nurse’s maternal care, I had

passed under the strict régime of the Orphan’s Academy--the Workhouse;

thence I had been transferred to the no-less-strict guardianship of Aunt

Mary, and the severe Moses, thence into that of Uncle Tom; and,

afterwards, had tasted of the terrible discipline of an American

packet-ship. Draconian rules had been prescribed; the birch hung ever in

view in one place, censure and menace at another. At Uncle Tom’s there

was no alternative but obedience or the street; and the packet-ship was

furnished with rope’s ends and belaying-pins. But, within a few weeks of

arriving in America, I had become different in temper and spirit. That

which was natural in me, though so long repressed, had sprung out very

quickly under the peculiar influence of my surroundings. The childish

fear of authority had fled--for authority no longer wore its stern,

relentless aspect, but was sweetly reasonable. Those who exercised it

were gentle and sociable, and I repaid them with respect and gratitude.

To them I owed my happiness; and my new feeling of dignity made me

stretch myself to my full height, and revel luxuriously in fond ideas. I

possessed properties in my person which I instinctively valued, and felt

bound to cultivate. The two-feet square of the street I occupied were

mine for the time being, and no living man could budge me except at his

peril. The view of the sky was as freely mine as another’s. These

American rights did not depend on depth of pocket, or stature of a man,

but every baby had as much claim to them as the proudest merchant.

Neither poverty nor youth was degrading, nor was it liable to abuse from

wealth or age. Besides my youth, activity, and intelligence, of which I

had been taught the value, I had become conscious of the fact that I

possessed privileges of free speech, free opinions, immunity from

insult, oppression, and the contempt of class; and that, throughout

America, my treatment from men would solely depend upon my individual

character, without regard of family or pedigree. These were proud

thoughts. I respired more freely, my shoulders rose considerably, my

back straightened, my strides became longer, as my mind comprehended

this new feeling of independence. To the extent of so much I could not

be indebted to any man living; but for the respectability of the

covering and comfort of the body, and the extension of my rights to more

ground than I could occupy standing, I must work.

Inspired of these thoughts, I was becoming as un-English in disposition

as though I had been forty years in the land, and, as old Sir Thomas

Browne puts it, ‘of a constitution so general that it consorted and

sympathised’ with things American. My British antipathies and

proclivities were dropping from me as rapidly as the littlenesses of my

servile life were replaced by the felicities of freedom. I shared in the

citizens’ pride in their splendid port, the length and stability of

their levee, their unparalleled lines of shipping, their magnificent

array of steamers, and their majestic river. I believed, with them, that

their Custom-House, when completed, would be a matchless edifice, that

Canal Street was unequalled for its breadth, that Tchapitoulas Street

was, beyond compare, the busiest street in the world, that no markets

equalled those of New Orleans for their variety of produce, and that no

city, not even Liverpool, could exhibit such mercantile enterprise, or

such a smart go-ahead spirit, as old and young manifested in the chief

city of the South. I am not sure that I have lost all that lively

admiration yet, though I have since seen dozens of cities more populous,

more cultivated, and more opulent. Many years of travel have not

extinguished my early faith, but it would require ages to eradicate my

affection for the city which first taught me that a boy may become a

_man_.

Had the joylessness of boyhood endured a few years longer, it is

probable that the power of joyousness would have dried up; but,

fortunately, though I had seen fifteen summers, I was a mere child in

experience. It was only eighteen months since I had left St. Asaph, and

but two months and a half since I had entered the world outside my

family. Since I became a man, I have often wondered what would have

become of me had my melting mood that last night at Roscommon Street

lasted a little longer. It was the turning-point of my life, I am

disposed to think, and it was good for me to have had the courage to say

‘No,’ at that critical moment. A trifle more perseverance, on the part

of Uncle Tom, would have overcome my inclination for departure from

England, and made me a fixture within his own class. On that occasion my

weakly, half-hearted negative served me to good purpose; but I should

have been spared many trials had I been educated to utter my ‘Noes’ more

often, more loudly, and more firmly than I have; and I suppose most men

have had cause to condemn that unsatisfactory education which sent them

into the world so imperfectly equipped for moral resistance. In my

opinion, the courage to deliver a proper ‘No’ ought to be cultivated as

soon as a child’s intelligence is sufficiently advanced. The few times I

have been able to say it have been productive of immense benefit to me,

though to my shame, be it said, I yearned to say ‘Yes.’

That soft habit of becoming fondly attached to associations, which made

me weep on leaving St. Asaph, Ffynnon Beuno, Brynford, Liverpool, and

even the ‘Windermere,’ made me cling to my attic room in the house of

Mrs. Williams. My increase of pay enabled me to secure a larger and more

comfortable room; but, detesting change, I remained its occupant. My

self-denial was compensated, however, by a fine surplus of dollars, with

which I satisfied a growing desire for books.

So far, all the story-books I had read, beyond the fragments found in

School-readers, consisted of that thrilling romance about Enoch and his

brothers, a novelette called ‘First Footsteps in Evil,’ ‘Kaloolah,’ by

Dr. Mayo, which I had found at Ffynnon Beuno, and ‘Ivanhoe,’ in three

volumes, at which I had furtively glanced as it lay open in my cousin’s

study at Brynford.

Through the influence of cheap copies of standard books, millions of

readers in America have been educated, at slight cost, in the best

productions of English authors; and when these have been delegated to

the second-hand bookstalls, it is wonderful what a library one can

possess at a trifling expense. There was such a stall existing

conveniently near St. Thomas Street, which I daily passed; and I could

never resist fingering the books, and snatching brief delights from

their pages. As soon as my wardrobe was established, I invested my

surplus in purchases of this description, and the bookseller, seeing a

promising customer in me, allowed me some latitude in my selection, and

even catered to my tastes. The state of the binding mattered little; it

was the contents that fascinated me. My first prize that I took home was

Gibbon’s ‘Decline and Fall,’ in four volumes, because it was associated

with Brynford lessons. I devoured it now for its own sake. Little by

little, I acquired Spenser’s ‘Faery Queen,’ Tasso’s ‘Jerusalem

Delivered,’ Pope’s ‘Iliad,’ Dryden’s ‘Odyssey,’ ‘Paradise Lost,’

Plutarch’s ‘Lives.’ Simplicius on Epictetus, a big ‘History of the

United States,’ the last of which I sadly needed, because of my utter

ignorance of the country I was in.

Mrs. Williams gave me a few empty cases, out of which, with the loan of

a saw, hammer, and nails, I constructed a creditable book-case; and,

when it was put up, I do believe my senses contained as much delight as

they were able to endure, without making me extravagant in behaviour. My

attic became my world now, and a very great expansible world, full of

kings, emperors, knights, warriors, heroes, and angels. Without, it

might have been better, less sordid; within, it was glorious for great

deeds and splendid pageantry. It affected my dreams, for I dreamed of

the things that I had read. I was transported into Trojan Fields, and

Odyssean Isles, and Roman Palaces; and my saturated brain revolved prose

as stately as Gibbon’s, and couplets that might have been a credit to

Pope, only, if I chanced to remember at day-break what I had been busy

upon throughout the night, the metre and rhyme were shameful!

My self-indulgence in midnight readings was hurtful to my eyes, but they

certainly interposed between me and other harms. The passion of study

was so absorbing that it effectually prevented the intrusion of other

passions, while it did not conflict with day-work at the store. Hall and

Kemp’s young gentlemen sometimes awoke in me a languid interest in Ben

de Bar’s Theatrical troupe, or in some great actor; but, on reaching

home, my little library attracted my attention, and a dip into a page

soon effaced all desire for other pleasure. What I am I owe to example,

nature, school-education, reading, travel, observation, and reflection.

An infinitesimal amount of the mannerisms observed clung to me, no

doubt. The housewifely orderliness of Aunt Mary, the serious propriety

of Cousin Moses,--then, when I went to sea, the stern voice of the

captain, the ripping, explosive manner of the mates, the reckless

abandon of the sailors,--after that, the conscientious yielding of

myself to details of business,--all this left indelible impressions on

me.

* * * * *

About the fourth week Mr. Stanley returned, with a new batch of orders.

He warmly congratulated me upon my improved appearance, and

confidentially whispered to me that Mr. Speake was thoroughly satisfied

with my devotion to business. He gave me his card, and said that on the

following Sunday he would be glad to see me at breakfast.

When the day arrived, I went to St. Charles Street, a quarter greatly

superior to St. Thomas Street. The houses were aristocratic, being of

classic design, with pillared porticoes, and wide, cool verandahs,

looking out upon garden-shrubbery and flowering magnolias. Mr. Stanley

was in an easy-chair, awaiting me. But for that, I should have hesitated

at mounting the wide steps, so imposing the establishment appeared. He

took me by the hand to an ample room luxuriously furnished, and

introduced me to a fragile little lady, who was the picture of

refinement. My reception was of such a character that it led me to

believe she was as tender and mild as her quiet and subdued looks; and

the books on the centre table made me think her pious. Nothing could

have been better calculated to conquer my shyness than the gracious

welcome she accorded me. We took our respective places at once, she as a

motherly patroness, and I as a devotedly-grateful protégé, fully

sensible of what was due to her as the wife of my benefactor. Her

husband stood towering over me with his hand on my head, and an

encouraging smile on his face, that I might speak out without fear; and

he watched the impression I made on his wife. The ordeal of presentation

was made easy through her natural goodness, and the gentle art she

possessed of winning my confidence. She placed me on a divan near her,

and I was soon prattling away with a glibness that a few minutes before

would have been deemed impossible to such a stocky boy.

To confine within a sentence my impressions of the first lady I ever

conversed with, is entirely beyond my power. There was an atmosphere

about her, in the first place, which was wholly new. The elaborateness

and richness of dress, the purity and delicacy of her face, the

exquisite modulations of her voice, the distinctness of her enunciation,

and the sweet courtesy of her manner, I will not say awed me, but it

kindled as much of reverence as ever I felt in my life. If I were to

combine this with a feeling that the being beside me might command me to

endure practically any torture, or dare any danger, for her sake, it

will perhaps sum up the effect which this gentlewoman made on my raw

mind. It was at this hour I made the discovery of the immense distance

between a lady and a mere woman; and, while I gazed at her clear,

lustrous eyes, and noted the charms which played about her features, I

was thinking that, if a lady could be so superior to an ordinary

housewife, with her careless manner of speech, and matter-of-fact ways,

what a beautiful thing an angel must be!

When we adjourned to the breakfast-table, I found more material to

reflect upon. There were about a dozen people, of about the age and rank

of Mr. and Mrs. Stanley, at the table; and it struck me that there was

an almost impassable gulf between me and them. Their conversation was

beyond my understanding, mostly, though I could spell and interpret each

word; but the subjects of their talk left me in the clouds. Their

remarks upon literature, politics, and social life, seemed to me most

appropriate to books; but it surprised me to think that people could

exchange so much learning across a table with the fluency of boys

discussing the quality of pudding. Their soothing manner of address, the

mutual respect, and deferent temper, greatly elevated them above my

coarse-grained acquaintances; and, though they must have guessed, by my

manner and age, that I did not belong to their sphere, they paid me the

honour of including me in their courteous circle, until, unconsciously,

I was straining to acquit myself worthily. Altogether, it was a

memorable breakfast; and, when I reached home, it seemed to me that

fortune was about to spoil me; otherwise, why this glow and pride that I

felt?

After this Sunday, my acquaintance with Mr. Stanley rapidly ripened into

something exceeding common gratitude. His bearing towards me was

different from that which anybody else showed to me. Many were kind and

approving; but, nevertheless, no one stooped to court my notice with

that warm, genial manner which distinguished Mr. Stanley. I felt

frequently flattered by the encomiums of Mr. Speake, and the friendship

of Richardson; but still, there was something of reserve between us,

which kept me somewhat tongue-tied in their presence. They never

inquired about my welfare or health, or how I liked my boarding-house,

or what I thought of anything, or made any suggestion which would

stimulate confidence. Their talks with me were all about the business

appertaining to the store, or some hap-hazard remark about the weather,

or some scene in the street; but Mr. Stanley’s way was as though it

specially concerned him to know everything about me personally, which

had the quality of drawing me out, and making me garrulous, to the verge

of familiarity. So, little by little, I came to regard him as an elderly

associate, with such a charming, infectious frankness, that I could

only, for want of a comparison, remember my affection for my old

grandfather, as corresponding with the mixed feelings of regard and awe

I had towards him. Besides, to be in his company, even for a brief time,

was an education for one so ignorant as myself. Information about

somebody or something dropped from his lips with every remark he made. I

felt myself becoming intelligent, informed about the geography and

history of the city and state that I was in, and learned in the ways and

customs of the people. The great merchants and institutions assumed a

greater interest for me. They were something more than strange names for

repetition; they had associations which revealed personalities of worth,

colossal munificence, remunerative enterprise, etc., etc.

Every Sunday morning I spent with the Stanleys, and the instantaneous

impression I had received of their goodness was more than confirmed.

Mrs. Stanley seemed to become at each visit more tender and caressingly

kind, in the same manner as he manifested a more paternal cordiality. I

yielded myself wholly to their influence, so that my conduct when out of

their sight was governed by the desire to retain their good opinions.

Without them, probably, my love of books would have proved sufficient

safe-guard against the baser kind of temptations; but, with them, I was

rendered almost impregnable to vice. They took me to church, each

Sabbath; and, in other ways, manifested a protective care. I resumed the

custom of morning and evening prayer, my industry at the store was of a

more thoughtful kind, my comings and goings were of more exemplary

punctuality. The orderly, industrious life I was following not only

ensured me the friendship of the Stanleys, but won me favour from Mr.

Speake, who, though wearing often a somewhat anxious expression,

restrained himself whenever he had an occasion to communicate with me.

In the third month there was a change at the store. Mr. Speake had some

words with Mr. Kennicy, the book-keeper, who, being, as I said, touchy,

resigned on the spot. A Mr. J. D. Kitchen was employed in his stead, and

Mr. Speake saw fit to increase my salary to thirty dollars a month,

giving for his reason the fact that the store had never been in such

admirable order as it had been since I had entered it. I was immensely

proud, of course, at this acknowledgement; but it was only natural that,

being so susceptible and impressionable, it should stimulate me to

greater efforts to deserve his approbation. Enlightening me, as it did,

in duties expected of me, it might be said to have increased my

interest in the condition of the store, until it partook of that which a

fond proprietor might feel in it. Envious, or ill-natured, people might

have said it was fussy, or officious. At any rate, this disposition to

have everything clean, to keep the stacks in orderly arrangement, to be

on hand when wanted, to keep my notes of shipment methodically, to be

studiously bent upon perfection in my duties, led to the following

incident.

We were ordered to take stock, and, while counting cases, and sacks, and

barrels, etc., I had now and then to re-arrange the stacks, because, in

the hurry of business, a box of pickles or jams had become mixed with

biscuits or candle-boxes; and, in handling these articles, it struck me

that several of them were uncommonly light. I mentioned this, but it did

not attract much attention. It was discovered, also, that the

coffee-sacks were much slacker than they ought to be; but, though the

rents through which the contents must have escaped appeared as if made

by rats, as the quantity of berries on the ground was inadequate to the

loss, I knew no other way in which to account for it. However, when, on

going to the lofts, we gauged the contents of the wine-puncheons and

syrup-barrels, and found them to be half-emptied, matters began to look

serious. The leakage on the floor was not sufficient to explain the loss

of so many gallons; and the discussion between the book-keeper and

shipping-clerk suggested trouble when the ‘old man’ would be informed.

From what I gathered, the former book-keeper, Mr. Kennicy, was supposed

to be in fault. We were short of several boxes of biscuits, sardines,

and other articles; and it seemed obvious that Mr. Kennicy must have

omitted to enter sales on his book, and thus caused this unexpected

discrepancy.

Mr. Speake, as had been anticipated, exhibited much vexation, though, in

the presence of Mr. Kitchen and Mr. Richardson, he could only ask,

querulously, ‘How could such articles disappear in such a

disproportionate manner? We do not sell by retail. If we sold wine, or

syrup, at all, we would sell by the cask, or barrel, and not by the

gallon. The barrels seem to tally, but the contents are diminished in

some mysterious manner. Then there are the emptied cases, of which this

boy has spoken: how can we account for bottles taken from one, and tins

from another? The invoices were checked when the goods came in, and no

deficiency was reported to me. There is gross carelessness somewhere,

and it must be looked into,’ etc., etc.

Both Mr. Kitchen and Mr. Richardson, under this argument, laboured under

the sense of reproach, and I was not wholly free from a feeling of

remissness. I strove hard to remember whether in conveying the cases to

their respective piles, or hoisting the barrels to the lofts, a

suspicion of light weight had entered my mind; and while filled with a

sense of doubt and misgiving, I proceeded to hunt for a broom to sweep

up, before closing. I found one in the corner of the back-yard; but, on

drawing it to me, a tin lunch-bucket was disclosed, the sight of which

in such an unexpected place suggested that the broom had been placed to

screen it from view. On taking hold of it, I was amazed at its weight;

but, on lifting the lid, I no longer wondered, for it was three-fourths

full of golden syrup. It flashed across my mind that here was the

solution of the mystery that troubled us, and that, if one bucket was

made the means of surreptitiously conveying golden syrup, a second might

be used for the same purpose. On searching for the other negro’s bucket,

I found it placed high above my reach, on a peg, and under his outdoor

coat. Seizing a board, I struck it underneath, and a few drops of a dark

aromatic liquor trickled down the sides. As, now, there could be no

reason to doubt that the culprits had been discovered, I hastened to the

office to give my information.

By great good-luck, Mr. Stanley appeared at that moment, and I at once

acquainted him with what I had found. Mr. Richardson joined us, and,

when he had heard it, he became hotly indignant, and cried, ‘I see it

all now. Come on, let us inform Mr. Speake, and have this affair cleared

up at once!’

Mr. Speake and Mr. Kitchen were in the office turning over ledger,

journal, and day-book, comparing entries, when we burst upon them with

the discovery. Mr. Speake was astonished and exclaimed, ‘There now, who

would have thought of these fellows? A systematic robbery has been going

on for goodness knows how long!’

While breathlessly discussing the matter, we suddenly remembered

various strange proceedings of the negroes, and our suspicions were

excited that there must be certain secret nests of stores somewhere in

the building; and Richardson and I were sent off to explore. The same

idea seemed to be in our minds, for we first searched the dark alleys

between the goods-piles, and, in a short time, we had lit upon the

secret hoards. Hams, sardines, and tins of biscuits, packages of

candles, etc., etc., were found between the hogsheads and tierces; and,

when we had carried them to the office, the indignation of everyone was

very high.

Dan and Samuel had been all this time in the upper lofts, and were now

called down. When questioned as to their opinions about the

disappearance of certain articles, they both denied all knowledge, and

affected the ignorance of innocence; but, when they were sharply told to

lead us to their tin buckets, their features underwent a remarkable

change, and assumed a strange grey colour. Dan pretended to forget where

he had placed his bucket; but, when Mr. Speake took him by the collar

and led him to the broom that hid it, he fell on his knees, and begged

his master’s pardon. Mr. Speake was, however, too angry to listen to

him, and, snatching the lid off, revealed to us half a gallon of the

best golden syrup, which the wretch had intended to have taken home.

When Sam’s useful utensil was examined, it was found that its owner had

a preference for sweet Malmsey wine!

A constable was called in, and Dan and Samuel were marched off to the

watch-house, to receive on the next day such a flogging as only

practised State-officials know how to administer. Dan, a few days later,

was reinstated at the store; but Samuel was disposed of to a planter,

for field-work.

The last Sunday morning Mr. Stanley was in the city, on this occasion,

was marked with a visit he paid to me at my humble boarding-house. He

was pleased to express his great surprise that, at that early hour, my

attic was arranged as though for inspection. He scrutinised my

book-case, and remarked that I had a pretty broad taste, and suggested

that I should procure various books which he mentioned. In self-defence,

I was obliged to plead poverty, and explained that my books were only

such as I could obtain at a second-hand book-stall. He finally

condescended to breakfast with me, and made himself especially

agreeable to Mrs. Williams and her guests; after which, we went to

church, and thence he took me to dine with him. In the afternoon, we

drove in a carriage down Levee Street, past the French Market, and I was

shown many of the public buildings, banks, and squares; and, later, we

took a short railway trip to Lake Ponchartrain, which is a fair piece of

water, and is a great resort for bathers. When we returned to the city,

late in the evening, I was fairly instructed in the topography of the

city and neighbourhood, and had passed a most agreeable and eventful

day.

On the next evening, I found a parcel addressed to me, which, when

opened, disclosed a dozen new books in splendid green and blue covers,

bearing the names of Shakespeare, Byron, Irving, Goldsmith, Ben Jonson,

Cowper, etc. They were a gift from Mr. Stanley, and in each book was his

autograph.

The summer of 1859, according to Mr. Richardson, was extremely

unhealthy. Yellow fever and dysentery were raging. What a sickly season

meant I could not guess; for, in those days, I never read a newspaper,

and the city traffic, to all appearance, was much as usual. On Mr.

Speake’s face, however, I noticed lines of suffering; and one day he was

so ill that he could not attend to business. Three or four days later,

he was dead; and a message came from the widow that I should visit her,

at her home, at the corner of Girod and Carondelet Streets. She was now

in a state of terrible distress, and, clad in heavy mourning, she

impressed me with very sombre thoughts. It comforted her to hear how

sensible we all were of her loss; and then she communicated to me her

reasons for desiring my presence. Through her husband she had been made

aware of my personal history, and, on account of the interest it had

excited in her, she had often induced her husband to tell her every

incident at the store. She proceeded to reveal to me the flattering

opinion he had formed of me, in terms that augmented my grief; and, as a

mark of special favour, I was invited to stay in the house until after

the funeral.

That night, I was asked to watch the dead, a duty of which I was wholly

unaware before. The body rested in a splendid open coffin, covered with

muslin, but the ghastliness of death was somewhat relieved by the

Sunday costume in which the defunct merchant was clothed. When the

traffic of the streets had ceased, and the silence of the night had

fallen on the city, the shadows in the ill-lit room grew mysterious.

About midnight, I dozed a little, but suddenly woke up with an

instinctive feeling that the muslin had moved! I sprang to my feet, and

memories of spectral tales were revived. Was it an illusion, begotten of

fear? Was Mr. Speake really dead? There was, at that moment, another

movement, and I prepared to give the alarm; but a sacrilegious ‘meow’

betrayed the character of the ghost! A second later, it was felled by a

bolster; and, in its haste to escape, the cat entangled its claws in the

muslin, and tore and spat in a frenzy; but this was the means of saving

me from the necessity of chasing the wretched animal along the

corridors, for, as it was rushing through the door, I caught the veil.

The next day, a long procession wound through the streets towards the

cemetery.[4] The place of interment was surrounded by a high wall, which

contained several square tablets, commemorative, as I supposed, of the

dead lying in the earth; but I was much shocked when I learned that,

behind each tablet, was a long narrow cell wherein bodies were

corrupting. One of these cells had just been opened, and was destined

for the body of my late employer; but, unfortunately for my feelings,

not far off lay, huddled in a corner, the relics of mortality which had

occupied it previously, and which had been ruthlessly displaced.

Within a short time, the store, with all its contents, was disposed of

by auction, to Messrs. Ellison and McMillan. Messrs. Kitchen and

Richardson departed elsewhere, but I was retained by the new firm. Mrs.

Cornelia Speake and her two children removed to Louisville, and I never

saw either of them again.

About this time there came to Mrs. Williams’s boarding-house a blue-eyed

and fair-haired lad, of about my own age, seeking lodgings. As the house

was full, the landlady insisted on accommodating him in my room, and

bedding him with me; and, on finding that the boy was English, and just

arrived from Liverpool, I assented to her arrangement.

My intended bed-fellow called himself Dick Heaton, and described himself

as having left Liverpool in the ship ‘Pocahontas,’ as a cabin-boy. He

also had been a victim to the hellish brutality of Americans at sea, the

steward apparently having been as callous and cruel as Nelson of the

‘Windermere’; and, no sooner had his ship touched the pier, than the boy

fled, as from a fury. Scarcely anything could have been better

calculated to win my sympathy than the recital of experiences similar to

my own, by one of my own age, and hailing from the same port that I had

come from.

Dick was clever and intelligent, though not well educated; but, to make

up for his deficiency in learning, he was gifted with a remarkable

fluency, and had one of the cheeriest laughs, and a prettiness of manner

which made up for all defects.

Our bed was a spacious four-poster, and four slim lads like us might

have been easily accommodated in it. I observed, however, with silent

surprise, that he was so modest he would not retire by candle-light, and

that when he got into bed he lay on the verge of it, far removed from

contact with me. When I rose in the morning, I found that he was not

undressed, which he explained by saying that he had turned in thus from

the habit of holding himself ready for a call. On beginning his voyage

he had been so severely thrashed for a delay caused by dressing, that he

had scarcely dared to take off his boots during the whole voyage. He

also told me that, when he had discovered how almost impossible it was

to avoid a beating from the steward and cook, he had resorted to the

expedient of padding the seat of his trousers with cotton, and wearing a

pad of the same material along the spine, but to avert suspicion that he

was thus cunningly fortified against the blows, he had always continued

to howl as freely as before. The naïveté of the revelation was most

amusing, though I was surprised at the shameless way in which he

disclosed his tricks and cowardly fears. However, it did not deter me

from responding to his friendly advances, and in two days I came to

regard him as a very charming companion. The third morning, being

Sunday, we chatted longer abed; but, when rising together, I cast a

glance at his hips, and remarked that he need have no fear of being

thrashed at New Orleans. He appeared a little confused at first, but,

suddenly remembering, he said that on the Monday he would have to

purchase a new pair of trousers and seek work. A little later, it struck

me that there was an unusual forward inclination of the body, and a

singular leanness of the shoulders, compared with the fulness below the

waist in him; and I remarked that he walked more like a girl than a boy.

‘So do you,’ he retorted, with a liberty natural to our age, at which I

only laughed.

I proposed to him that we should breakfast at the French Market that

morning, to which he willingly agreed. We walked down Levee Street, down

to the foot of Canal Street, where we saw fifty or sixty river steamers

assembled, which, massed together, made a most imposing sight. Turning

to take a view of the scene up-river, with its miles upon miles of

shipping, its levee choked with cotton, and other cargoes, he said that

it was a finer sight than even the docks of Liverpool. After a cup of

coffee and some sugared waffles, we proceeded on a tour through the old

quarter of the city, and wandered past the Cathedral of St. Louis, and

through Royal, Chartres, Burgundy, and Toulouse Streets, and, coming

home by Rampart Street, entered Canal Street, and continued our weary

way, through Carondelet and St. Charles Streets, home, where we arrived

heated and hungry. Dick had shown himself very observant, and professed

to be astonished at the remarkable variety of complexions and appearance

of the population. So long as we were in the neighbourhood of the levee

he had been rather shy, and had cast anxious glances about him, fearing

recognition from some of the crew of the ‘Pocahontas’; but, after we had

gone into some of the back streets, he had been more at ease, and his

remarks upon the types of people we met showed much shrewdness.

Monday morning I woke at an early hour, to prepare myself for the week’s

labour; and, on looking towards Dick, who was still sound asleep, was

amazed to see what I took to be two tumours on his breast. My

ejaculation and start woke my companion. He asked what was the matter?

Pointing to his open breast, I anxiously inquired if those were not

painful?

He reddened, and, in an irritable manner, told me that I had better mind

my own business! Huffed at his ungraciousness, I turned resentfully

away. Almost immediately after, I reminded myself of his confusion, his

strange manner of entering a clean bed with his clothes on, his jealous

avoidance of the light, his affectation of modesty, his peculiar

suppleness and mincing gait, and the odd style of his figure. These

things shaped themselves rapidly into proofs that Dick was not what he

represented himself to be. True, he had a boy’s name, he wore boy’s

clothes, he had been a cabin-boy; but such a strange boy I had never

seen. He talked far too much and too fluently, he was too tricky, too

nimble, somehow. No, I was convinced he could _not_ be a boy! I sat up

triumphantly, and cried out with the delight of a discoverer:--

‘I know! I know! Dick, you are a girl!’

Nevertheless, when he faced me, and unblushingly admitted the

accusation, it frightened me; and I sprang out of bed as though I had

been scorched!

‘What,’ I exclaimed, ‘do you mean to say you are a girl?’

‘Yes, I am,’ said she, turning pale, as she became infected with my

excitement.

Perplexed at this astounding confirmation of what, after all, had been

only a surmise of playful malice, I stammeringly demanded,--

‘Well, what _is_ your name, then? It cannot be Dick, for that belongs to

a boy.’

‘I am Alice Heaton. There, now, you have my whole secret!’ she said with

asperity.

‘Alice Heaton!’ I echoed, quite confounded at the feminine name; and I

reproachfully asked, ‘If you are a girl, say, what do you mean by coming

into my bed, and passing yourself off as a boy?’

She had kept up bravely so far, but she now answered me with tears and

sobs, and every doubt of her sex vanished, while I was in such a medley

of emotions that I stood like one utterly bereft of sense, not knowing

what to do. Presently, she said, ‘Come, let us dress, and I will tell

you all about it.’

I lost no time in doing what she advised; and, after taking a turn or

two in the yard, returned to find her ready for me.

Now that her sex was revealed, I wondered that I had been so blind as

not to perceive it before, for, in every movement, there was

unmistakeable femininity. Alice made me sit down, and the substance of

the story she now told me was as follows:

She had been born at Everton, Liverpool, and, since she had begun to

walk, she had lived with a severe old grandmother, who grew more cross

as she aged. From childhood, she had known nothing but ill-treatment;

she was scolded and slapped perpetually. When she was twelve years of

age, she began to struggle with her granny, and, in a short time, she

proved that her strength was too great to be beaten by an infirm old

woman; little by little, her grandmother desisted from the attempt, but

substituted, instead, the nagging system. As she approached her

fourteenth year, her grandmother developed a parsimony which made her

positively hateful. Every crust she ate at the house was begrudged to

her, though, so far as she knew, there was no cause for this pinching

and starving. Her home contained evidences of respectability. The

furniture was abundant and of good quality, and the many curios in the

glass cases in the parlour showed that her parents had been in

comfortable circumstances. How her grandmother obtained her means of

living, Alice did not know; but, judging from her dress and condition,

her poverty was not so distressing as to be the cause of such extreme

penuriousness.

During the last five or six months, as she was getting on to fifteen,

Alice had been acquainted with girlish neighbours, and through them,

with some young middies who had just returned from their voyages. These

had delighted to tell her friends of the wonders of foreign lands, and

of the genial welcome they had met with from their foreign friends. The

stories of their sea-life, and the pictures of America which they gave,

fascinated her; and she secretly resolved that, upon the first violent

outbreak of her grandmother’s temper, she would try her fortune as a

cabin-boy. With this view, every penny she could scrape, or steal, from

her grandmother she hoarded, until, at last, she had enough to purchase

from a slop-shop all she needed for a disguise. When her grandmother

finally broke out into a bad fit of temper, and, provoked by her

defiance, ordered her out of the house, she was ready for her venture.

She went to a barber’s shop and had her hair cut close; returning home,

she dressed herself in boy’s costume, and, with a sailor’s bag on her

back, entered a boarding-house near the docks. A few days later, she had

the good luck to be engaged as a cabin-boy by the captain of the

‘Pocahontas,’ and, by careful conduct, escaped detection during the

voyage, though nothing would avail her to avoid the rope’s ending and

cuffing of the steward and his fellow-officers.

By the time she had concluded her narrative, it was full time for me to

depart to my work. We hurriedly agreed to consult together about future

plans upon my return in the evening, and I left her with an assurance

that all my means and help were at her service. All that day her

extraordinary story occupied my mind, and, though she was undoubtedly an

artful and bold character, her uncommon spirit compelled my admiration,

while her condition was such as to compel my sympathy.

At the closing hour I sped homeward, but, on arriving at Mrs.

Williams’s, I was told Alice had not been seen since the early morning.

I waited many hours, but waited in vain. She was never seen, or heard

of, by me again; but I have hoped ever since that Fate was as propitious

to her, as I think it was wise, in separating two young and simple

creatures, who might have been led, through excess of sentiment, into

folly.

The next Sabbath after the disappearance of Alice, I paid my usual visit

to Mrs. Stanley, and was shocked and grieved to hear, from her maid,

Margaret, that she was seriously ill, and under medical treatment. A

glass of ice-water which she had taken on Friday had been speedily

followed by alarming symptoms of illness. She was now so prostrated by

disease that she required constant attendance. Margaret’s face betrayed

so much fatigue and anxiety that I tendered my services, and even begged

her to employ me in any way. After a little hesitation, she said I might

be useful in enabling her to take a little rest, if I would sit at the

door, and, upon any movement or sound within the sick chamber, call her.

I kept my post all through the day and night, and, though there were

frequent calls on Margaret, her snatches of rest served to maintain her

strength. As I went off to my labour, I promised to solicit a few days’

leave from Mr. Ellison, and to return to her within the hour.

Mr. Ellison, however, to whom I preferred my request for a few days’

liberty, affected to regard me as though I had uttered something very

outrageous, and curtly told me I ‘might go to the D----, if I liked, and

stay with him for good.’ Such an offensive reply, a few months earlier,

would have made me shrink into myself; but the New Orleans atmosphere

ripens one’s sense of independence and personal dignity, and I replied

with something of the spirit that I had admired in Mr. Kennicy and Mr.

Richardson, and said:--

‘Very well, sir. You may discharge me at once!’ Of course, to a person

of Mr. Ellison’s sanguinary hair and complexion, the answer was

sufficient to ensure my furious dismissal on the instant.

Margaret was greatly vexed at my action when she heard of it, but

consoled me by saying that a few days’ liberty would do me no harm. My

whole time was now placed at her disposal, and I had reason to know that

my humble services were a considerable relief and assistance to her at

this trying time. Meanwhile, poor Mrs. Stanley was becoming steadily

worse; and, on Wednesday night, her case was reported to be desperate by

the physician. There was no more sleep for any of us until the issue

should be decided. Near midnight, Margaret, with a solemn and ghastly

face, beckoned me into the sick lady’s room. With my heart throbbing

painfully, and expecting I know not what, I entered on tiptoe. I saw a

broad bed, curtained with white muslin, whereon lay the fragile figure

of the patient, so frail and delicate that, in my rude health, it seemed

insolence in me to be near her. It had been easy for me to speak of

illness when I knew so little of what it meant; but, on regarding its

ravages, and observing the operation of death, I stood as one petrified.

Margaret pushed me gently to the bedside, and I saw by the dim light how

awfully solemn a human face can be when in saintly peace. Slowly, I

understood how even the most timid woman could smilingly welcome Death,

and willingly yield herself to its cold embrace. I had hitherto a stony

belief that those who died had only been conquered through a sheer want

of will on their part (‘All men think all men mortal but

themselves’[5]), and that the monster, with its horrors of cold, damp

earth, and worms, needed only to be defied to be defeated of its prey.

While listening at the door, I had wished that, in some way, I could

transfuse a portion of my fulness of spirit into her, that she might

have the force to resist the foe; for, surely, with a little more

courage, she would not abandon husband, friends, and admirers, for the

still company in the Churchyard. But the advance of Death was not like

that of a blustering tyrant. It was imperceptible, and inconceivably

subtle, beginning with a little ache--like one of many known before.

Before it had declared its presence, it had narcotized the faculties,

eased the beats of the heart, lessened the flow of blood, weakened the

pulse; it had sent its messenger, Peace, before it, to dispel all

anxieties and regrets, and to elevate the soul with the hope of Heaven;

and then it closed the valves.

She opened her mild eyes, and spoke words as from afar: ‘Be a good boy.

God bless you!’ And, while I strained my hearing for more, there was an

indistinct murmur, the eyes opened wide and became fixed, and a

beautiful tranquillity settled over the features. How strangely serene!

When I turned to look into Margaret’s eyes, I knew Death had come.

By a curious coincidence, Captain Stanley, her brother-in-law, arrived

from Havana the next day, in a brig. He knew nothing of me. There was no

reason he should be tender to my feelings, and he intimated to me, with

the frankness of a ship’s captain, that he would take charge of

everything. Even Margaret subsided before this strong man; and, being

very miserable, and with a feeling of irretrievable loss, I withdrew,

after a silent clasp of the hands.

About three days later I received a letter from Margaret, saying that

the body had been embalmed, and the casket had been put in lead; and

that, according to a telegram received from Mr. Stanley, she was going

up the river to St. Louis with it, by the steamer ‘Natchez.’

For a period, I was too forlorn to heed anything greatly. I either

stayed at home, reading, or brooding over the last scene in Mrs.

Stanley’s chamber, or I wandered aimlessly about the levee, or crossed

over to Algiers, where I sat on the hulks, and watched the river

flowing, with a feeling as of a nightmare on me.

My unhappy experiences at Liverpool had not been without their lessons

of prudence. My only extravagances so far had been in the purchase of

books; and, even then, a vague presentiment of want had urged me to be

careful, and hurry to raise a shield against the afflictions of the

destitute. Though at liberty, there was no fear that I should abuse it.

By and by, the cloud lifted from my mind; and I set about seeking for

work. Fortune, however, was not so kind this time. The Mr. Stanleys of

the world are not numerous. After two weeks’ diligent search, there was

not a vacancy to be found. Then I lowered my expectations, and sought

for work of any kind. I descended to odd jobs, such as the sawing of

wood, and building wood-piles for private families. The quality of the

work mattered little.

One day there came a mate to our boarding-house, who told me that his

captain was ill, and required an attendant. I offered myself, and was

accepted.

The vessel was the ‘Dido,’ a full-sized brig. The captain suffered from

a bilious fever, aggravated by dysentery, from drinking Mississippi

water, it was thought. He was haggard, and yellow as saffron. I received

my instructions from the doctor, and committed them to paper to prevent

mistakes.

My duties were light and agreeable. During the remission of fever, the

captain proved to be a kindly and pious soul; and his long grey beard

gave him a patriarchal appearance, and harmonized with his patient

temper. For three weeks we had an anxious time over him, but, during the

fourth, he showed signs of mending, and took the air on the poop. He

became quite communicative with me, and had extracted from me mostly all

that was worth relating of my short history.

At the end of a month I was relieved from my duties; and as I had no

desire to resume sea-life, even with so good a man, I was paid off most

handsomely, with a small sum as a ‘token of regard.’ As I was about to

depart, he said some words which, uttered with all solemnity, were

impressive. ‘Don’t be down-hearted at this break in the beginning of

your life. If you will only have patience, and continue in well-doing,

your future will be better than you dream of. You have uncommon

faculties, and I feel certain that, barring accidents, you will some day

be a rich man. If I were you, I would seek your friend at St. Louis, and

what you cannot find in this city, you may find in that. You deserve

something better than to be doing odd jobs. Good-bye, and take an old

man’s best wishes.’

The old captain’s words were better than his gold, for they gave me a

healthful stimulus. His gold was not to be despised, but his advice

inspired me with hope, and I lifted my head, and fancied I saw clearer

and further. All men must pass through the bondage of necessity before

they emerge into life and liberty. The bondage to one’s parents and

guardians is succeeded by bondage to one’s employers.

On the very next day I took a passage for St. Louis, by the steamer

‘Tuscarora’; and, by the end of November, 1859, I reached that busy

city. The voyage had proved to me wonderfully educative. The grand

pictures of enterprise, activity, and growing cities presented by the

river shores were likely to remain with me forever. The successive

revelations of scenery and human life under many aspects impressed me

with the extent of the world. Mental exclamations of ‘What a river!’

‘What a multitude of steamers!’ ‘What towns, and what a people!’ greeted

each new phase. The intensity of everything also surprised me, from the

resistless and deep river, the driving force within the rushing boats,

the galloping drays along the levees, to the hurried pace of everybody

ashore. On our own steamer my nerves tingled incessantly with the sound

of the fast-whirling wheels, the energy of the mates, and the clamour of

the hands. A feverish desire to join in the bustle burned in my veins.

On inquiring at the Planters’ Hotel, I extracted from the hotel clerk

the news that Mr. Stanley had descended to New Orleans on business a

week before! For about ten days I hunted for work along the levee, and

up and down Broadway, and the principal streets, but without success;

and, at last, with finances reduced to a very low ebb, the river, like a

magnet, drew me towards it. I was by this time shrunk into a small

compass, even to my own perception. Self-depreciation could scarcely

have become lower.

Wearied and disheartened, I sat down near a number of flat-boats and

barges, several of which were loading, or loaded, with timber, boards,

and staves; and the talk of the men,--rough-bearded fellows,--about me,

was of oak, hickory, pine shingles, scantling, and lumber; and I heard

the now familiar names of Cairo, Memphis, and New Orleans. At the last

word, my attention was aroused, and I discovered that one of the

flat-boats was just about to descend the river to that port. Its crew

were seated on the lumber, yarning light-heartedly; and their apparent

indifference to care was most attractive to an outcast. I stole nearer

to them, found out the boss, and, after a while, offered to work my

passage down the river. Something in me must have excited his rough

sympathy, for he was much kinder than might have been expected from his

rough exterior. I had long since learned that the ordinary American was

a curious compound of gentleman and navvy. His garb and speech might be

rough, his face and hands soiled, beard and hair unkempt, but the

bearing was sure to be free, natural, and grand, and his sentiments

becoming; the sense of manly dignity was never absent, and his manners

corresponded with his situation. My services were accepted, not without

receiving a hint that loafing could not be tolerated aboard a flat-boat.

Being the youngest on board, I was to be a general helper, assist the

cook, and fly about where wanted. But what a joy to the workless is

occupation! Independence may be a desirable thing, but the brief taste I

had had of it had, by this, completely sickened me.

We cast off at day-break, and committed our huge unwieldy boat to the

current of the Mississippi, using our sweeps occasionally to keep her in

the middle. For the most part it seemed to me a lazy life. The physical

labours were almost nil, though, now and then, all hands were called to

exert their full strength, and the shouting and swearing were terrific.

When the excitement was passed, we subsided into quietude, smoking,

sleeping, and yarning. A rude galley had been set up temporarily for the

cook’s convenience, and a sail was stretched over the middle of the boat

as a shelter from the sun and rain. There were eleven of us altogether,

including myself. My promiscuous duties kept me pretty busy. I had to

peel potatoes, stir mush, carry water, wash tin pans, and scour the

plates, and on occasions lend my strength at pulling one of the

tremendously long oars.

No special incident occurred during the long and tedious voyage. Once we

narrowly escaped being run down by the ‘Empress’ steamer, and we had a

lively time of it, the angry men relieving themselves freely of threats

and oaths. Steamers passed us every day. Sometimes a pair of them raced

madly side by side, or along opposite banks, while their furnaces, fed

by pitch-pine, discharged rolling volumes of thick smoke, which

betrayed, for hours after they had disappeared from view, the course

they had taken. The water would splash up the sides of our boat, and the

yellow river would part into alarming gulfs on either hand. At large

towns, such as Cairo, Memphis, Vicksburg, and Natchez, we made fast to

the shore; and, while the caterer of the mess took me with him to make

his purchases of fresh provisions, the crew sought congenial haunts by

the river-side for a mild dissipation. By the end of the month, our

voyage terminated at some stave and lumber-yards between Carrolltown and

New Orleans.

On the whole, the flat-boatmen had been singularly decent in their

behaviour. Their coarseness was not disproportionate to their

circumstances, or what might be expected from wage-earners of their

class; but what impressed me most was the vast amount of good feeling

they exhibited. There had been a few exciting tussles, and some sharp

exchanges of bellicose talk between the principals, but their bitterness

vanished in a short time, while, towards myself, they were more like

protectors than employers. Nevertheless, a few painful truths had been

forced on my notice; I had also gained valuable experience of the

humours of rivers. The fluvial moods had considerably interested me. The

play of currents, eddies, and whirlpools afforded inexhaustible matter

for observation. The varying aspects of the stream in calm and storm,

when deep or shallow, in the neighbourhood of snags, sandbars, and

spits, reflecting sunshine or leaden sky, were instructive, and the

veteran flat-boatmen were not averse to satisfying my inquisitiveness.

Being naturally studious and reflective, I carried away with me far more

than I could rehearse of what was of practical value; but, boy-like, I

relegated my impressions to memory, where, in process of time, they

could be solidified into knowledge.

CHAPTER V

I FIND A FATHER

After tying up, I was at liberty to renovate my person. My shore-clothes

restored me to the semblance of my former self, and, with many a protest

of good-will from my late companions, I walked towards the city. In a

few hours I reached St. Charles Street, and, as though wearied with its

persecution of me, Fortune brought me into the presence of Mr. Stanley.

His reception of me was so paternal that the prodigal son could not have

been more delighted. My absence from New Orleans had but intensified my

affection for the only friend I seemed to possess in all America. Once

out of his presence, I felt as a stranger among strangers; on

re-entering it, I became changed outwardly and inwardly. Away from him,

I was at once shy, silent, morosely severe; with him, I was exuberantly

glad, and chatted freely, without fear of repulse. Since we had parted,

I had met some thousands, and spoken with a few hundreds; but no one had

kindled in me the least spark of personal interest. It may, then, be

understood how my greeting expressed my sense of his pre-eminence and

rarity.

* * * * *

Between the last sentence and what follows, there should be an interval

represented by many * * * * * *. I do not know how it came about, but I

was suddenly fixed immovably, for a period. Preoccupied with my bursting

gladness, I had observed nothing but our mutual gratification; and then

I had poured my tale of woes unchecked, except by an expression of

sympathy, now and again, from him. But, presently, after some

commonplaces, his words sounded a deeper note, and stirred my innermost

being. A peculiar sensation--as though the wind of a strong breathing

was flowing down my back, and ran up with a refluent motion to the head,

blowing each hair apart--came over me, and held me spell-bound and

thrilled to the soul. _He was saying, with some emotion, that my future

should be his charge!_ He had been so powerfully affected by what

Margaret had told him, with all the warmth of her Irish nature, of the

last scene at the deathbed of his wife, that he had been unable to

dissociate me from his thoughts of her; he had wondered what I was

doing, what had become of me, imagined that I was starving, and, knowing

how friendless and unsophisticated I was, each conjecture had been

dismal and pitiful; and he had resolved, on reaching New Orleans, to

make diligent search for me, and take me to himself. While he related

his extraordinary intentions, it seemed to me as if my spirit was

casting an interested regard upon my own image, and was glorying in the

wonderful transformation that was taking place. To think that any man

should be weaving such generous designs upon a person so unworthy and

insignificant as myself, and plotting a felicitous future for me, nursed

in contumely and misery, seemed to me to be too wonderful for belief!

Then, again, there was a certain mysterious coincidence about it which

awed me. In my earliest dreams and fancies, I had often imagined what

kind of a boy I should be with a father or mother. What ecstasy it would

be if my parent came to me, to offer a parent’s love, as I had enviously

seen it bestowed on other children. In my secret prayers, something of a

wish of this kind had been behind the form of words; and now, as an

answer from the Invisible, came this astounding revelation of His power!

He had cast a little leaven of kindness into the heart of a good man.

From the very first encounter, it had acted beneficially for me; and now

it had leavened his whole nature, until it had become a fatherly

affection, which would shield my youth from trial and temptation, and

show me the best side of human nature!

Before I could quite grasp all that this declaration meant for me, he

had risen, taken me by the hand, and folded me in a gentle embrace. My

senses seemed to whirl about for a few half-minutes; and, finally, I

broke down, sobbing from extreme emotion. It was the only tender action

I had ever known, and, what no amount of cruelty could have forced from

me, tears poured in a torrent under the influence of the simple embrace.

The golden period of my life began from that supreme moment! As I

glance back at it from the present time, it seems more like a dream, as

unreal as a vision of the night. Compared with these matter-of-fact

days, or the ruthless past, it was like a masquerade among goodly

felicities and homely affections, and its happy experiences have been

too precious and sacred for common chat, though they have lain near

enough for the fitting occasion, moulded and ready for utterance. They

have formed my best memories, and furnished me with an unfading store of

reflections, and, probably, have had more influence than any other upon

my conduct and manners. For, to be lifted out of the depths of

friendlessness and destitution to a paternal refuge, and made the object

of care and solicitude so suddenly, at a time, too, when I was most

impressionable, without an effort on my own part, and without an

advocate, bordered on the miraculous. Predisposed to inward communing,

with a strong but secret faith in Providence, I regarded it as

principally the result of a Divine interposition, the course of which

was a mystery not to be lightly talked of, but to be remembered for its

significance.

After a restful night, and when breakfast had been despatched, we

adjourned to a room used as an office and sitting apartment, and there I

was subjected to a sympathetic cross-examination. Every incident of my

life, even to the fancies that had fled across the mind of callow

boyhood, was elicited with the assistance of his searching questions,

and then I was, as it were, turned completely inside out. Mr. Stanley

said that what I had told him only bore out the conclusion he had long

before arrived at concerning me. He had suspected that I was an orphan,

or one who had been flatly disowned, and a waif exposed to every wind of

Chance; and he was glad that it had deposited me in his keeping. He

expressed amazement that helpless children were treated so unfeelingly

in England, and marvelled that no one cared to claim them. Being a

childless man, he and his wife had often prayed for the blessing of

offspring, until they were wearied with desiring and expecting. Then

they had gone to the Faubourg St. Mary, and had visited the Infant

Asylum, with the view of adopting some unclaimed child; but they had

made no choice, from over-fastidiousness. It much surprised him that

none of my relations had discovered in me what had struck him and

Speake. Had he searched New Orleans all through, he said, he could not

have found one who would have shared his views respecting me with more

sympathy than his friend; and, had Mr. Speake lived, he added, I should

have been as good as established for life. Mr. Speake had written his

estimates of my character often, and, in one letter, had predicted that

I was cut out for a great merchant, who would eventually be an honour to

the city. Mr. Kitchen, the book-keeper, had also professed to be

impressed with my qualities; while young Richardson had said I was a

prodigy of activity and quick grasp of business.

Then, at some length, he related the circumstances which had induced him

to take a warmer interest in me. He had often thought of the start I had

given him by the question, ‘Do you want a boy, sir?’ It seemed to voice

his own life-long wish. But he thought I was too big for his purpose.

For the sake, however, of the long-desired child, he determined to do

the best he could for me, and had obtained my engagement with his friend

Speake. When he had gone home, his wife had been much interested in the

adventure with me, and had often asked how his ‘protégé’ was getting on?

When she had, finally, seen me, she had said something to him which had

given a new turn to his thoughts; but, as I was already established, and

was likely to succeed, he had ceased thinking about it. On Margaret’s

arrival at St. Louis with his wife’s remains, she had been so eloquent

in all the details of what had occurred, that he inwardly resolved that

his first object on reaching the city should be to seek me and undertake

what God had pointed out to him; namely, to educate me for the business

of life, and be to me what my father should have been. ‘The long and the

short of it is,’ said he, ‘as you are wholly unclaimed, without a

parent, relation, or sponsor, I promise to take you for my son, and fit

you for a mercantile career; and, in future, _you are to bear my name,

“Henry Stanley.”_’ Having said which, he rose, and, dipping his hands in

a basin of water, he made the sign of the cross on my forehead, and went

seriously through the formula of baptism, ending with a brief

exhortation to bear my new name worthily.

In answer, as it might seem, to the least shade of doubt on my face,

which he thought he observed, he gave me a brief summary of his own

life, from which I learned that he had not always been a merchant. He

told me that he had been educated for the ministry, and had been

ordained, and for two years had preached in various places between

Nashville and Savannah; but, finally, becoming lukewarm, he had lost his

original enthusiasm for his profession, and had turned his attention to

commerce. Intimacy with men of business, and social life, had led him by

degrees to consider himself unfitted for a calling which seemed to

confine his natural activities; but, though he had lost the desire to

expound the Christian faith from the pulpit, he had not lost his

principles. The greater gains of commerce had seemed to him to be more

attractive than the work of persuading men and women to be devout. After

one or two unsuccessful essays as a storekeeper, he had finally adopted

a commission business, and had succeeded in several profitable ventures.

He thought that, in a few years, he would return to the store business,

and settle in ‘one of the back-country places’ for which he had a great

hankering; but, at present, he could not make up his mind to terminate

his city connections. Much else he related to me, for it was a day of

revelations; but to me, personally, it mattered little--it was quite

sufficient that he was he, my first, best friend, my benefactor, my

father!

Only the close student of the previous pages could compass my feelings

at finding the one secret wish of my heart gratified so unexpectedly. To

have an unbreathed, unformed wish plucked out of the silence, and

fashioned into a fact as real as though my dead father had been restored

to life and claimed me, was a marvel so great that I seemed to be

divided into two individuals--one strenuously denying that such a thing

could be, and the other arraying all the proofs of the fact. It was even

more of a wonder than that Dick the boy should be transformed into Alice

the girl! But when hour after hour passed, and each brought its

substantial evidence of the change, the disturbed faculties gradually

returned to their normal level, though now more susceptible to happiness

than when existence was one series of mortifications.

As we walked the streets together, many a citizen must have guessed by

my glowing face and shining eyes that I was brimful of joy. I began to

see a new beauty in everything. The men seemed pleasanter, the women

more gracious, the atmosphere more balmy! It was only by severe

suppression that I was able to restrain myself from immoderate

behaviour, and breaking out into hysteric and unseemly ebullience. A

gush of animal enjoyment in life, from this date, would sometimes

overtake me, and send me through the streets at the rate of a

professional pedestrian. I would open my mouth and drink the air, with

deep disdain for all physical weakness. I had to restrain the electrical

vitality, lest the mad humour for leaping over a dray or cart might

awaken the suspicion of the policeman. On such days, and during such

fits, it was indeed joy to be alive,--‘but to be young was very Heaven.’

Most of the day was spent in equipping me for the new position I was to

assume. I was sumptuously furnished with stylish suits, new linen,

collars, flannels, low-quarter shoes, and kip[6] boots: toilet articles

to which I was an utter stranger, such as tooth-and nail-brushes, and

long white shirts, resembling girls’ frocks, for night-dresses. It had

never entered my head, before, that teeth should be brushed, or that a

nail-brush was indispensable, or that a night-dress contributed to

health and comfort! When we returned to Mr. Stanley’s boarding-house, we

had a pleasant time in the arrangement of the piles of new garments and

accessories, and in practising the first lessons in the art of personal

decoration. In Wales the inhabitants considered it unbecoming in one who

aspired to manliness to ape the finicky niceties of women, and to be too

regardful of one’s personal appearance; and had they heard my new father

descant so learnedly on the uses of tooth-and nail-brushes, I feel sure

they would have turned away with grimaces and shrugs of dissatisfaction.

What would stern Aunt Mary have said, had she viewed this store of

clothing and linen that was destined for the use of a boy whom, at one

time, she had seriously meditated indenturing to a cobbler? But,

previous to the assumption of my new habiliments, I was conducted to a

long bath, set in a frame of dark wood, and, while looking at it, and

wondering at its splendour, I heard so many virtues ascribed to its

daily use that I contracted quite a love for it, and vowed to myself

that since it appeared to be a panacea for so many ills, all that

scented soap and scrubbing could effect would be gladly tested by me.

I steeped myself that afternoon, as though I would wash out the stains

ugly poverty and misery had impressed upon my person since infancy; and,

when I emerged out of the bath, my self-esteem was as great as befitted

the name and character I was hereafter to assume. But there was much to

improve inwardly as well as outwardly. The odium attached to the old

name, and its dolorous history, as it affected my sense of it, could not

be removed by water, but by diligent application to a moral renovation,

and making use of the new life, with the serious intent to hold the

highest ideal I knew of, as my exemplar. To aid me in my endeavours, my

new father was gentleness itself. At first, he made no great demand on

me; but our intercourse was permitted to grow to that familiar intimacy

which inspired perfect confidence. There was no fear that I could ever

be contemptuous or disrespectful; but, had he not allowed a certain time

for familiarising me with his presence and position towards me, I might

not have been able to overcome a natural timidity which would have

ill-suited our connection. When I had learned to touch him without

warning, and yet receive a genial welcome, laugh in his presence

unchecked, and even comb his beard with my fingers, then I came

completely out of my shell; and, after that, development was rapid.

‘Boys should be seen, and not heard’ had been so frequently uttered

before me that I had grown abashed at the sound of an adult’s voice. The

rule was now agreeably reversed. I was encouraged to speak upon every

occasion, and to utter my opinions regardless of age and sex. No

incident occurred, and no subject was mentioned, that I was not invited

to say what I thought of it.

Apart from commercial and cognate details, I think my ripening

understanding was made more manifest in anything relating to human

intercourse and human nature, owing, probably, to the greater efforts

made by my father to assist me in recovering lost ground. Boys bred up

at home pick up, instinctively, the ways and manners prevailing there. I

had had no home, and therefore I was singularly deficient in the little

graces of home life. Unconsciously to myself, from the moment I had

stepped out of the bath-room in my new garments, I began that elementary

education which was to render me fit to be seen by the side of a

respectable man. I had to lose the fear of men and women, to know how to

face them without bashfulness or awkwardness, to commune with them

without slavish deference, to bear myself without restraint, and to

carry myself with the freedom which I saw in others; in a word, I had to

learn the art of assimilating the manner, feeling, and expression of

those around me. Being attentive and intelligent, acute of hearing,

quick of eye-sight, and with a good memory, I had gained immensely in my

father’s estimation, and he was, to me, a sufficient judge.

Our wanderings from city to city, steamer to steamer, and store to

store, which the business of my father necessitated, I do not propose to

dwell upon; in fact, it would be impossible to contain within a volume

all that I remember of this, and subsequent periods. I am more concerned

with the personal element, the cardinal incidents, and the tracing of my

growth to maturity. Besides, the banks of the Mississippi and its lower

tributaries have little to recommend them to a youngster after the first

expressive Oh! of admiration. The planters’ mansions, the settlements,

and cities, are mainly of uniform colour and style of architecture. When

we have seen one mansion, settlement, or city, we seem to have seen all.

One river-bank is like the other. The houses are either of wood with a

verandah, and painted, or of red brick; there is a church spire here,

and, there, a mass of buildings; but presently, after a second view,

there is as little of lasting interest as in the monotonous shores of

the great river. I only record such incidents as affected me, and such

as clearly stand out conspicuously in the retrospect, which have been

not only a delight to memory, but which I am incapable of forgetting.

During nearly two years, we travelled several times between New Orleans,

St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Louisville; but most of our time was spent on

the lower Mississippi tributaries, and on the shores of the Washita,

Saline, and Arkansas Rivers, as the more profitable commissions were

gained in dealings with country merchants between Harrisonburg and

Arkadelphia, and between Napoleon and Little Rock. From these business

tours I acquired a better geographical knowledge than any amount of

school-teaching would have given me; and at one time I was profound in

the statistics relating to population, commerce, and navigation of the

Southern and South-Western States. Just as Macaulay was said to be

remarkable for being able to know a book from beginning to end by merely

turning over its pages, I was considered a prodigy by my father and his

intimate friends for the way names and faces clung to my memory. I could

tell the name of every steamer we had passed, the characteristics of her

structure, and every type of man we met. A thing viewed, or a subject

discussed likely to be useful, became impressed indelibly on the mind.

Probably this mental acquisitiveness was stimulated by the idea that it

formed the equipment of a merchant, which I believed it was my ultimate

destiny to be; and that every living man should be a living gazetteer,

and possess facts and figures at his fingers’ ends. Meantime, my memory

was frequently of great use to my father as an auxiliary to his

memorandum-book of shipments, purchases, and sales. Once having seen the

page, I could repeat its record with confidence; and I was often

rewarded by his admiring exclamation, ‘Well, I never heard the like! It

is perfectly astonishing how you remember details,’ etc. But, though

eyes and ears and technical memory were well exercised, it was some time

before judgment was formed. Understanding was slow. It took long for me

to perceive wherein lay the superiority of one sugar over another, or

why one grade of flour fetched a higher price than another, or wherein

Bourbon whiskey was superior to rye, and to distinguish the varying

merits of coffees, teas, etc. What a man said, or how he looked, his

dress, appearance, and so on, were ineffaceable; but the unwritten, or

untold, regarding him was a blank to me; and when I heard comments from

bystanders upon the nature of some person, I used to wonder how they

formed their opinions. However, the effect of these criticisms upon men

and their manners was to inspire me with a desire to penetrate beneath,

and to school myself in comparing different people. I had abundance of

opportunities, in the multitudes we met in the crowded steamers, and the

many towns we visited; but that which would have given the key to the

mystery was wanting, viz., personal intercourse. In the absence of

direct conversation and dealings with people, it was difficult to

discover the nature of a spirit lurking under a fair outside.

When we left New Orleans, at the end of 1859, we had brought with us a

portmanteau packed with choice literature, and I was given to understand

that the histories of Rome, Greece, and America, poetry and drama, were

especially for my use, and that I was to pursue my studies as diligently

as at a school. The practice of travel enabled my father to dispose

himself comfortably for the indulgence of reading, within a very short

time after reaching his cabin. He acted as one who had only changed his

room, and was only concerned with his own business. With such a man, a

river-voyage was no impediment to instruction. He set me an example of

application to my book, which, added to my own love of study, enabled me

to cultivate indifference to what was passing outside of our cabin. Our

travelling library was constantly replenished at the large cities, with

essays, memoirs, biographies, and general literature; but novels and

romances were rigidly excluded.

He first taught me how a book should be read aloud, and, in a few

seconds, had corrected a sing-song intonation which was annoying to him.

He said that one could almost tell whether a reader understood his

author by the tone of his delivery; and, taking up a Shakespeare, he

illustrated it by reading, ‘Who steals my purse steals trash,’ etc.; and

the various styles he adopted were well calculated to enforce his

lesson. From the monotone I was unable to see any beauty or point in the

quotation; but, when he assumed the tone of the moralist, the lines

certainly set me thinking, and the truth of the sentiments appeared so

clear that I was never able to forget the quotation.

Sometimes, also, when reading aloud a page of history, I would come to a

dull paragraph, and my attention would flag; but he was quick to detect

this, and would compel me to begin again, because he was sure that I

knew not what I had been reading. I merely note this because during two

years we read together a large number of books; and, as I had the

benefit of his disquisitions and comments on my reading, it will be seen

that with such a companion these river-voyages considerably advanced my

education, as much so, indeed, as though I had been with a tutor. Nor,

when we dropped our books, and promenaded the deck, was my mind left to

stagnate in frivolity. He took advantage of every object worthy of

notice to impress on me some useful, or moral lesson,--to warn me

against errors of omission, or commission.

Whatever it may have been in my personal appearance that first attracted

him to me, it is certain that the continued affection he always showed

towards me was secured by my zealous efforts always to follow his

slightest suggestion. I think it would have been difficult to have found

a boy in the neighbourhood of the Mississippi who observed his parent’s

wishes with a more scrupulous exactitude than I did those of my adopted

father. As I came to have an entire knowledge of him, I knew not which

to admire most, the unvarying, affectionate interest he showed in my

personal welfare, or his merits as a man and moral guardian. Being of

original ideas, acute mind, and impressive in speech, the matter of his

conversation glued itself into my memory, and stirred me to thought.

I remember well when, one day, he revealed something of the method he

proposed to follow with me for the perfecting of my commercial

education, I expressed a doubt as to whether, after all his trouble and

care, I would ever come up to his expectations. I said that as to

carrying out plain instructions with all good-will there need be no

fear--I loved work, and the approbation given to fidelity and industry;

but, when I contemplated being left to my own judgement, I felt strong

misgivings. How admirably he interpreted my thoughts, explained my

doubts! He infused me with such confidence that, had a store been given

me there and then, I should have instantly accepted its management!

‘But,’ he said, ‘I am not going to part with you yet. You have much to

learn. You are a baby in some things yet, because you have been only a

few months in the world. By the time I have wound up matters, you will

have learned thousands of little trifles, and will be so grounded in

solid knowledge that you may safely be trusted under another merchant to

learn the minutiæ of business, and so get ready to keep store with me.’

I suggested to him that I laboured under disadvantages such as hampered

very few other boys, which would act as a clog on the free exercise of

my abilities, and that, even if other people refrained from alluding to

my Parish breeding, the memory of it would always have a depressing

effect on me. But such thoughts he met with something like angry

contempt. ‘I don’t know,’ said he, ‘what the custom of the Welsh people

may be, but _here_ we regard personal character and worth, not pedigree.

With us, people are advanced, not for what their parentage may have

been, but for what they are themselves. All whom I meet in broadcloth

have risen through their own efforts, and not because they were their

father’s children. President Buchanan was made our chief magistrate

because he was himself, and not because of his father, or his ancestors,

or because he was poorly or richly brought up. We put a premium on the

proper exercise of every faculty, and guarantee to every man full

freedom to better himself in any way he chooses, provided always he does

not exercise it at the expense of the rights of other people. It is only

those who refuse to avail themselves of their opportunities, and

shamefully abuse them, that we condemn.’

At other times, the vehemence of youth would frequently betray itself;

and, if I had not been checked, I should probably have developed undue

loquacity. Being of sanguine temper by nature, I was led through gushes

of healthy rapture into excesses of speech; but he would turn on me, and

gravely say that he was not accustomed to carry magnifiers with him;

that, owing to his own sense of proportion, my figures gave him no true

idea of the fact I wished to state, that my free use of unnecessary

ciphers only created confusion in his mind. Sometimes he would assume a

comical look of incredulity, which brought me to my senses very quickly,

and made me retract what I had said, and repeat the statement with a

more sacred regard for accuracy. ‘Just so,’ he would say; ‘if a thing is

worth stating at all, it might as well be stated truly. A boy’s fancy is

very warm, I know; but, if once he acquires the habit of multiplying his

figures, every fact will soon become no better than a fable.’

Being an early riser himself, he insisted on my cultivating the habit of

rising at dawn, but he also sent me to bed at an early hour. He lost no

occasion to urge me to apply the morning hours to study; and, really,

his anxiety that I should snatch the flying minutes appeared to be so

great, that I was often infected with it as though they were something

tangible, but so elusive that only a firm grasp would avail. If he saw

me idly gazing on the shores, he would recall me, to ask if I had

finished some chapter we had been discussing, or if I had found a

different answer to his question than I had last given; and, if he

detected an inclination in me to listen to the talk of passengers round

the bar, he would ask if there were no books in the cabin, that I must

needs hanker for the conversation of idlers. ‘All the babble of these

topers, if boiled down,’ he would say, ‘would not give a drachm of

useful knowledge. Greatness never sprang from such fruitless gossip.

Those men were merely wasting time. From motives of selfishness, they,

no doubt, would be glad to exchange trivial talk with anyone, big or

little, who might come near them, but it was not to my interest to be in

their company.’

He would put his arm in mine, and lead me away to deliver himself of his

thoughts on the glory of youth, painting it in such bright colours that,

before long, I would be seized with a new idea of its beauty and value.

It appeared to be only a brief holiday, which ought to be employed for

the strengthening of muscles, gathering the flowers of knowledge, and

culling the riper fruits of wisdom. Youth was, really, only the period

for gaining strength of bone, to endure the weight put on it by manhood,

and for acquiring that largeness of mind necessary to understand the

ventures I should hereafter be compelled to take. To squander it among

such fellows as congregated around bar-rooms and liquor-counters was as

foolish as to open my veins to let out my life-blood. ‘Now is the time

to prepare for the long voyage you are to take. You have seen the ships

in the docks taking in their stores before leaving for the high sea

where nothing can be bought. If the captains neglect their duties, the

crews will starve. You are in the dock to-day; have you everything ready

for your voyage? Are _all_ your provisions aboard? If not, then, when

you have hoisted your sails, it will be too late to think of them, and

only good-luck can save you from misfortune’; and so on, until, through

his forcible manner, earnestness, and copious similes, I returned to my

studies with intense application.

The sight in the steamer saloons of crowds of excited gamblers was

employed by him in exposition of his views on the various ways of

acquiring wealth. Those piles of golden eagles that glittered on the

table of the saloon would enrich none of the gamblers permanently. Money

obtained by such methods always melted away. Wealth was made by industry

and economy, and not by gambling or speculating. To know how to be

frugal was the first step towards a fortune, the second was to practice

frugality, and the third step was to know what to do with the money

saved. It was every man’s duty to put something aside each day, were it

only a few cents. No man in America was paid such low wages that, if he

were determined, he could not put away half of them. A man’s best

friend, after God, was himself; and, if he could not rely on himself, he

could not rely on anybody else. His first duty was to himself, as he was

bound to his own wants all his life, and must provide for them under

every circumstance; if he neglected to provide for his own needs, he

would always be unable to do anything towards the need of others. Then,

as his custom was, he would proceed to apply these remarks to my case. I

was to retain in my mind the possibility of being again homeless, and

friendless, and adrift in the world, the world keeping itself to itself,

and barring the door against me, as it did at Liverpool, New Orleans,

and St. Louis, ‘The poor man is hated, even by his own neighbour; but

the rich man has many friends,’ etc., etc.

An original method of instruction which he practised with me was to

present me different circumstances, and ask me what I would do. These

were generally difficult cases, wherein honesty, honour, and

right-doing, were involved. No sooner had I answered, than he would

press me with another view of it, wherein it appeared that his view was

just as fair as the one I had; and he would so perplex me that I would

feel quite foolish. For instance, a fellow-clerk of mine was secretly

dishonest, but was attached to me in friendship. He made free with his

employer’s till, and one day was discovered by me alone. What would I

do? I would dissuade him. But supposing, despite his promises to you, he

was still continuing to abstract small sums: what then? I would accuse

him of it, and say to him he was a thief. Supposing that, seeing you

could give no positive proof of his theft, he denied it? Then he would

be a liar, too, and there would be a quarrel. And what then? That is

all. What of the employer? In what way? Is he not in question? does he

not pay you for looking after his interests? But I do look after his

interests, in trying to prevent the theft. And yet, with all your care

of his interests, the pilfering goes on, and nobody knows it but you.

You think, then, that I ought to tell on him, and ruin him? Well, when

you engaged with your employer, did you not make something of a bargain

with him, that, for a certain wage, you would make his interests your

own, and keep him duly informed of all that was going on?

This is one example of the painstaking way in which he would stir up my

reasoning powers. When we walked through the streets, he would call my

attention to the faces of the passers-by, and would question me as to

what professions or trades they belonged to; and, when I replied that I

could not guess them, he would tell me that my eyes were the lamps to my

feet, and the guides to my understanding, and would show me that though

I might not guess accurately each time, in many instances I might arrive

at the truth, and that, whether wrong or right, the attempt to do so was

an exercise of the intellect, and would greatly tend, in time, to

sharpen my wits.

Moral resistance was a favourite subject with him. He said the practice

of it gave vigour to the will, which required it as much as the muscles.

The will required to be strengthened to resist unholy desires and low

passions, and was one of the best allies that conscience could have.

Conscience was a good friend, and the more frequently I listened to it,

the more ready it was with its good offices. Conscience was the sense of

the soul; and, just as the senses of smell and taste guarded my body

from harm or annoyance, it guarded the spirit from evil. It was very

tender and alert now, because I was yet at school and the influence of

the Scriptures was strong in me; but, when neglected, it became dull and

insensitive. Those, however, who paid heed to it grew to feel the

sensation of its protective presence, and, upon the least suspicion of

evil, it strenuously summoned the will to its aid, and thus it was that

temptations were resisted.

Whether afloat or ashore, his manners were so open and genial, that one

would think he courted acquaintance. Many people, led by this, were

drawn to accost him; but no man knew better than he, how to relieve

himself of undesirable people, and those who enjoyed his company were

singularly like himself, in demeanour and conversation. It is from the

character of his associates that I have obtained my most lasting

impressions of Americans, and, whenever mentioned, these are the figures

which always rise first in the mental view. ‘Punch’s’ ‘Jonathan’ I have

never had the fortune to meet, though one who has travelled through

two-thirds of the Union could scarcely have failed to meet him, if he

were a common type. Among his kind, my adopted father was no mean

figure. I once heard a man speak of him as ‘a man of a soft heart but a

hard head,’ which I fancied had a sound of depreciation; but, later, I

acknowledged it as just.

It was some six months or so after my adoption that I ventured to broach

a subject of more than ordinary interest to me. In fact, it was my only

remaining secret from him. It had been often on the tip of my tongue,

but I had been restrained from mentioning it through fear of scorn. My

ideas respecting the Deity I suspected were too peculiar to trust them

to speech; and yet, if someone did not enlighten me, I should remain

long in ignorance of the Divine character. True, certain coincidences

made me secretly believe that God heard me; nevertheless, I burned to

know from an authoritative source whether I was the victim of illusions,

or whether the Being of my conceptions bore any resemblance to that of

the learned and old I had met. I imagined God as a personality with

human features, set in the midst of celestial Glory in the Heaven of

Heavens; and, whenever I prayed, it was to Him thus framed that I

directed my supplications. My father did not ridicule this idea as I

feared he would, and I was much relieved to hear him ask how I had come

to form such a fancy. This was difficult to express in words, but, at

last, I managed to explain that, probably, it was from the verse which

said that God had made man after His own image, and because clergymen

always looked upward when in church.

I cannot give his own words, but this is the substance of my first

intelligible lesson on this subject.

‘God is a spirit, as you have often read. A spirit is a thing that

cannot be seen with human eyes, because it has no figure or form. A man

consists of body and spirit, or, as we call it, soul. The material part

of him we can see and feel; but that which animates him, and governs his

every thought, is invisible. When a person dies, we say his spirit has

fled, or that his soul has departed to its Maker. The body is then as

insensible as clay, and will soon corrupt, and become absorbed by the

earth.

‘We cannot see the air we breathe, nor the strong wind which wrecks

ships, and blows houses down, yet we cannot live without air, and the

effects of the winds are not disputed. We cannot see the earth move, and

yet it is perpetually whirling through space. We cannot see that which

draws the compass-needle to the Pole; yet we trust our ships to its

guidance. No one saw the cause of that fever which killed so many people

in New Orleans last summer, but we know it was in the air around the

city. If you take a pinch of gunpowder and examine it, you cannot see

the terrible force that is in it. So it is with the soul of man. While

it is in him, you witness his lively emotions, and wonder at his

intelligence and energy; but, when it has fled, it leaves behind only an

inert and perishable thing, which must be buried quickly.

‘Well, then, try and imagine the Universe subject to the same invisible

but potent Intelligence, in the same way that man is subject to his. It

is impossible for your eyes to see the thing itself; but, if you cannot

see its effects, you must be blind. Day after day, year after year,

since the beginning, that active and wonderful Intelligence has been

keeping light and darkness, sun, moon, stars, and earth, each to their

course in perfect order. Every living being on the earth to-day is a

witness to its existence. The Intelligence that conceived this order and

decreed that it should endure, that still sustains it, and will outlast

every atom of creation, we describe under the term of God. It is a short

word, but it signifies the Being that fills the Universe, and a portion

of Whom is in you and me.

‘Now, what possible figure can you give of that Being that fills so

large a space, and is everywhere? The sun is 95 millions of miles from

us; imagine 95 millions of miles on the other side, yet the circle that

would embrace those two points is but a small one compared to the whole

of space. However far that space extends, the mighty Intelligence

governs all. You are able to judge for yourself how inconceivable, for

the mind of man, God is. The Bible says “As the Heavens are higher than

the earth, so are His ways higher than our ways.” God is simply

indefinable, except as a spirit, but by that small fraction of Him which

is in us, we are able to communicate with Him; for He so ordered it that

we might be exalted the more we believe in Him.’

‘But how, then, am I to pray?’ I asked, as my little mind tried to grasp

this enormous space, and recoiled, baffled and helpless. ‘Must I only

think, or utter the words, without regard to the object or way I direct

them?’

‘It seems to me our Saviour Himself has instructed us. He said, “But

thou, when thou prayest, enter into thy closet, and when thou hast shut

thy door, pray to thy Father which is in secret; and thy Father, which

seeth in secret, shall reward thee openly. Your Father knoweth what

things ye have need of before ye ask Him.”

‘Prayer is the expression of a wish of the heart, whether you speak

aloud, or think it. You are a creature of God, destined to perform His

design, be it great or little. Out of the limits of that design you

cannot venture, therefore prayer will not avail you. Within the limits

you will be wise to pray, in order that you may be guided aright. The

understanding that He has seen fit to give you is equal to what you are

destined to do. You may do it well, or ill; but that is left to your

choice. How wide, or how narrow, those limits are, no one knows but

Himself. Your existence may be compared to this: supposing I give you a

sum of money which I know to be enough to take you to New Orleans and

return here. If you spend that money faithfully and properly, it will

suffice to bring you comfortably back; but, if you are foolish and waste

it by the way, it may not even be enough to take you half-way on your

journey. That is how I look upon our existence. God has furnished us

with the necessary senses for the journey of life He has intended we

should take. If we employ them wisely, they will take us safely to our

journey’s end; but if, through their perversion, we misuse them, it will

be our own fault. By prayer our spirits communicate with God. We seek

that wisdom, moral strength, courage, and patience to guide and sustain

us on the way. The Father, Who has all the time observed us, grants our

wish, and the manner of it is past finding out; but the effect is like a

feeling of restored health, or a burst of gladness. It is not necessary

to make long or loud prayers: the whisper of a child is heard as well as

the shout of a nation. It is purity of life, and sincerity of heart,

that are wanted when you approach the Creator to implore His assistance.

We must first render the service due to Him by our perfect conduct,

before we seek favours from Him.’

‘But what does the verse “So God created him in His own image” mean,

then?’

‘If you still cling to the idea that the human form is a tiny likeness

of the Almighty, you are more childish than I believed you to be.

“Image,” in the Bible sense, means simply a reflection. In our souls and

intelligence we reflect, in a small way, God’s own mightier spirit and

intelligence, just as a small pocket mirror reflects the sun and the

sky, or your eyes reflect the light.’

Having had my doubts satisfied upon these essential points, there was

only one thing more which I craved to know, and that was in regard to

the Scriptures. Were they the words of God? If not, what was the Bible?

According to him, the Bible was the standard of the Christian faith, a

fountain whence we derived our inspiration of piety and goodness, a

proof that God interfered in human affairs, and a guide to salvation. He

read from Timothy, ‘All scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is

profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in

righteousness: that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished

unto all good works’; and from Paul he quoted that ‘it was written for

our learning, that we through patience and comfort might have hope.’

‘You are not,’ said he, ‘to pay too much attention to the set phrases,

but to the matter and spirit of what is written, which are for the

promotion of virtue and happiness. Many of the books have been written

by men like ourselves, who lived between two thousand and four thousand

years ago, and they used words peculiar to their own time. The mere

texts or form of the words they used are not the exact words of God, but

are simply the means of conveying the messages breathed into their

understandings; and, naturally, they delivered them in the style of

their period, and according to their ability, with such simplicity as

would enable the common people to comprehend them. If I had to convey to

you the proclamation of the President of the United States, I should

have to write it more simply, and in a form that you would understand:

so these Divine proclamations have been given to us by His chosen

messengers, more faithfully than literally.’

The above are a few of the intelligent ideas which I obtained from my

father, and for which I have been as grateful as for his unusual

goodness in other respects. Probably, many a sermon which I had heard

had contained them in a diluted form; but they had not been adapted to

my understanding, and his clear exposition of these subjects was an

immense relief to me. It was a fortunate thing for me that my foggy

beliefs, and vague notions, in regard to such high matters, could be

laid open with all trust and confidence before one so qualified and

tender, before they became too established in my mind, otherwise, as my

own intelligence ripened, I might have drifted into atheistical

indifference. The substance of my father’s sayings, which I have always

remembered, illustrate the bent of his mind. I carefully copied them

into a beautiful memorandum-book of which he made me a present, New

Year’s Day, 1860, and which I was so proud of that, during the first few

days, I had filled more than half of it with the best words of my

father.

It must not be supposed that I was at all times deserving of his

solicitude, or equal to his expectations. I was one who could not always

do the right and proper thing, for I was often erring and perverse, and

at various times must have tried him sorely. My temper was quick, which,

with an excess of false pride, inspired me to the verge of rebellion. A

sense of decency prevented me from any overt act of defiance, but the

spirit was not less fierce because I imposed the needful restraint on

it. Outwardly, I might be tranquil enough, but my smothered resentment

was as wicked and unjustifiable as if I had openly defied him. A

choleric disposition on his part would have been as a flame to my

nature, and the result might have been guessed. Happily for me, he was

consistently considerate, and declined to notice too closely the flushed

face, and the angry sparkles of the eye, which betokened revolt. An

occasional blood-letting might perhaps have been beneficial to me; but

he had discovered other methods, just as efficacious, for reducing me to

a state of reason, and never once had recourse to threats. My fits of

sullenness had been probably provoked by an unexpected sharpness of

tone, or a denial of some liberty, or graver censure than I thought I

deserved. Constrained to silence by the magnitude and character of my

obligations to him, I, of course, magnified my grievances; and, the

longer reconciliation was deferred, the larger these seemed. Before this

dangerous mood sought vent, some look, a word, some secret transmission

of sympathy occurred, and, in an instant, the evil humour vanished; for

weeks afterwards, I would endeavour to atone for my churlish behaviour

by a contrite submissiveness which was capable of undergoing any

penance.

‘I do not punish you,’ he said, ‘because I want you to remember that you

are a little man, and the only difference between us is that I am an

older man. If I were in the habit of striking you, you would run away

from me, or it would be noticeable in you by a slinking gait, or a sly

eye, or a sullen disposition, or a defiant look, or you would become

broken-spirited; all this I do not want you to be--I wish for your

filial regard, and your respect, which I would not deserve if I

terrified. Misery and suffering would wreck your temper, while kindness

and reason will bring out the best qualities of your nature; for you, as

well as every child that is born, possess something that is good, and it

is the sunshine of tenderness that makes it grow.’

To one who considers that neither the closest ties of relationship, nor

the highest claims of affection, are sufficient to preserve the

rebellious spirit in an angelic temper for a long time, this boyish

inconsistency and perverseness will be no surprise; but I was sensible

that it was only owing to his patience that it did not receive the

condign punishment it deserved. This, in itself, was an education; for I

learned, after several experiences, not to disturb myself too seriously

because of a temporary change in his manner or mood, and to accept it

rather as being due to some cross in business, or physical condition,

than to any offence in me, and so the customary cordiality was soon

restored.

If I could only have made similar allowances earlier, and with other

persons in later life, I should have had much less unhappiness to

bewail; but, in his case, the necessity of doing so was impressed on me

by my intimate knowledge of his fatherliness, and affectionate

considerateness, and by the constant sense that I owed him unreserved

submission.

CHAPTER VI

ADRIFT AGAIN

My education did not consist solely of his discussions upon books,

morality, and religion, but it embraced a countless variety of topics

suggested by our travels. By his method of teaching, no passive

reception of facts was possible, and the stimulus to intellect was given

by being urged to observe, sift, and examine every article of

conversation. I absorbed considerable practical knowledge during this

period. His level-headedness, which I was prone to regard at that time

as the height of worldly wisdom, and his intense realness, aided greatly

to clarify my ideas upon many things, and was excellently adapted to

form a sound judgment. He could be as genial as a glad boy on his summer

holiday, lofty as a preacher, frank as a brother; but righteously

austere, hilariously familiar and jocose, yet sublime, according to

occasion. The candour and good faith with which he spoke, the expansive

benevolence, and the large amount of sympathy he always showed when I

sought his advice, or exposed my doubts or fears, were the very

qualities which were best calculated to ensure my affection, extract my

shy confidences, and cultivate in me a fearless openness. With the

exception of those fits of sullen resentment to which I was now and then

subject, like other human whelps, my life with him was one unbroken

period of pleasantness, and, so far as I required and knew, every

condition of a Paradise was present, in the unfretting, fair, and

healthful existence which I led.

I sometimes imagine that he must have discerned something attractive in

me, though I myself was unconscious of the cause. If I review my

appearance at that time, I can find nothing to admire. I was naturally

shy, silent, short of figure, poorly clad, uninteresting, and yet he

chose me, from the first moment he saw me, to be an object of his

charity. I endeavoured to be, as the phrase is, good and grateful; but,

[Illustration: HENRY M. STANLEY, AT 17]

as I have reason to remember, I was by no means perfect in my

endeavours. I think zeal, good-will, docility, were my only commendable

traits; but they strike me now as being insufficient to account for my

undeniable good fortune.

I can only remember one noticeable incident, outside of the common, in

connection with this period, and that occurred in the middle of 1860. We

were passengers on the steamer ‘Little Rock,’ as she was returning,

laden with cotton, down the Washita. My father had been paid money due

to him for goods by a merchant near Fairview, and, through neglect, or

some other reason, had deferred entrusting it to the purser longer than

he ought. We were approaching near Sicily Island, when, in the gloom

caused by the mountain-pile of cotton bales, I observed a man lingering

rather suspiciously near our cabin-door. At first, I took him for one of

the stewards; but, on observing him more particularly, his conduct, I

thought, suggested some nefarious design. My father had retired, and,

according to custom, I ought to have been abed; but the unusual freight

of cotton the boat carried had kept me in a state of suppressed

excitement. Being light and active, I ensconced myself in a dark gap

between two tiers of bales, and waited patiently. After a little time

the man put his ear to our door, and presently opened it, and entered

our cabin. In a few minutes, I heard my father’s voice ask, ‘Who is

there?’ and, immediately, sounds of a struggle were heard. Upon this I

bounded in, and found the stranger wrestling with my father, and one of

the two seemed to be choking. Upon seeing me, the intruder turned

rapidly towards me. I saw the flash as of steel, and something struck me

between my arm and left breast in my overcoat, and a piece of metal

tinkled on the floor. Then, with a deep curse, I was flung aside, and

the man fled along the guards. We instantly raised a cry of ‘Thieves!’

which brought crowds of stewards and passengers to us, carrying lights.

These revealed an open portmanteau, with rumpled contents, and the half

of a carving-knife blade on the floor. On examining my coat it was seen

that it had a cut as far as the canvas stiffening. All these evidences

tended to prove that a daring attempt at robbery had been made, and, it

was suspected, by someone connected with the boat. The chief steward

mustered the waiters, but they all answered to their names. He next

counted the carving-knives, and, according to him, one was missing. The

incident caused quite a commotion for the time, but the culprit was

never discovered.

Beyond this incident, we were singularly free from mishaps, and exciting

episodes, upon waters that had been the scene of many a calamity; and

yet, when I chanced to find myself among a group of passengers, I

frequently heard terrible recitals of experiences at boiler-explosions,

and shipwrecks, and other events hazardous to life. We had often been

fellow-passengers with gamblers, some of whom were wrought into fury by

their losses at cards; but, whether it was owing to my good or evil

fortune, I never happened to be present when the issue was left to the

arbitrament of revolver and bowie-knife, as there were plenty of

peace-makers always ready to interfere at the critical moment.

In September of 1860, we met a tall and spruce gentleman, of the name of

Major Ingham, on board of a steamer bound to New Orleans. From what I

gathered, he was a South Carolinian by birth, but, some few years since,

had removed to Saline County, Arkansas, and had established a plantation

not far from Warren. My father and he had an abundant amount of

small-talk together relating to acquaintances and localities, which

occupied their leisure during the voyage. The Major also ingratiated

himself with me, and, through his description of the forests of pine and

oak, and accounts of the wild animals, such as catamounts, bears, and

deer, in his region, I became warmly attached to him. Before reaching

New Orleans, we had become so intimate that he extended an invitation to

me to spend a month with him on his Arkansas plantation; and, on

referring him to father, I found that he was not so averse to the

proposal as I feared he would be. The subject was deferred for further

consideration in the city.

After about a fortnight’s stay at the St. Charles Hotel, my father was

made anxious by a letter from Havana from his brother, and he resolved

to go and see him. He then disclosed to me that after much mental

discussion he had concluded that Major Ingham’s invitation had assisted

greatly in smoothing matters. For some time he had been debating as to

how it would be best to take the first step for establishing my future.

He had been much struck with the opportunities for doing a good business

in a country store, at some place below Pine Bluff on the Arkansas.

There were a large number of planters settled there, and a general

supply store such as he had fancied for their convenience could not fail

to be a success. Major Ingham’s plantation was situated about forty

miles back of the Arkansas River, and, at Cypress Bend, there was a

friend of his who, upon a letter from him, would take me in to teach me

the details of a country merchant’s business. Here was an opportunity of

approaching his project in a methodical way without loss of time. His

brother’s illness at Havana had caused some confusion in his affairs,

and it was necessary for him to cross the Gulf and set things in order.

Meantime, I had a safe escort to within a day’s drive of the merchant’s

store, to which, after being tired of the plantation, I was to go to be

grounded in the minutiæ of a retail store; and in a few months he would

have wound up his commission business, and be able to avail himself of

my local knowledge, and proceed to choose the best locality.

I saw no objection to any of his arrangements, as they rather coincided

with my secret ambitions, which had been fostered by many previous

allusions to such a scheme as had been now explained. The suddenness of

the parting was somewhat of a drawback to the beauty of the project;

but, as accident was the cause, and his absence was to be only for a few

months, during which we could often correspond, I became inclined, with

the sanguineness of my nature, to anticipate much enjoyment from the

novelty of the situation. In my highly-coloured fancy, I saw illimitable

pine-woods, infested by Indians, and by wild-cats, and other savage

felines; and the fact that I was about to prepare myself to be a dealer

in merchandise, preliminary to a permanent establishment, appeared such

an enchanting prospect that I felt no disposition to peer into sober

realities. Could we have foreseen, however, that this parting, so calmly

proposed and so trustfully accepted, was to be for ever, both of us

would have shrunk from the thought of it; but, unknown to ourselves, we

had arrived at the parting of the ways, and though we both sincerely

hoped the ways would meet, we were gliding along steep planes which

would presently precipitate us into the wide gulf of separation.

From the moment it was agreed to part for a while, my father lost no

opportunity to fill me with practical counsel, which, had my memory been

a knapsack, I could have extracted at will for consolation and guidance.

Unfortunately, for some things my memory was like a sieve: it retained

the larger rules, but dropped the lesser ones; it preserved certain

principles that had an affinity with my nature, but the multitude of

minor ones that he had attempted to graft on my nature fell away, one by

one. I was to be industrious, orderly, honourable, and steady, patient,

and obliging. But something of these I would naturally have shown under

any circumstances; but contact with real life discovers that these

virtues are insufficient to keep us serene and immaculate, that the

spirit of youth requires its sensibilities to be disciplined in many

ways before it endures with sweetness and patience the spurns, and

gibes, and mocks, of a rude world. It frequently meets conditions

wherein nothing will avail but force, of a most strenuous kind.

When the hour came for my father’s departure, Major Ingham and I

accompanied him on board the Havana steamer. The last parting occurred

in the state-room. At that moment, there was a wild fluttering of the

heart; and something like an ugly cloud of presentiments, vague shadows

of unknown evils to come, which started strong doubts of the wisdom of

parting, came over me all at once. But, as usual, when clear expression

was most needed, I was too tongue-tied for much speech, so many ideas

thronged for utterance, and I turned away as though stricken dumb. Half

an hour later, the steamer was only discernible by its trail of smoke.

After he had gone, the flood-gates were opened, the feelings relieved

themselves by torrents of words, and my loss and loneliness pressed hard

upon the senses. Much as I had valued him, it needed this time of

anguish to reveal fully what he had been to me. Then, pang after pang of

poignant contrition pierced me through and through. I was dissatisfied

with the sum of my conduct, with his own professions that I had been to

him what he had hoped and wished. If he had but returned there and then,

with the clear light that fell on my deficiencies now, how I should have

striven to satisfy my own exact ideas of what was due to him! This

little absence, with its unutterable remorse, had been more efficacious

in showing me my own inwardness than all his unselfish generosity.

Nearly five and thirty years have passed since, and I have not

experienced such wretchedness as I did that night following his

departure. A very little more, and I think it would have exceeded the

heart’s power to bear. My emotions were much more distressing than

anyone could have judged from my appearance. I caught a view of myself

in a mirror, and my face struck me as exhibiting an astonishing contrast

to the huge disorder beneath it. For the first time, I understood the

sharpness of the pang which pierces the soul when a loved one lies with

folded hands, icy cold, in the sleep of Death. I vexed myself with

asking, Had my conduct been as perfect as I then wished it had been? Had

I failed in aught? Had I esteemed him as he deserved? Then a craving

wish to hear him speak but one word of consolation, to utter one word of

blessing, made me address him as though he might hear; but no answer

came, and I experienced a shiver of sadness and wished that I could die.

I have often looked back upon the boy who sat like a stone in his

father’s chair for hours, revolving with fixed eyes and unmoved face all

that this parting seemed to him to mean. Up to a certain point he traced

minutely all its details, went over every word and little act, and then

a great blank wall met him, into which he strove and strove again to

penetrate, and, being baffled, resumed his mental rehearsals.

Before Major Ingham turned his steps homeward, I received a letter from

my father duly announcing his arrival at the island of Cuba. After

describing the passage across the Gulf, he went on to say that the more

he thought of his plans, the more he was inclined to regard the Major’s

invitation as a happy incident in his programme. He had often pondered

over the best means of starting me in a business for which I had a

decided bent, and he had been sounding several country merchants with a

view of giving me a preliminary training, but he had constantly deferred

a decision in the hope of finding something that more nearly suited his

ideas. Now, however, it all seemed clear. He had always fancied the

Arkansas River, as it had a richer back country than any other, and, by

means of the steamers and its superior navigation, was in direct

communication with the cities on the Mississippi. There were many

professions and trades for which I was fit, but he thought that I was

more partial to a mercantile career, and he was glad of it. He went on

to say that I had made a wonderful advance during the last year with

him, but it was on the next few years that my future depended. For

tiding over them successfully, I had only to hold fast to my principles,

and be fearless in all manly things; to persevere and win.

The letter seemed to be his very self, full of practical sense. I felt

enriched by its possession. It was a novelty to have a letter of my own,

sent from such a distance. I read it over and over, and found new

meanings and greater solace each time. The signature attracted my

attention with its peculiar whip, or flourish, below; and in my reply,

which covered many pages, I annexed that whip and ended my first epistle

with it; and, ever since, no signature of mine has been complete without

it.

Soon after, Major Ingham started on his return home in a stern-wheeler

bound for the Washita and Saline Rivers. The Washita, next to the

Arkansas, is the most important river which passes through the state of

Arkansas--pronounced ‘Arkansa_w_.’ The Saline is one of its feeders, and

has a navigable course of only about one hundred and twenty-five miles.

The Washita in its turn empties into the Red River, and the latter into

the Mississippi.

On, or about, the seventh day from New Orleans, the steamer entered the

Saline, and a few miles above Long View we landed on the right bank,

and, mounting into a well-worn buggy, were driven a few miles inland to

Ingham’s plantation.

I am as unaware of the real status of my host among his neighbours, as I

am of the size of his domain. It then appeared in my eyes immense, but

was mostly a pine forest, in the midst of which some few score of black

men had cleared a large space for planting. The house was of solid pine

logs, roughly squared, and but slightly stained by weather, and neatly

chinked without with plaster, and lined within with planed boards, new

and unpainted--it had an air of domestic comfort.

My welcome from Mrs. Ingham left nothing to be desired. The slaves of

the house thronged in her train, and curtsied and bobbed, with every

token of genuine gladness, to the ‘Massa,’ as they called him, and then

were good enough to include me in their bountiful joy. The supper which

had been got ready was something of a banquet, for it was to celebrate

the return of the planter, and was calculated to prove to him that,

though New Orleans hotels might furnish more variety, home, after all,

had its attractions in pure, clean, well-cooked viands. When the

hearth-logs began to crackle, and the fire-light danced joyfully on the

family circle, I began to feel the influence of the charm, and was ready

to view my stay in the western woods with interest and content.

But there was one person in the family that caused a doubt in my mind,

and that was the overseer. He joined us after supper, and, almost

immediately, I contracted a dislike for him. His vulgarity and

coarseness revived recollections of levee men. His garb was offensive;

the pantaloons stuffed into his boots, the big hat, the slouch of his

carriage, his rough boisterousness, were all objectionable, and more

than all his accents and the manner of his half-patronising familiarity.

I set him down at once as one of those men who haunt liquor-saloons, and

are proud to claim acquaintance with bar-tenders. Something in me,

perhaps my offishness, may probably have struck him with equal

repulsion. Under pretence of weariness I sought my bed, for the circle

had lost its charm.

The next day the diet was not so sumptuous. The breakfast at seven, the

dinner at noon, and the supper at six, consisted of pretty much the same

kind of dishes, except that there was good coffee at the first meal, and

plenty of good milk for the last. The rest mainly consisted of boiled,

or fried, pork and beans, and corn scones. The pork had an excess of fat

over the lean, and was followed by a plate full of mush and molasses. I

was never very particular as to my diet, but as day after day followed,

the want of variety caused it to pall on the palate. Provided other

things had not tended to make me critical, I might have gratefully

endured it, but what affected me principally were the encomiums lavished

upon this style of cookery by the overseer, who, whether with the view

of currying favour with Mrs. Ingham, or to exasperate my suppressed

squeamishness, would bawl out, ‘I guess you can’t beat this, howsumdever

you crack up New Or-lee-ans. Give me a raal western pot-luck, to your

darned fixin’s in them ‘ar Mississippi towns.’

With such society and fare, I could not help feeling depressed, but the

tall pine forest, with its mysterious lights and shades, had its

compensations. As, in process of time, the planter intended to extend

his clearing and raise more cotton, every tree felled assisted in

widening the cultivable land. On learning this, I asked and obtained

permission to cut down as many trees as I liked, and, like a ruthless

youth with latent destructive propensities, I found an extraordinary

pleasure in laying low with a keen axe the broad pines. I welcomed with

a savage delight the apparent agony, the portentous shiver which ran

from root to topmost plume, the thunderous fall, and the wild recoil of

its neighbours, as it rebounded and quivered before it lay its still

length. After about a score of the pine monarchs had been levelled, the

negroes at work presented new features of interest. On the outskirts of

the clearing they were chopping up timber into portable or rollable

logs, some were ‘toting’ logs to the blazing piles, others rolled them

hand over hand to the fires, and each gang chanted heartily as it

toiled. As they appeared to enjoy it, I became infected with their

spirit and assisted at the log-rolling, or lent a hand at the toting,

and championed my side against the opposite. I waxed so enthusiastic

over this manly work, which demanded the exertion of every ounce of

muscle, that it is a marvel I did not suffer from the strain; its fierce

joy was more to my taste than felling timber by myself. The atmosphere,

laden with the scent of burning resin, the roaring fires, the dance of

the lively flames, the excitement of the gangs while holding on, with

grim resolve and in honour bound, to the bearing-spikes, had a real

fascination for me. For a week, I rose with the darkies at the sound of

the overseer’s horn, greeted the revivifying sunrise with anticipating

spirits, sat down to breakfast with a glow which made the Major and his

wife cheerier, and then strode off to join in the war against the pines

with a springy pace.

How long this toil would have retained its sportive aspect for me I know

not, but I owed it to the overseer that I ceased to love it. He was a

compound of a Legree[7] and Nelson, with an admixture of mannerism

peculiarly his own. It was his duty to oversee all the gangs, the hoers,

wood-cutters, fire-attendants, log-rollers, and toters. When he

approached the gang with which I worked, the men became subdued, and

stopped their innocent chaff and play. He had two favourite songs: one

was about his ‘deah Lucindah,’ and the other about the ‘chill winds of

December,’ which he hummed in a nasal tone when within speaking distance

of me, while the cracks of his ‘black snake’ whip kept time. But, as he

sauntered away to other parts, I felt he was often restive at my

presence, for it imposed a certain restraint on his nature. One day,

however, he was in a worse humour than usual. His face was longer, and

malice gleamed in his eyes. When he reached us we missed the usual

tunes. He cried out his commands with a more imperious note. A young

fellow named Jim was the first victim of his ire, and, as he was

carrying a heavy log with myself and others, he could not answer him so

politely as he expected. He flicked at his naked shoulders with his

whip, and the lash, flying unexpectedly near me, caused us both to drop

our spikes. Unassisted by us, the weight of the log was too great for

the others, and it fell to the ground crushing the foot of one of them.

Meantime, furious at the indignity, I had engaged him in a wordy

contest: hot words, even threats, were exchanged, and had it not been

for the cries of the wounded man who was held fast by the log, we should

probably have fought. The end of it was, I retired from the field,

burning with indignation, and disgusted with his abominable brutality.

I sought Major Ingham, whom I found reclining his length in an

easy-chair on the verandah. Not hearing the righteous condemnation I had

hoped he would express, and surprised at his want of feeling, I hotly

protested against the cruelty of the overseer in attacking a man while

all his strength was needed to preserve others from peril, and declaimed

against him for using a whip in proximity to my ears, which made the

Major smile compassionately at my inexperience in such matters. This was

too much for my patience, and I then and there announced my intention to

seek the hospitality of Mr. Waring, his neighbour, as I could

not be any longer the guest of a man who received my complaint so

unsympathetically. On hearing me say this, Mrs. Ingham came out of the

house, and expressed so much concern at this sudden rupture of our

relations that I regretted having been so hasty, and the Major tried to

explain how planters were compelled to leave field-work in charge of

their overseer; but it was too late. Words had been uttered which left a

blister in the mind, personal dignity had been grossly wounded, the

Major had not the art of salving sores of this kind, and I doggedly

clung to my first intentions. In another quarter of an hour I had left

the plantation with a small bundle of letters and papers, and was

trudging through the woods to Mr. Waring’s plantation.

We have all our sudden likes and dislikes. The first view of the

comfortable homeliness of Mr. Waring’s house gave me an impression of

family felicity, and when the old man with several smiling members of

his family came to the door, it appeared to me as if it revived a

picture I had seen somewhere in Wales, and all my heart went out to

those who were in the house.

Strange to say, in proportion to the period spent at Major Ingham’s, I

possess a more vivid recollection of the night I passed at Mr. Waring’s,

and my thoughts have more often reverted to the more ancient house and

its snugness and pleasant details, than to the other. As I did not

mention anything about the causes of my departure from his neighbour’s

plantation, it was tacitly understood that I was only resting for the

night, previous to resuming my journey next morning, and they did not

press me to stay. I begged, however, Mr. Waring to do me the favour to

send a buggy for my trunk the next morning. When it arrived, I repacked

it; and, leaving it in his charge, I set off on a tramp across country

to the Arkansas, rejecting many an offer of aid up to the last minute.

The road wound up and down pine-clothed hills, and, being a sandy loam,

was dry and tolerably smooth. In the hollows I generally found a stream

where I quenched my thirst, but I remember to have travelled a

considerable distance for a young pedestrian without meeting any water,

and to have reflected a little upon what the pains of dying from thirst

would be like. I rested at a small farm-house that night; and, next

morning, at an early hour, was once more footing it bravely, more

elated, perhaps, than my condition justified. I regarded myself as being

upon a fine adventure, the narration of which would surprise my father.

My eyes travelled through far-reaching colonnades of tapering pine and

flourishing oak, and for a great part of the time I lost consciousness

of my circumstances, while my mind was absorbed in interminable

imaginings of impossible discoveries and incidents. I saw myself the

hero of many a thrilling surprise, and looked dreamily through the

shades, as though in some places like them I would meet the preying

beasts whom it would be my fortune to strike dead with my staff. But,

invariably, on being brought to a proper sense of the scenes, and my

real condition, I recognized how helpless I was against a snarling

catamount, or couchant panther; I was devoutly thankful that Arkansas

was so civilised that my courage was in no fear of being tested.

Just at dusk I reached the Arkansas River at Cypress Bend, having

travelled about forty miles across country, without having met a single

adventure.

Mr. Altschul’s store, at which I was to devote myself to acquiring the

arts and details of a country merchant’s business, was situate about

fifty miles S. E. of Little Rock, and half-way between Richmond and

South Bend. I found no difficulty at all in entering the establishment,

for I had no sooner introduced myself than I was accepted by his family

with all cordiality. The store was, in reality, a country house of

business. It stood isolated in a small clearing in the midst of Cypress

Grove, and was removed from the dwelling-house of the family by a

quarter of a mile. It was a long one-storied building of solid logs,

divided into four apartments, three of which contained all manner of

things that ironmongers, gunners, grocers, drapers, stationers, are

supposed to sell; the fourth room, at the back, was used as an office

during the day, and as a bedroom at night, by the clerks in charge. I

commenced my duties in November, 1860, being warmly hailed as a

fellow-clerk by Mr. Cronin, the salesman, and Mr. Waldron, the

assistant-salesman.

Cronin was an Irishman from New York, about thirty years old; the

assistant was the son of a small planter in the vicinity. The first was

a character for whom I had a pitying fondness. One-half of him was

excellent, all brightness, cleverness, and sociability, the other half,

perhaps the worse, was steeped in whiskey. He was my Alphabet of the

race of topers. I have never been able to be wrathful with his kind,

they are such miracles of absurdity! Here and there one may meet a

malignant, but they are mostly too stupid to be hated. Cronin knew his

duties thoroughly. He was assiduous, obliging, and artful beyond

anything with the ladies. He won their confidences, divined their

preferences, and, with the most provoking assurance, laid the identical

piece of goods they wanted before them, and made them buy it. It was a

treat to observe the cordial, and yet deferent, air with which he

listened to their wishes, the deft assistance he gave to their

expression, his bland assents, the officious haste and zeal he exhibited

in attending on them, and the ruthless way he piled the counters with

goods for their inspection. Sometimes I suspected he was maliciously

making work for me, for, being the junior, I had to refold the goods,

and restore them to their places; but, in justice to him, I must say he

nobly assisted in the re-arrangement. Cronin was a born salesman, and I

have never met his equal since.

The poorer class of women he dazzled by his eloquent commendations, his

elaborate courtesy, and the way he made them conceited with their own

superior knowledge of what was genuine and rich. If the woman was a

coloured person, he was benevolent and slightly familiar. His small grey

eyes twinkled with humour, as he whispered friendly advice as to the

quality of the goods, and besieged her with such attentions that the

poor thing was compelled to buy.

With the planters, who were of varying moods, Mr. Cronin bore himself

with such rare good-humour and tact, that one found a pleasure in

watching the stern lips relax, and the benignant look coming to their

gloomy eyes. He would go forward to meet them, as they stepped across

the threshold, with hearty abandon and joviality, put fervour into his

hand-shakes, sincerity into his greeting, and welcome into his every

act. He anxiously enquired after their healths, condoled with them in

their fevers, sympathised with them in their troubles about their

cotton-crops, and soon found excuse to draw them to the liquor

apartment, where he made them taste Mr. Altschul’s latest importations.

According to Mr. Cronin, the ‘cobwebs’ were cleared by the preliminary

drink, and it enabled both salesman and buyer to take a cheerier view of

things, and to banish thoughts that would impede business. Naturally,

the planters cared little for cotton-prints or jaconets, though they

often carried daintily-pencilled commissions from the ladies at home,

which Mr. Cronin satisfactorily executed at once, on the plea that

ladies must be served first; but when these were disposed of,--always

with reverent regard for the fair sex,--Mr. Cronin flung off his

tenderness and became the genial salesman again. Had the gentleman seen

the new Californian saddles, or the latest thing in rifles, shot-guns

that would kill duck at ninety yards? Those who heard him expatiate upon

the merits of fire-arms wondered at the earnestness he threw into his

language, and at the minute knowledge he seemed to possess of the

properties of each article. Or the subject was saddles. I heard with

amazement about the comparative excellencies of the Californian,

English, and cavalry article, and thought his remarks ought to be

printed. In this way, with regard to rifles, I soon got to know all

about the merits of the Ballard, Sharp, Jocelyn rifles, their special

mechanisms, trajectory, penetration, and range. If I alluded to the

revolvers, his face glowed with a child’s rapture as he dilated upon the

superiority of the Tranter over the Colt, or the old-fashioned

‘pepper-box’; but, when he took up a beautiful Smith and Wesson, he

became intoxicated with his own bewildering fluency, and his gestures

were those of an oratorical expert. Then some other excuse would be

found for adjourning to the liquor room, where he continued to hold

forth with his charming persuasiveness, until he succeeded in effecting

a sale of something.

Mr. Cronin was indeed an artist, but Mr. Altschul did not appreciate him

as his genius deserved. The proprietor laid too much stress upon his

propensity to drink, which was certainly incurable, and too little upon

the profits accruing to him through his agency. He also suspected him of

gross familiarities with female slaves, which, in Mr. Altschul’s eyes,

were unpardonable. Therefore, though he was invaluable to me as a model

salesman, poor Cronin was obliged to leave after a while.

Waldron in a short time found counter-work too irksome and frivolous

for his nature, and he also left; then two young men, very proud and

high-stomached, and not over-genial to customers, were engaged instead.

But by this time I had become sufficiently acquainted with the tone of

the planter community to be able to do very well, with a few

instructions from Mr. Altschul. I had learned that in the fat cypress

lands there was a humanity which was very different from that

complaisant kind dwelling in cities. It had been drawn from many States,

especially from the South. The Douglasses were from Virginia, the

Crawfords from ‘Old Georgia,’ the Joneses and Smiths from Tennessee, the

Gorees from Alabama. The poorer sort were from the Carolinas,

Mississippi, Missouri, and Tennessee, the professional men and white

employers from a wider area--which included Europe. Several of the

richer men owned domains of from six to ten square miles. They lived

like princelings, were owners of hundreds of slaves over whom they were

absolute except as to life or limb, and all their environments catered

to their egotism. Though genially sociable to each other, to landless

people like myself they conducted themselves as though they were under

no obligations. Such manners as they exhibited were not so much due to

neighbourly good-feeling as to their dislike of consequences which might

result from a wanton offishness. When they emerged from their respective

territories to the common view, their bearing seemed to say that they

yielded to us every privilege belonging to free whites, but reserved to

themselves the right to behave as they deemed fitting to their state,

and of airing any peculiarity unquestioned, and unremarked by the

commonalty. They were as exclusive as the proud county families of

Wales.

It may easily be seen, then, what a sight our store presented when about

a dozen magnates of this kind, fresh from their cotton principalities,

and armed, cap-à-pie, each in his own peculiar dress, assembled in it.

In time, of course, I became used to it; and, considering their

anxieties, the malarial climate, and the irritating ‘ague-cake,’ they

behaved well, on the whole. Their general attitude was, however, stiff

and constrained. Each slightly raised his hat as he came in, and their

‘Sirs’ were more formal and punctilious than, as neighbours or

fellow-citizens, they ought to have been.

My proud fellow-clerks were disposed to think it was the dread of the

pistol which made them so guarded in speech and action, but I thought

that it was the fear of compromising the personal dignity by a

disgraceful squabble with men untaught in the forms of good society.

Arkansas is sometimes known as the Bear State, and many of its people at

that time were singularly bearish and rude. The self-estimate of such

men was sometimes colossal, and their vanities as sensitive as

hair-triggers. None of them could boast of the piety of saints, but

nearly all had been influenced by the religion of their mothers--just as

much as might enable them to be distinguished from barbarians. It is

wonderful what trivial causes were sufficient to irritate them. A little

preoccupation in one’s own personal affairs, a monosyllabic word, a look

of doubt, or a hesitating answer, made them flare up hotly. The true

reason for this excessive sensitiveness was that they had lived too much

within their own fences, and the taciturnity engendered by exclusiveness

had affected their habits. However amiable they might originally have

been, their isolation had promoted the growth of egotism and

self-importance. This is the essence of ‘Provincialism,’ wherever it is

met with, in country or in city life.

Few visited our store who did not bear some sign of the pernicious

disease, which afflicted old and young in the bottom-lands of the

Arkansas. I had not been a week at the store before I was delirious from

the fever which accompanies ague, and, for the first time in my life,

was dieted on calomel and quinine. The young physician of our

neighbourhood, who boarded with Mr. Altschul, communicated to me many

particulars regarding the nature of this plague. In the form termed by

him ‘congestive chills,’ he had known many cases to terminate fatally

within a few hours. Blacks as well as whites were subject to it. Nothing

availed to prevent an attack. The most abstemious, temperate, prudent

habits no more prevented it than selfish indulgence or intemperance. So,

what with isolation on their wide estates, their life amongst obsequious

slaves, indigestion, and inflamed livers, their surroundings were not

well adapted to make our wealthy customers very amiable or sociable.

Though I had a bowing acquaintance with scores, only half-a-dozen or so

people condescended to hold speech with me. The mention of these reminds

me that one day one of my friends, named Newton Story, and myself were

weighed in the scales, and while Story, a fine manly fellow, weighed one

hundred and eighty-five pounds, I was only ninety-five pounds,--within

three pounds of seven stone. The frequency of ague attacks had reduced

me to skin and bone. It was a strange disease, preceded by a violent

shaking, and a congealed feeling as though the blood was suddenly iced,

during which I had to be half-smothered in blankets, and surrounded by

hot-water bottles. After a couple of hours’ shivering, a hot fit

followed, accompanied by delirium, which, about the twelfth hour, was

relieved by exhausting perspiration. When, about six hours later, I

became cool and sane, my appetite was almost ravenous from quinine and

emptiness. For three or four days afterwards, unless the fever was

tertian, I went about my duties as before, when, suddenly, a fit of

nausea would seize me, and again the violent malady overpowered me. Such

was my experience of the agues of the Arkansas swamp-land; and, during

the few months I remained at Cypress Bend, I suffered from them three

times a month.

The population of the State in that year (1861) was about 440,000; and I

find, to my astonishment, that now (1895) it is over a million and a

quarter, of whom only about 10,000 are foreign-born. Neither the

dreadful ague, which exceeds in virulence the African type, nor the

Civil War, has been able to check the population. What a hope for

much-scorned Africa there is in these figures!

But this is a digression due to my desire to be just to my bilious

fellow-sufferers in the swamp-land. One of our new salesmen was famous

as a violinist, and his favourite song and tune was about the ‘Arkansas

Traveller,’ who, losing his way in one of the sloughy highways through

the swamp, disappeared in the mud leaving his hat behind him to indicate

the spot. Reflective people will see in this story another obstacle to

social intercourse.

Every new immigrant soon became infected with the proud and sensitive

spirit prevailing in Arkansas. The poor American settler, the Irish

employee, the German-Jew storekeeper, in a brief time grew as liable to

bursts of deadly passion, or fits of cold-blooded malignity, as the

Virginian aristocrat. In New Orleans, and other great cities, the social

rule was to give and take, to assert an opinion, and hear it

contradicted without resort to lethal weapons, but, in Arkansas, to

refute a statement was tantamount to giving the lie direct, and was

likely to be followed by an instant appeal to the revolver or bowie.

Sometimes, an ‘_if_ you said so, then I said so,’ staved off the bloody

arbitrament, but such folk were probably late immigrants and not old

citizens.

It struck even a youth like me as being ridiculous for a servile

German-Jew pedlar to fancy himself insulted by a casual remark from some

mean and ill-bred white, and to feel it necessary to face the tube of a

backwoodsman, when he might have ignored him and his rudeness

altogether. It was hard to understand why he should resent his honour

being doubted, except from a mistaken sense of his importance, for the

ill-opinion of the planter community he had trebly earned already, by

being a trader, a foreigner, and a Jew; and the small portion of regard

he aspired to win by an act of daring bluff was not worth a thought,

least of all the peril of his life, or the smart of a wound. With regard

to his ‘honour,’ it seemed to bear a different meaning on different

banks of a river. On the eastern shore of the Mississippi, it meant

probity in business; on the western shore, it signified popular esteem

for the punishment of a traducer, and he who was most prompt in killing

anyone who made a personal reflection obtained most honour, and

therefore every pedlar or clerk in Arkansas hastened to prove his

mettle.

At South Bend, about nine miles below us, there was a store-keeper who

prided himself more upon the ‘honour’ he had won as a duellist than upon

commercial integrity. It was the example of his neighbourhood which had

fired this abnormal ambition, and, on my arrival at the Arkansas, his

clerks had begun to imitate him. The neighbouring merchants, envious of

his fame, essayed the perilous venture; and, at last, Mr. Altschul was

smitten with the mania. There is no doubt that, had his courage been of

a more compact quality, he would have competed with the man of South

Bend for ‘honour.’ He selected, however, the choicest of his stock of

Smith and Wesson’s vest-pocket revolvers, and was lavishly extravagant

with the ammunition. At the outset, he could not resist blinking at the

flash of his own pea-shooter, but, by dint of practice, he succeeded in

plugging a big tree at twenty paces. Then, in an evil moment, his

mounting spirit was inspired to turn his pistolette on a motherly old

sow which had strayed among his cabbages, and he mortally wounded her.

The owner of the animal was cross old Mr. Hubbard, a small planter, who

came on an ambling mule, presently, with a double-barrel shot-gun,

charged with an awful number of buck-pellets, to interview Mr. Altschul.

When he returned home, I inferred, from Hubbard’s satisfied smile, that

the interview had not been unsatisfactory to him. From that moment we

noticed that Mr. Altschul abandoned pistol practice--for, naturally, the

pistolette was not a fit weapon to cope with a shot-gun. One of my

fellow-clerks remarked that it was a pity Mr. Hubbard had no excuse for

calling upon the man at South Bend for damages.

If the craze for shooting had been communicated to such a respectable

man as Mr. Altschul, it may be imagined what a fascination pistols had

for us youths. We had hip-pockets made in our trousers, and the Smith

and Wesson was regarded as an indispensable adjunct to manhood. Our

leisure hours were devoted to target-practice, until my proficiency was

so great that I could sever a pack-thread at twenty paces.

Theoretically, we were already man-slaughterers, for our only object in

practice was to be expert in killing some imaginary rowdy, or burglar.

In our rude world such a person might present himself at any moment. The

rowdy needed only a little liquor to develop himself, and the store,

guarded only by a boy at night, offered a tempting inducement to a

burglarious individual. Among our hundred and odd customers there were

several who were not over-regardful of our susceptibilities; and as my

colleagues were of their own kidney, and had an acute sense of their

dignity, there was no saying when a crisis might arise. Personally, I

was not yet wrought up to this fine susceptiveness, though, probably, I

had as quick a spirit as any fire-eater in Arkansas County. What I might

do if my patience was abused, or how much bullying would be required to

urge me to adopt the style in vogue, was, however, as yet undetermined.

Of the code of honour and usage I had heard enough, but whenever I

supposed myself to be the object of rude aggression, the dire extreme

made me shrink. The contingency was a daily topic, but, when I dwelt on

the possibility of being involved, I inwardly held that liquory

ebullience ought not to be noticed.

Among our customers was a man named Coleman, a large, loose-jointed

young fellow, who owned a plantation and some twenty slaves. At regular

intervals he came to make his purchase of cloth for his slaves,

provisions, etc., and always departed with a bottle of whiskey in each

saddle-bag. One day he and some chance acquaintance had commenced a

bottle of Bourbon, and under the influence of the liquor he became

objectionable, and hinted to one of the salesmen that it was ‘rot-gut,’

diluted with swamp-water. At the commencement it was taken to be the

rough pleasantry of a drunken rustic; but, as Coleman reiterated the

charge, the clerk’s patience was exhausted, and he retorted that

swamp-water was wholesome for drunkards such as he. After this, one

savage retort provoked another, and Coleman drew his revolver; but, as

he aimed it, I crooked his elbow, and the bullet pierced the roof.

Almost immediately after, the clerk had flung himself against his

opponent, and we all three came to the floor. Then, while I clung to his

thumb, to prevent his raising the hammer, assistance came from the next

store-room; and the one who most efficiently interfered was a strong and

stalwart planter, named Francis Rush, for he wrenched the weapon from

his hand. There followed a disagreeable quarter of an hour: both Coleman

and the clerk were wild to get at each other, but in the end we forced a

truce. Coleman’s saddle-bags were put on his horse, and I held his

stirrups while he mounted. He glared fiercely at me awhile, and then,

after a warning that I had better avoid meddling with other people’s

quarrels, he rode away.

Coleman never returned to the store again. Some weeks after this event,

I was despatched round the neighbourhood to collect debts, and his name

was on my list. There was an ominous silence about his house as I rode

up, but, on making my way to the negro quarter to make enquiries, I was

told in a frightened whisper that their master had disappeared into

parts unknown, after killing Francis Rush.

An evening came when the long-expected burglarious adventure occurred.

Night had fallen by the time I returned to the store from supper at Mr.

Altschul’s, but there was a moonlight which made the dead timber in the

Cypress Grove appear spectral. Near the main entrance to the store was a

candle, which I proceeded to light after entering the building. Then,

closing and dropping the strong bar across the door, I walked down the

length of the store towards the office and my bedroom. Holding the

candle well up, I noticed as I passed the fire-place a pile of soot on

the hearth-stone. As it had been swept clean after the day’s business,

the sight of it instantly suggested a burglar being in the chimney.

Without halting, I passed on to the office, cast a quick look at the

back door and windows, and, snatching my little revolver from under the

pillow, retraced my steps to the fire-place. Pointing the weapon up the

chimney, I cried out, ‘Look out, I am about to fire. After the word

“three” I shall shoot. One! two!--’ A cloud of soot poured down on my

arm, the rumble of a hasty scramble was heard, and I fired into the

brick to hasten his departure. I then flew into the office, set my

candle upon a chair, opened the back door, and darted out in time to see

a negro’s head and shoulders above the chimney-top. By means of threats,

and a sufficient demonstration with the fire-arm, he was made to

descend, and marched to Mr. Altschul’s house, where he surrendered to

the proprietor. Except that he was severely bound, his treatment was

respectful, for he represented over a thousand dollars, and to injure

him was to injure Dr. Goree, his owner, and one of our most respected

customers.

Mr. Altschul was an Israelite and kept open store on Sunday, for the

benefit of the negroes around. The clerks, being Christians, were, of

course, exempted from labour that day; but, on one special Sunday, one

of our party had volunteered to take Mr. Altschul’s place at the

counter. In the afternoon, he was attending a clamouring crowd of about

thirty negroes, with his counter littered with goods. As I came in, I

observed that he was not so alertly watchful as he ought to have been,

with such a number of men, and so many exposed articles. I sat down and

closely watched, and saw that, each time his back was turned, two men

abstracted stockings, thread-spools and ribands, stuffing them into

their capacious pockets. After considering the best method of compelling

restoration, I withdrew and called Simon, Mr. Altschul’s burly slave,

and instructed him how to assist me.

A few seconds after re-entering the store, the two halves of the front

door were suddenly flung to, and barred, and a cry of ‘Thieves’ was

raised. There was a violent movement towards me, but Simon flourished a

big knife above his head, and swore he would use it, if they did not

stand still and be searched. Those who were conscious of their innocence

sided with us; and through their help we turned out a pretty assortment

of small goods, which the clerk, by referring to his sales-book, found

had not been sold.

I went out to shoot turtle-doves one holiday, and aimed at one on a

branch about thirty feet above the road, and over-hanging it. Almost

immediately after, old Hubbard, the planter, emerged into view from

round the corner, in a tearing rage, and presented his shot-gun at me.

Seeing no one else near, and assuming that he was under some great

mistake, I asked what the matter was, upon which he boldly accused me of

shooting at him, and he put his hand to his face to show the wound. As

there was not the slightest trace of even a bruise, I laughed at him, as

it seemed to me that only an overdose of whiskey could account for such

a paroxysm of passion.

Since my arrival at Auburn I had received three letters from my father

from Havana, within a period of about nine weeks. Then, month after

month of absolute silence followed. The last letter had stated that his

brother was convalescent, and that, in about a month, he intended to

return to New Orleans, and would then pay me a visit. Until well into

March, 1861, I was in daily expectation of hearing from him, or seeing

him in person. But we were destined never to meet again. He died

suddenly in 1861--I only heard of his death long after. In the mean

time, wholly unheeded by me, astounding national events had occurred.

Several of the Southern States had openly defied the United States

Government. Forts, arsenals, and ships of war had been seized by the

revolted States, and, what was of more importance to me, the forts below

New Orleans had been taken by the Louisiana troops. These events were

known to readers of newspapers in Arkansas, but the only newspaper taken

at the Auburn store was a Pine Bluff weekly, which, as I seldom saw it,

I never imagined would contain any news of personal interest to me.

It was not until March that I began dimly to comprehend that something

was transpiring which would involve every individual. Dr. Goree, our

neighbour planter, happened to meet Mr. W. H. Crawford, an

ex-Representative of Georgia, at our store, and began discussing

politics. Their determined accents and resolute gestures roused my

curiosity, and I heard them say that the States of Alabama, Georgia,

Louisiana, and others, had already formed a separate government, and

that one called Jeff Davis had been proclaimed President of the new

government; and they wondered why Arkansas was so slow to join the

Confederates, etc., etc. This was news to me, and when they unfolded

their respective newspapers and read extracts from them, it dawned upon

me that if I wished to post myself upon the grave national affairs, I

should have to read those stupid sheets which hitherto I had regarded as

being only fit for merchants and bearded men.

Thus stimulated to think that the events of the time affected the people

of Arkansas County, even youths like myself, I began to read the Pine

Bluff paper, and to be more inquisitive; and it was not long before I

had a vague conception that the country was in a terribly disturbed

state, and that there would be war. Notwithstanding the information

gleaned from persons who gave themselves little trouble to satisfy a

strange boy, it was not until young Dan Goree returned from Nashville

College that I could assimilate properly all that I had heard. Young Dan

was a boy of about my own age, and being the son of such a politician as

Dr. Goree, was naturally much more advanced in political matters than I.

He it was who, in friendly converse, acted as my Mentor, and gave me the

first intelligent exposition of how affairs stood between the two

sections of the Union. It was from him I learned that the election of

Abe Lincoln, in the November previous, had created a hostile feeling in

the South, because this man had declared himself opposed to slavery; and

as soon as he became President, in March, he would do all in his power

to free all the slaves. Of course, said he, in that event all

slave-holders would be ruined. His father owned about one hundred and

twenty slaves, worth from $500 to $1200 a head, and to deprive him of

property that he had bought with cash was pure robbery. That was the

reason that all the people of the South were rising against the Northern

people, and they would fight, to the last man. When the State of

Arkansas ‘seceded,’ then every man and boy would have to proceed to the

war and drive those wretched Abolitionists back to their homes, which

would be an easy task, as one Southerner was better than ten of those

Northern fellows, many of whom had never seen a gun! Dan thought that

the boys of the South, armed with whips, would be quite sufficient to

lick the thieving hounds!

I need not pursue the theme, but it was from such a source that I

obtained my elementary lessons in American Politics. From the time when,

in December, 1857, I had read some leaderette about the Louisiana

Legislative Assembly, politics had been repulsively dry to me, and

newspapers were only useful for their shipping and trade details.

Specially interesting to me, however, was it to know that Missouri and

its metropolis, St. Louis, would assuredly join the South; though I was

saddened to learn that Cincinnati and Louisville were enemies. What

curious emotions that word ‘enemies’ caused in me! People I knew well,

with whom I had worshipped, boys with whom I had contracted delightful

friendships at Newport and Covington, to be enemies! Then I wondered how

we were to obtain our goods in future. Consignments of arms, medicine,

dry-goods, and ironware, had come to us from St. Louis, Cincinnati, and

even Chicago. The conditions of trade would be altogether altered!

It was not, however, until I had propounded the question as to how the

seizure of the Mississippi forts affected people who were abroad, and

wished to return home, that I understood how deeply involved I was by

this rupture of relations between the North and South. I was told that

all communication was stopped, that ships coming in from sea would be

turned back, or else, if they were permitted to come in by the cruisers

outside, would certainly not be permitted to leave; that every ship

insisting on going to New Orleans would be searched, and, if anything

likely to assist the enemy was found, she would be detained, and

perhaps confiscated; and that, as no vessel was permitted to enter the

river, so none would have the privilege of leaving. Here was something

wholly unexpected! My father was shut out, and I was shut in! He could

not come to me, nor could I join him. In some mysterious way somebody

had built an impassable wall round about us, and the South was like a

jail, and its inhabitants had been deprived of the liberty of leaving.

From the moment that I fully realised this fact, everything bore a

different aspect to what it had before. I was a strange boy in a strange

land, in the same condition of friendlessness as when I fled from the

‘Windermere.’ I had prepared myself to convince my father that the

valley of the Arkansas was not a fit place to live in. My staring bones

and hollow eyes should speak for me, and we would try the Washita

Valley, or ascend the Arkansas, towards Little Rock, where the country

was healthier, but anywhere rather than in such a pestilential place as

the swamp-land of Arkansas. But my intentions had come to naught, my

cherished hopes must be abandoned. I was stranded effectually, and I had

no option but to remain with Mr. Altschul.

It was an evil hour to meditate any design of a personal nature, for the

sentiment of the period was averse from it. The same unperceivable power

that had imprisoned me in the fever-and-ague region of Arkansas was

rapidly becoming formidable. Man after man unresistingly succumbed to

its influence. Even the women and children cried for war. There was no

Fiery Cross, but the wire flashed the news into every country-place and

town, and, wherever two met, the talk was all about war. Most of the

cotton States had already seceded, and as our State was their sister in

sentiment, habit, and blood, Arkansas was bound to join her sisters, and

hasten with her sons to the battle-field, to conquer or die. Early in

May, the State Representatives met at Little Rock, and adopted the

ordinance of secession; whereupon the fighting spirit of the people rose

in frenzy. Heroic sayings, uttered by ancient Greek and Roman heroes,

were mouthed by every stripling. The rich planters forgot their pride

and exclusiveness, and went out and orated among the common folk. They

flourished their hats and canes, and cried, ‘Give us Liberty, or give

us Death!’ The young men joined hands and shouted, ‘Is there a man with

soul so dead, Who never to himself hath said--This is my own, my native

land?’ ‘An honourable death is better than a base life,’ etc., etc. In

the strident tones of passion, they said they would welcome a bloody

grave rather than survive to see the proud foe violating their altars

and their hearths, and desecrating the sacred soil of the South with

their unholy feet. But, inflamed as the men and youths were, the warlike

fire that burned within their breasts was as nothing to the intense heat

that glowed within the bosoms of the women. No suggestion of compromise

was possible in their presence. If every man did not hasten to the

battle, they vowed they would themselves rush out and meet the Yankee

vandals. In a land where women are worshipped by the men, such language

made them war-mad.

Then one day I heard that enlistment was going on. Men were actually

enrolling themselves as soldiers! A Captain Smith, owner of a plantation

a few miles above Auburn, was raising a Company to be called the ‘Dixie

Greys.’ A Mr. Penny Mason, living on a plantation below us, was to be

the First-lieutenant, and Mr. Lee, nephew of the great General Lee, was

to be Second-lieutenant. The youth of the neighbourhood were flocking to

them and registering their names. Our Doctor,--Weston Jones,--Mr. Newton

Story, and the brothers Varner, had enlisted. Then the boy Dan Goree

prevailed upon his father to permit him to join the gallant braves.

Little Rich, of Richmond Store, gave in his name. Henry Parker, the boy

nephew of one of the richest planters in the vicinity, volunteered,

until it seemed as if Arkansas County was to be emptied of all the youth

and men I had known.

About this time, I received a parcel which I half-suspected, as the

address was written in a feminine hand, to be a token of some lady’s

regard; but, on opening it, I discovered it to be a chemise and

petticoat, such as a negro lady’s-maid might wear. I hastily hid it from

view, and retired to the back room, that my burning cheeks might not

betray me to some onlooker. In the afternoon, Dr. Goree called, and was

excessively cordial and kind. He asked me if I did not intend to join

the valiant children of Arkansas to fight? and I answered ‘Yes.’

At my present age, the whole thing appears to be a very laughable affair

altogether; but, at that time, it was far from being a laughing matter.

He praised my courage, and my _patriotism_, and said I should win

undying glory, and then he added, in a lower voice, ‘We shall see what

we can do for you when you come back.’

What _did_ he mean? Did he suspect my secret love for that sweet child

who sometimes came shopping with her mother? From that confidential

promise I believed he did, and was, accordingly, ready to go anywhere

for her sake.

About the beginning of July we embarked on the steamer ‘Frederick

Notrebe.’ At various landings, as we ascended the river, the volunteers

crowded aboard; and the jubilation of so many youths was intoxicating.

Near Pine Bluff, while we were making merry, singing, ‘I wish I was in

Dixie,’ the steamer struck a snag which pierced her hull, and we sank

down until the water was up to the furnace-doors. We remained fixed for

several hours, but, fortunately, the ‘Rose Douglas’ came up, and took us

and our baggage safely up to Little Rock.

We were marched to the Arsenal, and, in a short time, the Dixie Greys

were sworn by Adjutant-General Burgevine into the service of the

Confederate States of America for twelve months. We were served with

heavy flint-lock muskets, knapsacks, and accoutrements, and were

attached to the 6th Arkansas Regiment of Volunteers, Colonel Lyons

commanding, and A. T. Hawthorn, Lieutenant-colonel.

General Burgevine was, in later years, Commander of the Mercenaries, in

the Imperial Chinese army against the Taipings, and an ally of General

(Chinese) Gordon, at one time. Dismissed by the Imperialists, he sought

the service of the Taipings. Wearied of his new masters, he conceived a

project of dethroning the Emperor, and reigning in his stead; he went so

far as to try and tempt Gordon to be his accomplice!

[Illustration: HENRY M. STANLEY, AT 20]

CHAPTER VII

SOLDIERING

I am now about to begin a period lasting about six years, which, were it

possible, I should gladly like to re-live, not with a view of repeating

its woes and errors, pains and inconsistencies, but of rectifying the

mistakes I made. So far, I had made none of any importance; but

enlisting in the Confederate service, because I received a packet of

female clothes, was certainly a grave blunder. But who is able to

withstand his fate or thwart the designs of Providence? It may have been

time for me, getting close on to eighteen, to lose some of the soft

illusions of boyhood, and to undergo the toughening process in the trail

of war. Looking backward upon the various incidents of these six years,

though they appear disjointed enough, I can dimly see a connection, and

how one incident led to the other, until the curious and somewhat

involved design of my life, and its purpose, was consummated. But this

enlistment was, as I conceive it, the first of many blunders; and it

precipitated me into a veritable furnace, from which my mind would have

quickly recoiled, had I but known what the process of hardening was to

be. Just as the fine edge of boyish sensitiveness was blunted, somewhat,

by the daring blasphemy of the ‘Windermere’ officers, so modesty and

tenderness were to be shocked, by intercourse with men who cast off

sweet manners with their civilian clothes, and abandoned themselves to

the rude style of military life. A host of influences were at work

sapping moral scruples. The busy days, the painful events, the

excitement of the camp, the general irreligiousness, the disregard of

religious practice, the contempt for piety, the licentious humours of

the soldiers, the reckless and lavish destruction of life, the

gluttonous desire to kill, the devices and stratagems of war, the weekly

preaching in defence of it, the example of my elders and superiors, the

enthusiasm of beautiful women for strife--finally, all that was weak,

vain, and unfixed in my own nature, all conspired to make me as

indifferent as any of my fellows to all sacred duties.

I had to learn that that which was unlawful to a civilian was lawful to

the soldier. The ‘Thou shalt not’ of the Decalogue, was now translated

‘Thou shalt.’ Thou shalt kill, lie, steal, blaspheme, covet, and hate;

for, by whatever fine names they were disguised, everyone practised

these acts, from the President down to the private in the rear rank. The

prohibition to do these things was removed, and indulgence in licence

and excess was permissible. My only consolation, during this curious

‘volte-face’ in morality, was, that I was an instrument in the strong,

forceful grip of circumstance, and could no more free myself than I

could fly.

Heaven knows if any among the Dixie Greys can look at the acts of the

war with my eyes. Not having been educated as I had been, nor become

experienced afterwards in the ways of many lands, it is not likely any

of them would. Many of them went to the war as passionate patriots in

the spirit of religious duty, blessed by their families; others with an

appetite for glory, the desire of applause, a fondness for military

excitement, or because they were infected with the general craze, or to

avoid tedious toil, or from the wildness of youth, etc. It was

passionate patriotism that was the rule, and brought to its standard all

sorts and conditions of men; and it was this burning passion that

governed all conduct, and moulded public life to its will.

Now all men who knew our brigade commander will concede that, whatever

virtues he may have had, ambition was his distinguishing characteristic.

It was commonly said that he was a man of genius, could command a

Department, or be a first-class Minister of War; but, from what I can

recollect of him, he aimed at the highest office in the land, and was

sufficiently unscrupulous to establish himself as a dictator. Colonel

Lyons was purely and simply a soldier: Lieutenant-colonel A. T. Hawthorn

was too vain of military distinction, and the trappings of official

rank, to have stooped to be a patriot in the ranks; but Captain S. G.

Smith was a patriot of the purest dye, of the most patrician appearance,

one of the finest and noblest types of men I have ever met: a man of

stubborn honour and high principles, brave, and invariably gentle in

demeanour and address. Our First-lieutenant was a Mr. Penny Mason, a

Virginian, bright, soldierly, zealous, and able, and connected with the

oldest families of his State. He rose, as his military merits deserved,

to the rank of Adjutant-general. Our Second-lieutenant was a nephew of

General Lee, who in the soldiers’ parlance was a ‘good fellow.’ He also

became distinguished during the war. Our Third-lieutenant was a ‘dandy’,

who took immense trouble with his appearance, and was always as neat as

a military tailor and the laundry could make him. Our Orderly-sergeant

was an old soldier of the name of Armstrong, an honest and worthy

fellow, who did his duty with more good-humour and good-nature than

would have been expected under the circumstances.

The privates were, many of them, young men of fortune, sons, or close

relations, of rich Arkansas planters of independent means; others were

of more moderate estate, overseers of plantations, small cotton-growers,

professional men, clerks, a few merchants, and a rustic lout or two. As

compared with many others, the company was a choice one, the leaven of

gentlehood was strong, and served to make it rather more select than the

average. Still, we were only a tenth of a regiment, and, though a fifth

of the regiment might be self-respecting, gentlemanly fellows, daily

contact in camp with a majority of rough and untaught soldiers is apt to

be perverting in time.

We were not subjected to the indignity of being stripped and examined

like cattle, but were accepted into the military service upon our own

assurance of being in fit condition; and, after being sworn in, we shed

our civil costumes, and donned the light grey uniforms. Having been duly

organized, we next formed ourselves into messes. My mess consisted of

Jim Armstrong, the Orderly-sergeant; Newton Story, the Colour-sergeant,

who had been overseer of Dr. Goree’s plantation; Dan Goree, a boy, the

son and heir of Dr. Goree; Tom Malone, a genial fellow, but up to every

gambling trick, a proficient in ‘High-low-jack,’ Euchre, Poker, and Old

Sledge, and, when angered, given to deliver himself in very energetic

language; old Slate, knowing as any, anecdotive, and pleasant. Tomasson,

a boisterous fellow, who acted frequently like a bull in a china-shop,

was admitted by Armstrong to the mess because he was a neighbour, and

full of jests. A Sibley tent, an improvement on the bell-tent, contained

the whole of us comfortably.

Dan Goree had brought his slave Mose, a faithful blackie, to wait upon

him. The mess annexed his services as cook and tin-washer, and, in

return, treated Dan with high consideration. Mose was remarkable for a

cow-like propensity to kick backward, if we but pointed our fingers at

him. Armstrong contributed to the general comfort a stylish canteen and

the favour of his company; and the rest of us gave our services and

means to make the social circle as pleasant as possible, which, as we

were ‘bright, smart, and alive,’ meant a great deal; for, if there were

any fowls, butter, milk, honey, or other accessories to diet in our

neighbourhood, they were sure to be obtained by some indefatigable

member of the mess. I was too ‘green’ in the forager’s arts, at the

beginning of the campaign, but I was apt; and, with such ancient

campaigners as Armstrong and old Slate,--both of whom had been in the

Mexican War of 1847,--I did not lack tuition by suggestion.

When clothed in our uniforms, each of us presented a somewhat attenuated

appearance; we seemed to have lost in dignity, but gained in height. As

I looked at Newton Story’s form, I could scarcely believe my eyes.

Instead of the noble portliness for which he had been distinguished, he

was lean as a shorn sheep. Sleek Dan Goree was girlishly slender, while

I had a waspish waist, which measured a trifle more than two hands. Dr.

Jones was like a tall, over-grown lad; and, as for the Varner brothers,

they were elegant to the verge of effeminacy.

With military clothes, we instinctively assumed the military pose: our

heads rose stiff and erect above our shoulders, our chests bulged out,

and our shoulder-blades were drawn in. We found ourselves cunningly

peeping from the corners of our eyes, to observe if any admired our

martial style. The Little Rock ‘gals,’ crowding about the Arsenal

grounds, were largely responsible for the impressive airs we took. The

prettiest among them drew into her circle a score or more of heroic

admirers, whose looks pictured their admiration; and how envied were

they who obtained a smile from the fair! And how they strutted, with

their eyeballs humid with love! If, when we promenaded the streets,

with equal step and arm-in-arm, we detected the presence of cambric

frocks on a ‘stoep,’ or in some classic porch, we became as ridiculous

as peacocks from excess of vanity. Indeed, in those early days, we were

all over-troubled with patriotic thrills, sanguinary ardour, and bursts

of ‘bulliness.’ The fever of military enthusiasm was at its height, in

man, woman, and child; and we, who were to represent them in the war,

received far more adulation than was good for us. The popular praise

turned our young heads giddy, and anyone who doubted that we were the

sanest, bravest, and most gallant boys in the world, would have been in

personal danger! Unlike the Spartans, there was no modesty in the

estimate of our own valour. After a few drills, we could not even go to

draw rations without the practice of the martial step, and crying out

‘Guide centre,’ or ‘Right wheel,’ or some other order we had learned. At

our messes, we talked of tactics, and discussed Beauregard’s and Lee’s

merits, glorified Southern chivalry, and depreciated the Yankees, became

fluent in the jargon of patriotism, and vehement in our hatred of the

enemy. Few of us had ever smelled the fumes of battle, but that did not

deter us from vividly painting scenes of carnage when the blood rolled

in torrents, and the favoured ‘Dixie Greys’ led the van to victory.

Our martial souls were duly primed for the field by every adjunct of

military system. The fife, drum, and trumpet sounded many times a day. A

fine brass band thrilled us, morning and evening, with stirring music.

The drum and fife preceded us to the drilling-ground, and inspired us to

sprightliness, campward. We burnished brass buttons, arms, and

accoutrements, until they shone like new gold. We bought long Colt’s

revolvers, and long-bladed bowie-knives; we had our images taken on

tin-types in our war-paint and most ferocious aspects, revolver in one

hand, bowie-knife in the other, and a most portentous scowl between the

eyebrows. We sharpened the points of our bayonets, and gave a razor-edge

to our bowies, that the extermination we intended should be sudden and

complete.

After a few weeks we made our last march through the Arkansan capital.

The steamer was at the river-side, to take us across. The streets were

gay with flags and ladies’ dresses. The people shouted, and we, raw and

unthinking, responded with cheers. We raised the song, ‘We’ll live and

die for Dixie,’ and the emotional girls waved their handkerchiefs and

wept. What an imposing column we made! The regiment was in full

strength. The facets of light on our shining muskets and bayonets were

blinding. Banners of regiments and companies rustled and waved to the

breeze. We strode down to the levee with ‘eyes front,’ after the manner

of Romans when reviewed by their tribunes!

Once across the river, that August day, we strapped our knapsacks, slung

our haversacks and water-canteens, and felt more like veterans. All

being ready, our physically-noble Colonel Hawthorn, prancing on his

charger, drew his bright sword, and, after he had given us a

sufficiently stern glance, rode to the head of the regiment; the brass

band struck up a lively tune, and we swung gaily in column of four along

the pike, towards the interior. Our officers and orderly walked parallel

with us. The August sun was extremely hot, the pike was hard, dry, and

dusty. At first, the officers’ voices had a peremptory and sharp ring in

them as they sang out, ‘Keep step, there! Left shoulder, shift arms!

Dress up!’ but after a while, as the heat began to force a copious

perspiration, and the limy dust from the metalled highway parched our

throats, they sobered down, and allowed us to march at ease.

Within an hour the sweat had darkly stained our grey coats about the

arm-pits and shoulders, and it rolled in streams down our limbs into our

boots, where, mingling with the dust and minute gravel, it formed a

gritty mud which distressed our feet. Our shoulders ached with the

growing weight and hardness of the muskets, our trousers galled us

sorely, the straps and belts became painfully constrictive, and impeded

respiration, but, through fear of shame, we endured all, without

complaint. At the end of the hour we were halted for five minutes’ rest,

and then resumed the march.

Like all new recruits, we carried a number of things that veterans

dispense with: for instance, keepsakes, and personal treasures; mine

were a daguerreotype of my adopted father, and a lock of his grey

hair,--very trivial and valueless to others, but my own peculiar

treasures, carried in my knapsack to be looked at every Sunday morning

when we smartened up. With these, toilet articles, soap, changes of

under-clothing, camp-shoes, etc., besides extra uniform, and blankets,

made up our luggage, which, with heavy musket, bayonet-accoutrements,

and canteen of water, weighed about sixty pounds, and more, in some

cases. For growing and lean youths this was a tremendous weight; and,

during the second hour, the sense of oppression and soreness rapidly

increased; but, excepting more frequent changes of the musket from

shoulder to shoulder, we bated nothing of our resolve to endure.

After the second halt we were sensibly lamer. The gravel created

blisters, and the warm mud acted like a poultice on the feet. The

military erectness gave way to a weary droop, and we leaned forward

more. We were painfully scalded, restlessly shifted our weapons, and

tried scores of little experiments, hustled our cartridge-pouches, inch

by inch, then from back to front, from right to left; tugged at our

breast-straps, eased our belts, drank copious draughts of water; and

still the perspiration rolled in a shower down our half-blinded faces,

and the symptoms of collapse became more and more pronounced.

Finally, the acutest point of endurance was reached, and nature

revolted. Our feet were blistered, our agonies were unendurable, and,

despite official warning and menace, we hopped to the road-side, whipped

off our boots to relieve our burning feet; after a little rest, we rose

and limped after the company. But the column had stretched out to a

tremendous length with its long wagon-train, and to overtake our friends

seemed hopeless. As we limped along, the still untired soldiers mocked

and jeered at us, and this was very hard to endure. But, by and by, the

stragglers became more numerous; the starch appeared to be taken out of

the strongest, and, the longer the march continued, the greater was the

multitude of the weary, who crawled painfully in the rear of the column.

Had the Little Rock ladies witnessed our arrival at camp late at night,

we should have been shamed for ever. But, fortunately, they knew nothing

of this; and blessing the night which hid our roasted faces and sorry

appearance, we had no sooner reached the precincts of the camp than we

embraced the ground, pains and aches darting through every tortured

limb, feet blistered and bleeding, our backs scorched, and our shoulders

inflamed. No bed that I had ever rested on gave me a tithe of the

pleasure afforded me now by the cold, damp pasture-land.

The next day was a halt. Many of us were more fitted for hospital at

day-break than for marching, but, after a bathe in the stream, a change

of linen, and salving our wounds, we were in better mood. Then

Armstrong, the old orderly, suggested that we should shed our knapsacks

of all ‘rubbish,’ and assisted his friends by his advice as to what was

indispensable and what was superfluous. The camp-fires consumed what we

had rejected, and, when we noted the lightened weight of our knapsacks

after this ruthless ransackment, we felt fitter for the march than on

the day we departed from the Arkansas River.

Our surroundings at camp were novel for inexperienced youths. We were

tented along the road-side, having taken down the fences of a field, and

encroached on farm-lands, without asking permission. The rails were also

freely used by us as firewood. A town of canvas had risen as if by

magic, with broad, short streets, between the company tents; and in the

rear were located the wagons carrying provisions, ammunition, and extra

equipments.

In a few days we were camped in the neighbourhood of Searcy, about sixty

miles from Little Rock. The aspect of the country was lovely, but there

was something fatal to young recruits in its atmosphere. Within two

weeks an epidemic carried off about fifty, and quite as many more lay in

hospital. Whether it was the usual camp typhus, or malarious fever,

aggravated by fatigue and wretched rations, I was too young to know or

to concern myself about; but, in the third week, it seemed to threaten

us all, and I remember how the soldiers resorted to the prayer-meetings

in each company, and how solemn they were at service on Sunday. The

pressure of an impending calamity lay heavy upon us all while in camp,

but, as soon as we left it, we recovered our spirits.

It was at this camp I acquired the art of diving. At swimming I was a

proficient a long time before, but the acquisition of this last

accomplishment soon enabled me to astonish my comrades by the distance I

could traverse under water.

The brigade of General Hindman was at last complete in its

organisation, and consisted of four regiments, some cavalry, and a

battery of artillery. About the middle of September we moved across the

State towards Hickman on the Mississippi, crossing the Little Red,

White, Big Black, and St. Francis Rivers, by the way. Once across the

Mississippi, we marched up the river, and, in the beginning of November,

halted at what was then called ‘the Gibraltar of the Mississippi.’

On the 7th of November, we witnessed our first battle,--that of

Belmont,--in which, however, we were not participants. We were held in

readiness on the high bluffs of Columbus, from whence we had a

commanding view of the elbow of land nearly opposite, whereon the battle

took place. The metaphor ‘Gibraltar’ might, with good reason, be applied

to Columbus, for General Polk had made notable exertions to make it

formidable. About one hundred and forty cannon, of large and small

calibre, had been planted on the edge of the steep and tall bluffs

opposite Belmont, to prevent the descent of the river by the enemy.

A fleet of vessels was discerned descending, a few miles above Belmont,

and two gun-boats saucily bore down and engaged our batteries. The big

guns, some of them 128-pound Parrott-rifled, replied with such a storm

of shell that they were soon obliged to retreat again; but we novices

were delighted to hear the sound of so many cannon. We received a few

shots in return, but they were too harmless to do more than add to the

charm of excitement. The battle began at between ten and eleven in the

morning, the sky then being bright, and the day gloriously sunny; and it

continued until near sunset. Except by the volleying, and thick haze

which settled over the woods, we could not guess what was occurring. The

results were, on our side, under General Polk, 641 killed, wounded, and

missing. On the Federal side, under General Grant, the loss was 610

killed, wounded, and missing. To add to our casualties, a 128-pound

rifled-gun burst at our battery, by which seven of the gunners were

killed, and General Polk and many of his officers were wounded.

A youth requires to be educated in many ways before his manhood is

developed. We have seen what a process the physical training is, by the

brief description of the first day’s march. It takes some time to bring

the body to a suitable state for ungrudging acceptance of the hard

conditions of campaigning, so that it can find comfort on a pike, or in

a graveyard, with a stone for a pillow, and ease on clods, despite

drenching rain and chilling dew. Then the stomach has to get accustomed

to the soldier’s diet of fried, or raw, bacon and horse-beans. The

nerves have to be inured to bear, without shrinking, the repeated shocks

and alarms of the camp. The spirit has to be taught how to subject

itself to the spurns and contumely of superior and senior, without show

of resentment; and the mind must endure the blunting and deadening of

its sensibilities by the hot iron of experience.

During the long march from Little Rock to Columbus we became somewhat

seasoned, and campaigning grew less and less unpleasant. Our ordinary

march was now more in the nature of an agreeable relief from monotonous

camp-duties. We were not so captious and ready to take offence as at

first, and some things that were once most disagreeable were now

regarded as diversions.

I now fully accepted it as a rule that a soldier must submit to military

law; but many, like myself, had lost a great deal of that early

enthusiasm for a soldier’s life by the time we had reached Columbus. It

had struck us when at picket-duty alone, in the dark, that we had been

great fools to place ourselves voluntarily in a position whence we could

not retreat without forfeit of life; and that, by a monosyllable, we had

made our comrades our possible enemies upon a single breach of our oath.

We had condemned ourselves to a servitude more slavish than that of the

black plantation-hands, about whose condition North and South had

declared war to the death. We could not be sold, but our liberties and

lives were at the disposal of a Congress about which I, at least, knew

nothing, except that, somewhere, it had assembled to make such laws as

it pleased. Neither to Captain Smith, nor to Lieutenant Mason, nor even

to my messmate Armstrong, could I speak with freedom. Any of them might

strike me, and I should have to submit. They could make me march where

they pleased, stand sentry throughout the night, do fatigue-duty until I

dropped, load my back as they would a mule, ride me on a rail, make a

target of me if I took a quiet nap at my post; and there was no possible

way out of it.

To say the truth, I had not even a desire to shirk the duties I had

undertaken. I was quite prepared and ready to do all that was required;

for I loved the South because I loved my Southern friends, and had

absorbed their spirit into every pore. Nevertheless, when far removed

from the hubbub of camp, at my isolated post, my reason could not be

prevented from taking a cynical view of my folly in devoting myself to

be food for powder, when I might have been free as a bird, to the extent

of my means. And if, among my vague fancies, I had thought that, by

gallantry, I might win promotion such as would be some compensation for

the sacrifice of my liberty, that idea had been exploded as soon as I

had measured myself by hundreds of cleverer, abler, and braver men, and

saw that they, even, had no chance of anything but to fill a nameless

grave. The poetry of the military profession had departed under the

stress of many pains, the wear and tear, and the certainty that

soldiering was to consist of commonplace marches, and squalid camp-life.

The punishment inflicted on such as were remiss in their duties during

the march had opened my eyes to the consequences of any misdemeanour, or

an untimely ebullience of youthful spirits. I had seen unfortunate

culprits horsed on triangular fence-rails, and jerked up by vicious

bearers, to increase their pains; others, straddled ignominiously on

poles; or fettered with ball and chain; or subjected to head-shaving; or

tied up with the painful buck and gag; or hoisted up by the thumbs;

while no one was free of fatigue-duty, or exempt from fagging to someone

or other, the livelong day.

Those who were innocent of all breaches of ‘good order and discipline’

had reason to lament having sacrificed their independence, for our

brigade-commander, and regimental officers, were eaten up with military

zeal, and were resolved upon training us to the perfection of soldierly

efficiency, and, like Bully Waters of the ‘Windermere,’ seemed to think

that it was incumbent on them to get the full value of our keep and pay

out of us. They clung to the antiquated notion that soldiers were

appointed as much to drudge for their personal service as for the

purposes of war. Besides the morning and evening musters, the nine

o’clock dress-parade, the drill from that hour to noon, the cleaning of

arms and accoutrements, the frequent interruptions of rest by the ‘long

roll’ heard in the dead of night, the guard-duty, or picket, we had to

cook our provisions, put up the officers’ tents, make their beds soft as

straw and hay or grass could make them, collect fuel for their fires,

dig ditches around their tents, and fag for them in numberless ways.

These made a mighty list of harassments, which, on account of the

miserably hard fare, and insufficient preparation of it, weighed on our

spirits like lead, tended to diminish our number by disease, and sent

hundreds to the hospital.

The Dixie Greys, for instance, consisted mostly of young men and lads

who were as ignorant of the art of converting their ration of raw beef

and salt pork, field beans, and flour, into digestible food, as they

were of laundry work; yet they were daily served with rations, which

they might eat raw, or treat as they liked. Of course, they learnt how

to cook in time; but, meanwhile, they made sorry messes of it, and

suffered accordingly. Those with good constitutions survived their

apprenticeship, and youth, open air, and exercise, enabled them to bear

it a long time; but when, with improper food, the elements chilled and

heated us with abrupt change, and arbitrary officialism employed its

wits to keep us perpetually on the move, it becomes evident, now, why

only the hardiest were enabled to bear the drudgery and vexation imposed

upon them, and why disease slew more than two-thirds of the whole number

of soldiers who perished during the war.

The fault of the American generalship was that it devoted itself solely

to strategy and fighting, and providing commissariat supplies; but

seldom, or never, to the kindly science of health-preservation. The

officers knew how to keep their horses in good condition; but I do not

remember ever to have seen an officer who examined the state of our

messes, or stooped to show that, though he was our military superior, he

could take a friendly and neighbourly interest in our well-being, and

that his rank had not estranged his sympathies. If, at the muster, a

soldier was ill, he was put on the sick-list; but it never seems to have

struck any officer, from General Lee down to the Third-lieutenant of an

infantry company, that it might be possible to reduce the number of

invalids by paying attention to the soldiers’ joys and comforts. The raw

provisions were excellent and abundant, and they only needed to be

properly prepared to have made us robust and strong.

Just as the regimental physician and his assistants were requisite for

the _cure_ of illness, a regimental ‘chef,’ as superior of the company’s

cooks, would have been useful for the _prevention_ of it, in fifty per

cent of the cases; but the age was not advanced enough to recognise

this.

Although I am apt to assign causes for things in my old age, it must not

be supposed that I, as a boy, could then know much about such matters. I

was, fortunately, blessed with the power of endurance, and was of so

elastic a disposition that I could act my part without cavil or

criticism. At that time, I felt that I had no other business in the

world than to eat, work, and use my eyes, wits, and powers as a soldier,

and to be as happy as my circumstances would allow; and I do not think I

made myself obnoxious to any living soul. Within our mess we were not

without our disagreements, and I had to bear my share of banter from my

elders; but none can say, ‘This was he whom we had sometime in derision,

and a proverb of reproach. We accounted his life madness, and his end to

be without honour.’

The exigencies of war necessitated our removal by train from Columbus to

Cave City, Kentucky, where we arrived about the 25th of November, 1861.

We remained in this camp until about the middle of February, 1862. The

force around Bowling Green and Cave City numbered 22,000. Our brigade

was attached to the Division of General Hardee, author of ‘Tactics.’

During the time we remained there, no fighting occurred; but we made

several midnight marches towards Green River, and posted ourselves in

positions to surprise the enemy, expected to come from Munfordville.

During the winter in this camp I won the approval of the mess by an

aptitude for lessening the inconveniences under which we suffered in

mid-winter, and my success in foraging. Instead of a fire under the

Sibley tripod, which, besides endangering our feet and bedding, smoked

us, I suggested that we should sink a hearth and build a fire-place with

a flue and regular chimney of mud outside; and, with the help of the

veteran Slate, the work was executed so well that our tent was always

warm and clear of smoke, while the edges of the hearth made comfortable

seats by which we could toast our feet, and recline back luxuriously.

Tomasson, our bawling mess-mate, was not worth his salt at any work

except legitimate soldiering. He seemed to consider that, by dusting

around like a clown at a pantomime, and giving us the honour of his

company, he did enough for the general welfare. Armstrong and Story were

sergeants; and, of course, their Mightinesses were exempt from doing

more than stooping to praise! Dan, being in the leading-strings of

Story, was not permitted to roam; therefore, when it came to a

consideration of ways and means for improving our diet, it devolved upon

Malone, Slate, and myself to exert ourselves for the mess.

The long halt at Cave City served to initiate me into the mysteries of

foraging, which, in army-vocabulary, meant not only to steal from the

enemy, but to exploit Secessionist sympathisers, and obtain for love and

money some trifles to make life more enjoyable. Malone and Slate were

very successful and clever in all sorts of ruses. I was envious of the

praises given to them, and resolved to outdo them. What rackings of the

brain I suffered, as I mentally revolved the methods to adopt! General

Sidney Johnston gave not so much time to the study of inflicting defeat

on the Yankees, as I gave to win glory from the mess by my exploits.

Half-a-dozen times in December it had been my turn to forage, but,

somehow, my return was not greeted with any rapturous applause. However,

by Christmas Eve I had a fair knowledge of the country and the temper of

the people about, and my mind was stored with information regarding

Secessionists, Unionists, and lanes, and farms, to a radius of five

miles around the camp. Just on the edge of my circle, there lay one fat

farm towards Green River, the owner of which was a Yank, and his

neighbour told me he corresponded with the enemy. For a foot-soldier,

the distance was somewhat far, but for a horse-man, it was nothing.

The day before Christmas, through the assistance of a man named Tate, I

had the promise of a mule; and having obtained the countersign from

Armstrong, I set out, as soon as it was dark, to levy a contribution on

the Unionist farmer. It was about ten o’clock by the time I reached the

place. Tying my mule in the angle of a fence, I climbed over, and

explored the grounds. In crossing a field, I came to half-a-dozen low

mounds, which I was certain contained stores of potatoes, or something

of the kind. I burrowed into the side of one of them with my bayonet,

and presently I smelled apples. These were even better than potatoes,

for they would do splendidly for dumplings. I half-filled a sack with

them. After burrowing into two or three others, I came to one which

contained the winter store of potatoes, and I soon raked out enough to

make a load. I hurried with my booty to my mule, and secured it on the

mule.

Then, thinking that a goose, or even a duck or a fowl or two, would make

our Christmas dinner complete, I was tempted to make a quest for them,

anticipating, as I crept towards the farm, the glory I should receive

from my mess. I reached the out-houses with every faculty strained, and

I soon had the pleasure of wringing the neck of a goose, a duck, and two

fowls.

I ought to have had the discretion to retire now, but the ambition to

extinguish Malone and Slate, to see the grin of admiration on

Armstrong’s face, and Newton Story open his eyes, and Tomasson compelled

to pay homage to worth, left me still dissatisfied; and just then

scenting a hog-pen, I quietly moved towards it. By the light of a feeble

moon I worked into the piggies’ home, and there, cuddled about the hams

of their mother, I saw the pinky forms of three or four plump shoats.

Aye, a tender shoat, roasted brown and crisp, would be the crown of a

Christmas dinner! I bounded lightly as a lean fox into the sty, snatched

a young porkling up by the heels, creating a terrifying clamour by the

act. We were all alarmed, the mother hoarsely grunted, the piggies

squealed in a frightful chorus, the innocent rent the midnight air with

his cries; but, determined not to lose my prize, I scrambled over, ended

its fears and struggles by one fierce slash, dumped the carcase into the

sack, and then hastened away. Lights were visible in the farm-house,

doors slammed, and by a broad beam of light I saw a man in the doorway

with a gun in his hand. A second later a shower of pellets whistled

about me, fortunately without harm, which sent me tearing madly towards

my mule. In a few minutes, bathed in perspiration, I was astride of my

mule, with my sack of dead meat in front of me, and potatoes and apples

thumping the sides of my animal as I rode away towards camp.

Long before dawn, I made my triumphant appearance in front of my tent,

and was rewarded by every member of the mess with the most grateful

acknowledgements. The Christmas dinner was a splendid success, and over

twenty invited guests sat down to it, and praises were on every lip; but

without the apple dumplings and fritters it would not have been complete

to us youngsters. Secretly, I was persuaded that it was as wrong to rob

a poor Unionist as a Secessionist; but the word ‘foraging,’ which, by

general consent, was bestowed on such deeds, mollified my scruples.

Foragers were sent out by the authorities every other day, and even

authorised to seize supplies by force; and, according to the military

education I was receiving, I did not appear to be so very wicked as my

conscience was inclined to make me out to be.

When I set out foraging in the daytime I was amply furnished with funds,

and sought some fraternal ‘Secesh.’ Towards Green River, beyond the

pickets, an old Secessionist lady and I became great friends, trusting

one another without reservation. I would give her ten dollars at a time

to invest in eggs, butter, and fowls; and she would trust me with bowls,

tins, and linen, to take the articles to camp. The old lady was wont to

bless my ‘honest face’ and to be emotional, as I told her of the

sufferings of my fellow-‘Dixies’ at camp, out in the snow and wintry

gale. Her large faith in me, and her good heart, made me so scrupulous

that I ran many risks to restore her property to her. Her features and

widowed condition, the sight of her dairy utensils, clean, and smelling

of laitage, cream, and cheese, revived pleasing recollections of kine

and their night-stalls, and led on to Aunt Mary and her chimney-side;

from that moment, I was her most devoted admirer. Through her

favouritism for me, our mess was often able to lend a pound of fresh

butter and a dozen eggs to the officers’ mess.

One of the most singular characteristics of my comrades was their

readiness to take offence at any reflection on their veracity or

personal honour, and the most certain provocation of fury was to give

anyone the lie. They could stand the most vulgar horse-play, sarcastic

badinage, and cutting jokes, with good-humour; but, if that unhappy word

escaped one in heat, or playful malice, it acted on their nerves as a

red rag is said to do on a mad bull. The glory of a native Southerner

consists in being reputed brave, truth-telling, and reverent towards

women. On such subjects, no joking was permissible. He who ventured to

cast a doubt upon either was liable to be called upon at an instant to

withdraw it; and, if an angry tone made the doubter writhe, and

indisposed to submit, there was sure to be a scene. To withdraw a word

at an imperious command was to confess oneself inferior in courage to

him who challenged; and, as all prided themselves on being of equal

rank, and similarly endowed with the best qualities of manhood, I never

met one who was morally brave enough to confess his fault and apologise,

unless he was compelled by overwhelming odds.

During that winter I absorbed so many of these ‘chivalrous’ ideas that I

was in a fair way of becoming as great a ‘fire-eater’ as any son of the

South. Had it not been for Newton Story and Armstrong, who knew

intuitively when to interpose their authority, Tomasson’s rudeness,

which flared me up many a time, would, I am sure, have been followed by

deplorable consequences. There was young Dan also; he was often in a

wrangling mood, and by his over-insistent glorifications of Southern

chivalry brought us within a hair’s breadth of triggers.

The tedium of camp-life at Cave City was relieved by outbreaks of this

kind, for, when we were not required to exhibit our courage against the

common foe, the spirit of mischief found it an easy task to influence

our susceptiveness when discussing such dear and near matters as valour,

chastity, honour, and chivalry, the four chiefest virtues of the South.

It is not an easy task to identify myself in the sunken hearth of the

tent at Cave City, talking grandly upon such themes; but several scenes

recur to the mind, and compel me to the humiliating confession that it

_was_ I.

This life did not tend to awaken spiritual thoughts, or religious

observations. When, after a long lapse from piety, I strove to correct

my erring disposition with the aid of prayer, how very faint-hearted I

felt! I shrank from the least allusion to any goody-goodiness

manifested; I became shame-faced if I was accused of being pious; the

Bible was only opened by stealth; and I was as ready to deny that I

prayed, as Peter was to deny Christ. A word or act of my neighbour

became as perilous to my spiritual feelings as a gust of east wind is to

a sufferer from Influenza. Every hour brought its obstacle; but I came,

by degrees, to realise that, just as one must concentrate his reasoning

faculties for the solution of a problem, I must, if I hoped to win in

the great fight, summon every good thought to my assistance, and

resolutely banish all false pride.

But these were not my worst faults. Tomasson’s mad humour was as

infectious as Dan’s dissertations upon Southern chivalry. Indoors he was

jestive, amusing, vulgarly-entertaining; outdoors, he made us all join

him in uproarious laughter. The prank of a mule, the sight of a tall

hat, the apparition of a black coat, a child, a woman, a duel between

two cocks, a culprit undergoing penance, it mattered not what, tickled

his humorous nerve, and instigated him to bawl, and yell, and break out

into explosions of laughter; and whether we laughed at him, or at that

which had caught his fancy, in a second we had joined in the yelling,

the company became smitten with it, then the regiment, and, finally, the

army, was convulsed in idiotic cachinnations. I really blushed at the

follies that people like Tomasson often led us into; but, after all,

these occasional bursts of jolly imbecility were only a way these

free-born natures took to express their animal discontent and mild

melancholy, under the humiliating circumstances of that crude period. It

was really pathetic, after a mild paroxysm of this kind, to hear them

sigh, and turn to each other and ask, ‘Who would sell a farm to become a

soldier?’

From the day when personal decoration was not expected from the private

soldiers, and we learned that endurance was more esteemed than

comeliness, a steady deterioration in our appearance took place. We

allowed weeks to pass by without a bath; our hair was mown, not cut,

making a comb unnecessary; a bottle of water sufficed for ablution, a

pocket-hand-kerchief, or the sleeve of our jacket, served for a towel; a

dab of bacon-fat was all that was needed for our boots; our dingy grey

uniforms required no brushing. Soldiering, as practised in time of war,

was most demoralising in many ways; for the conflict against hunger,

fatigue, cold, and exposure, exhausted the energies and strength of each

individual.

By February, 1862, we had learned the trade of war tolerably well, and

were rich in ‘wrinkles’; for no teacher is so thorough as necessity. We

were no longer harrowed by the scarcity of comforts, and the climate,

with its fickleness and inclemency, we proudly disregarded. Whether it

rained, sleeted, or snowed, or the keen frost bit through to the marrow,

mattered as little to us as it did to the military geniuses who expected

raw soldiers to thrive on this Spartan training. To perfect content with

our lot we could not hope to attain, so long as we retained each our

spiritual individualities, and remembered what we had enjoyed in times

gone-by; but, after a course of due seasoning, the worst ills only

provoked a temporary ill-humour; while our susceptibility to fun so

sweetened our life that there was scarcely anything in our lives but

conduced to a laugh and prompted a jest.

The fall of Forts Henry and Donelson, on the 6th and 16th February,

1862, required our instant evacuation of Cave City and Bowling Green, to

Nashville, lest we should be cut off by the Union advance up the

Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers, behind us. We were therefore obliged to

march through the snow to the rear of Bowling Green, where we were

packed into the cars and speedily taken to Nashville, arriving there on

the 20th February. Thence, after a couple of days, we were marched

towards the South, viâ Murfreesboro, Tullahoma, Athens, and Decatur, a

march of two hundred and fifty miles. At the latter place we took the

cars again, and were transported to Corinth, where we arrived on the

25th March. Here it leaked out that a surprise was intended against our

army, by the conqueror of Donelson, who had landed from the Tennessee

River near Shiloh, some twenty-four miles away from us. Brigades and

regiments were daily arriving, belonging to the divisions of Generals

Clark, Cheatham, Bragg, Withers, and Breckenridge, which were finally

formed into three army corps, under the inspection commands of Polk,

Braxton, Bragg, and Hardee, and were now united under the commands of

Generals Albert Sidney Johnston, and P. G. T. Beauregard.

CHAPTER VIII

SHILOH

On April 2, 1862, we received orders to prepare three days’ cooked

rations. Through some misunderstanding, we did not set out until the

4th; and, on the morning of that day, the 6th Arkansas Regiment of

Hindman’s brigade, Hardee’s corps, marched from Corinth to take part in

one of the bloodiest battles of the West. We left our knapsacks and

tents behind us. After two days of marching, and two nights of

bivouacking and living on cold rations, our spirits were not so buoyant

at dawn of Sunday, the 6th April, as they ought to have been for the

serious task before us. Many wished, like myself, that we had not been

required to undergo this discomfort before being precipitated into the

midst of a great battle.

Military science, with all due respect to our generals, was not at that

time what it is now. Our military leaders were well acquainted with the

science of war, and, in the gross fashion prevailing, paid proper

attention to the commissariat. Every soldier had his lawful allowance of

raw provender dealt out to him; but, as to its uses and effects, no one

seemed to be concerned. Future commanding generals will doubtless remedy

this, and when they meditate staking their cause and reputation on a

battle, they will, like the woodman about to do a good day’s work at

cutting timber, see that their instruments are in the best possible

state for their purpose.

Generals Johnston and Beauregard proposed to hurl into the Tennessee

River an army of nearly 50,000 rested and well-fed troops, by means of

40,000 soldiers, who, for two days, had subsisted on sodden biscuit and

raw bacon, who had been exposed for two nights to rain and dew, and had

marched twenty-three miles! Considering that at least a fourth of our

force were lads under twenty, and that such a strenuous task was before

them, it suggests itself to me that the omission to take the physical

powers of those youths into their calculation had as much to do with

the failure of the project as the obstinate courage of General Grant’s

troops. According to authority, the actual number of the forces about to

be opposed to each other was 39,630 Confederates against 49,232

Federals. Our generals expected the arrival of General Van Dorn, with

20,000 troops, who failed to make their appearance; but, close at hand

to Grant, was General Buell’s force of 20,000, who, opportunely for

Grant, arrived just at the close of the day’s battle.

At four o’clock in the morning, we rose from our damp bivouac, and,

after a hasty refreshment, were formed into line. We stood in rank for

half an hour or so, while the military dispositions were being completed

along the three-mile front. Our brigade formed the centre; Cleburne’s

and Gladden’s brigades were on our respective flanks.

Day broke with every promise of a fine day. Next to me, on my right, was

a boy of seventeen, Henry Parker. I remember it because, while we

stood-at-ease, he drew my attention to some violets at his feet, and

said, ‘It would be a good idea to put a few into my cap. Perhaps the

Yanks won’t shoot me if they see me wearing such flowers, for they are a

sign of peace.’ ‘Capital,’ said I, ‘I will do the same.’ We plucked a

bunch, and arranged the violets in our caps. The men in the ranks

laughed at our proceedings, and had not the enemy been so near, their

merry mood might have been communicated to the army.

We loaded our muskets, and arranged our cartridge-pouches ready for use.

Our weapons were the obsolete flint-locks,[8] and the ammunition was

rolled in cartridge-paper, which contained powder, a round ball, and

three buckshot. When we loaded we had to tear the paper with our teeth,

empty a little powder into the pan, lock it, empty the rest of the

powder into the barrel, press paper and ball into the muzzle, and ram

home. Then the Orderly-sergeant called the roll, and we knew that the

Dixie Greys were present to a man. Soon after, there was a commotion,

and we dressed up smartly. A young Aide galloped along our front, gave

some instructions to the Brigadier Hindman, who confided the same to

his Colonels, and presently we swayed forward in line, with shouldered

arms. Newton Story, big, broad, and straight, bore our company-banner of

gay silk, at which the ladies of our neighbourhood had laboured.

As we tramped solemnly and silently through the thin forest, and over

its grass, still in its withered and wintry hue, I noticed that the sun

was not far from appearing, that our regiment was keeping its formation

admirably, that the woods would have been a grand place for a picnic;

and I thought it strange that a Sunday should have been chosen to

disturb the holy calm of those woods.

Before we had gone five hundred paces, our serenity was disturbed by

some desultory firing in front. It was then a quarter-past five. ‘They

are at it already,’ we whispered to each other. ‘Stand by,

gentlemen,’--for we were all gentlemen volunteers at this time,--said

our Captain, L. G. Smith. Our steps became unconsciously brisker, and

alertness was noticeable in everybody. The firing continued at

intervals, deliberate and scattered, as at target-practice. We drew

nearer to the firing, and soon a sharper rattling of musketry was heard.

‘That is the enemy waking up,’ we said. Within a few minutes, there was

another explosive burst of musketry, the air was pierced by many

missiles, which hummed and pinged sharply by our ears, pattered through

the tree-tops, and brought twigs and leaves down on us. ‘Those are

bullets,’ Henry whispered with awe.

At two hundred yards further, a dreadful roar of musketry broke out from

a regiment adjoining ours. It was followed by another further off, and

the sound had scarcely died away when regiment after regiment blazed

away and made a continuous roll of sound. ‘We are in for it now,’ said

Henry; but as yet we had seen nothing, though our ears were tingling

under the animated volleys.

‘Forward, gentlemen, make ready!’ urged Captain Smith. In response, we

surged forward, for the first time marring the alignment. We trampled

recklessly over the grass and young sprouts. Beams of sunlight stole

athwart our course. The sun was up above the horizon. Just then we came

to a bit of packland, and overtook our skirmishers, who had been

engaged in exploring our front. We passed beyond them. Nothing now stood

between us and the enemy.

‘There they are!’ was no sooner uttered, than we cracked into them with

levelled muskets. ‘Aim low, men!’ commanded Captain Smith. I tried hard

to see some living thing to shoot at, for it appeared absurd to be

blazing away at shadows. But, still advancing, firing as we moved, I, at

last, saw a row of little globes of pearly smoke streaked with crimson,

breaking-out, with spurtive quickness, from a long line of bluey figures

in front; and, simultaneously, there broke upon our ears an appalling

crash of sound, the series of fusillades following one another with

startling suddenness, which suggested to my somewhat moidered sense a

mountain upheaved, with huge rocks tumbling and thundering down a slope,

and the echoes rumbling and receding through space. Again and again,

these loud and quick explosions were repeated, seemingly with increased

violence, until they rose to the highest pitch of fury, and in unbroken

continuity. All the world seemed involved in one tremendous ruin!

This was how the conflict was ushered in--as it affected me. I looked

around to see the effect on others, or whether I was singular in my

emotions, and was glad to notice that each was possessed with his own

thoughts. All were pale, solemn, and absorbed; but, beyond that, it was

impossible for me to discover what they thought of it; but, by

transmission of sympathy, I felt that they would gladly prefer to be

elsewhere, though the law of the inevitable kept them in line to meet

their destiny. It might be mentioned, however, that at no time were we

more instinctively inclined to obey the voice of command. We had no

individuality at this moment, but all motions and thoughts were

surrendered to the unseen influence which directed our movements.

Probably few bothered their minds with self-questionings as to the issue

to themselves. That properly belongs to other moments, to the night, to

the interval between waking and sleeping, to the first moments of the

dawn--not when every nerve is tense, and the spirit is at the highest

pitch of action.

Though one’s senses were preternaturally acute, and engaged with their

impressions, we plied our arms, loaded, and fired, with such nervous

haste as though it depended on each of us how soon this fiendish uproar

would be hushed. My nerves tingled, my pulses beat double-quick, my

heart throbbed loudly, and almost painfully; but, amid all the

excitement, my thoughts, swift as the flash of lightning, took all

sound, and sight, and self, into their purview. I listened to the battle

raging far away on the flanks, to the thunder in front, to the various

sounds made by the leaden storm. I was angry with my rear rank, because

he made my eyes smart with the powder of his musket; and I felt like

cuffing him for deafening my ears! I knew how Captain Smith and

Lieutenant Mason looked, how bravely the Dixie Greys’ banner ruffled

over Newton Story’s head, and that all hands were behaving as though

they knew how long all this would last. Back to myself my thoughts came,

and, with the whirring bullet, they fled to the blue-bloused ranks

afront. They dwelt on their movements, and read their temper, as I

should read time by a clock. Through the lurid haze the contours of

their pink faces could not be seen, but their gappy, hesitating,

incoherent, and sensitive line revealed their mood clearly.

We continued advancing, step by step, loading and firing as we went. To

every forward step, they took a backward move, loading and firing as

they slowly withdrew. Twenty thousand muskets were being fired at this

stage, but, though accuracy of aim was impossible, owing to our

labouring hearts, and the jarring and excitement, many bullets found

their destined billets on both sides.

After a steady exchange of musketry, which lasted some time, we heard

the order: ‘Fix Bayonets! On the double-quick!’ in tones that thrilled

us. There was a simultaneous bound forward, each soul doing his best for

the emergency. The Federals appeared inclined to await us; but, at this

juncture, our men raised a yell, thousands responded to it, and burst

out into the wildest yelling it has ever been my lot to hear. It drove

all sanity and order from among us. It served the double purpose of

relieving pent-up feelings, and transmitting encouragement along the

attacking line. I rejoiced in the shouting like the rest. It reminded me

that there were about four hundred companies like the Dixie Greys, who

shared our feelings. Most of us, engrossed with the musket-work, had

forgotten the fact; but the wave after wave of human voices, louder

than all other battle-sounds together, penetrated to every sense, and

stimulated our energies to the utmost.

‘They fly!’ was echoed from lip to lip. It accelerated our pace, and

filled us with a noble rage. Then I knew what the Berserker passion was!

It deluged us with rapture, and transfigured each Southerner into an

exulting victor. At such a moment, nothing could have halted us.

Those savage yells, and the sight of thousands of racing figures coming

towards them, discomfited the blue-coats; and when we arrived upon the

place where they had stood, they had vanished. Then we caught sight of

their beautiful array of tents, before which they had made their stand,

after being roused from their Sunday-morning sleep, and huddled into

line, at hearing their pickets challenge our skirmishers. The

half-dressed dead and wounded showed what a surprise our attack had

been. We drew up in the enemy’s camp, panting and breathing hard. Some

precious minutes were thus lost in recovering our breaths, indulging our

curiosity, and re-forming our line. Signs of a hasty rouse to the battle

were abundant. Military equipments, uniform-coats, half-packed

knapsacks, bedding, of a new and superior quality, littered the company

streets.

Meantime, a series of other camps lay behind the first array of tents.

The resistance we had met, though comparatively brief, enabled the

brigades in rear of the advance camp to recover from the shock of the

surprise; but our delay had not been long enough to give them time to

form in proper order of battle. There were wide gaps between their

divisions, into which the quick-flowing tide of elated Southerners

entered, and compelled them to fall back lest they should be surrounded.

Prentiss’s brigade, despite their most desperate efforts, were thus

hemmed in on all sides, and were made prisoners.

I had a momentary impression that, with the capture of the first camp,

the battle was well-nigh over; but, in fact, it was only a brief

prologue of the long and exhaustive series of struggles which took place

that day.

Continuing our advance, we came in view of the tops of another mass of

white tents, and, almost at the same time, were met by a furious storm

of bullets, poured on us from a long line of blue-coats, whose attitude

of assurance proved to us that we should have tough work here. But we

were so much heartened by our first success that it would have required

a good deal to have halted our advance for long. Their opportunity for

making a full impression on us came with terrific suddenness. The world

seemed bursting into fragments. Cannon and musket, shell and bullet,

lent their several intensities to the distracting uproar. If I had not a

fraction of an ear, and an eye inclined towards my Captain and Company,

I had been spell-bound by the energies now opposed to us. I likened the

cannon, with their deep bass, to the roaring of a great herd of lions;

the ripping, cracking musketry, to the incessant yapping of terriers;

the windy whisk of shells, and zipping of minie bullets, to the swoop of

eagles, and the buzz of angry wasps. All the opposing armies of Grey and

Blue fiercely blazed at each other.

After being exposed for a few seconds to this fearful downpour, we heard

the order to ‘Lie down, men, and continue your firing!’ Before me was a

prostrate tree, about fifteen inches in diameter, with a narrow strip of

light between it and the ground. Behind this shelter a dozen of us flung

ourselves. The security it appeared to offer restored me to my

individuality. We could fight, and think, and observe, better than out

in the open. But it was a terrible period! How the cannon bellowed, and

their shells plunged and bounded, and flew with screeching hisses over

us! Their sharp rending explosions and hurtling fragments made us shrink

and cower, despite our utmost efforts to be cool and collected. I

marvelled, as I heard the unintermitting patter, snip, thud, and hum of

the bullets, how anyone could live under this raining death. I could

hear the balls beating a merciless tattoo on the outer surface of the

log, pinging vivaciously as they flew off at a tangent from it, and

thudding into something or other, at the rate of a hundred a second.

One, here and there, found its way under the log, and buried itself in a

comrade’s body. One man raised his chest, as if to yawn, and jostled me.

I turned to him, and saw that a bullet had gored his whole face, and

penetrated into his chest. Another ball struck a man a deadly rap on the

head, and he turned on his back and showed his ghastly white face to the

sky.

‘It is getting too warm, boys!’ cried a soldier, and he uttered a

vehement curse upon keeping soldiers hugging the ground until every

ounce of courage was chilled. He lifted his head a little too high, and

a bullet skimmed over the top of the log and hit him fairly in the

centre of his forehead, and he fell heavily on his face. But his thought

had been instantaneously general; and the officers, with one voice,

ordered the charge; and cries of ‘Forward, forward!’ raised us, as with

a spring, to our feet, and changed the complexion of our feelings. The

pulse of action beat feverishly once more; and, though overhead was

crowded with peril, we were unable to give it so much attention as when

we lay stretched on the ground.

Just as we bent our bodies for the onset, a boy’s voice cried out, ‘Oh,

stop, _please_ stop a bit, I have been hurt, and can’t move!’ I turned

to look, and saw Henry Parker, standing on one leg, and dolefully

regarding his smashed foot. In another second, we were striding

impetuously towards the enemy, vigorously plying our muskets, stopping

only to prime the pan and ram the load down, when, with a spring or two,

we would fetch up with the front, aim, and fire.

Our progress was not so continuously rapid as we desired, for the blues

were obdurate; but at this moment we were gladdened at the sight of a

battery galloping to our assistance. It was time for the nerve-shaking

cannon to speak. After two rounds of shell and canister, we felt the

pressure on us slightly relaxed; but we were still somewhat sluggish in

disposition, though the officers’ voices rang out imperiously. Newton

Story at this juncture strode forward rapidly with the Dixies’ banner,

until he was quite sixty yards ahead of the foremost. Finding himself

alone, he halted; and turning to us smilingly, said, ‘Why don’t you come

on, boys?’ You see there is no danger!’ His smile and words acted on us

like magic. We raised the yell, and sprang lightly and hopefully towards

him. ‘Let’s give them hell, boys!’ said one. ‘Plug them plum-centre,

every time!’

It was all very encouraging, for the yelling and shouting were taken up

by thousands. ‘Forward, forward; don’t give them breathing time!’ was

cried. We instinctively obeyed, and soon came in clear view of the

blue-coats, who were scornfully unconcerned at first; but, seeing the

leaping tide of men coming on at a tremendous pace, their front

dissolved, and they fled in double-quick retreat. Again we felt the

‘glorious joy of heroes.’ It carried us on exultantly, rejoicing in the

spirit which recognises nothing but the prey. We were no longer an army

of soldiers, but so many school-boys racing, in which length of legs,

wind, and condition tell.

We gained the second line of camps, continued the rush through them, and

clean beyond. It was now about ten o’clock. My physical powers were

quite exhausted, and, to add to my discomfiture, something struck me on

my belt-clasp, and tumbled me headlong to the ground.

I could not have been many minutes prostrated before I recovered from

the shock of the blow and fall, to find my clasp deeply dented and

cracked. My company was not in sight. I was grateful for the rest, and

crawled feebly to a tree, and plunging my hand into my haversack, ate

ravenously. Within half an hour, feeling renovated, I struck north in

the direction which my regiment had taken, over a ground strewn with

bodies and the débris of war.

The desperate character of this day’s battle was now brought home to my

mind in all its awful reality. While in the tumultuous advance, and

occupied with a myriad of exciting incidents, it was only at brief

intervals that I was conscious of wounds being given and received; but

now, in the trail of pursuers and pursued, the ghastly relics appalled

every sense. I felt curious as to who the fallen Greys were, and moved

to one stretched straight out. It was the body of a stout English

Sergeant of a neighbouring company, the members of which hailed

principally from the Washita Valley. At the crossing of the Arkansas

River this plump, ruddy-faced man had been conspicuous for his

complexion, jovial features, and good-humour, and had been nicknamed

‘John Bull.’ He was now lifeless, and lay with his eyes wide open,

regardless of the scorching sun, and the tempestuous cannonade which

sounded through the forest, and the musketry that crackled incessantly

along the front.

Close by him was a young Lieutenant, who, judging by the new gloss on

his uniform, must have been some father’s darling. A clean bullet-hole

through the centre of his forehead had instantly ended his career. A

little further were some twenty bodies, lying in various postures, each

by its own pool of viscous blood, which emitted a peculiar scent, which

was new to me, but which I have since learned is inseparable from a

battle-field. Beyond these, a still larger group lay, body overlying

body, knees crooked, arms erect, or wide-stretched and rigid, according

as the last spasm overtook them. The company opposed to them must have

shot straight.

Other details of that ghastly trail formed a mass of horrors that will

always be remembered at the mention of Shiloh. I can never forget the

impression those wide-open dead eyes made on me. Each seemed to be

starting out of its socket, with a look similar to the fixed wondering

gaze of an infant, as though the dying had viewed something appalling at

the last moment. ‘Can it be,’ I asked myself, ‘that at the last glance

they saw their own retreating souls, and wondered why their caskets were

left behind, like offal?’ My surprise was that the form we made so much

of, and that nothing was too good for, should now be mutilated, hacked,

and outraged; and that the life, hitherto guarded as a sacred thing, and

protected by the Constitution, Law, Ministers of Justice, Police,

should, of a sudden,--at least, before I can realise it,--be given up to

death!

An object once seen, if it has affected my imagination, remains

indelibly fixed in my memory; and, among many other scenes with which it

is now crowded, I cannot forget that half-mile square of woodland,

lighted brightly by the sun, and littered by the forms of about a

thousand dead and wounded men, and by horses, and military equipments.

It formed a picture that may always be reproduced with an almost

absolute fidelity. For it was the first Field of Glory I had seen in my

May of life, and the first time that Glory sickened me with its

repulsive aspect, and made me suspect it was all a glittering lie. In my

imagination, I saw more than it was my fate to see with my eyes, for,

under a flag of truce, I saw the bearers pick up the dead from the

field, and lay them in long rows beside a wide trench; I saw them laid,

one by one, close together at the bottom,--thankless victims of a

perished cause, and all their individual hopes, pride, honour, names,

buried under oblivious earth.

My thoughts reverted to the time when these festering bodies were

idolized objects of their mothers’ passionate love, their fathers

standing by, half-fearing to touch the fragile little things, and the

wings of civil law out-spread to protect parents and children in their

family loves, their coming and going followed with pride and praise, and

the blessing of the Almighty over-shadowing all. Then, as they were

nearing manhood, through some strange warp of Society, men in authority

summoned them from school and shop, field and farm, to meet in the woods

on a Sunday morning for mutual butchery with the deadliest instruments

yet invented, Civil Law, Religion, and Morality complaisantly standing

aside, while 90,000 young men, who had been preached and moralized to,

for years, were let loose to engage in the carnival of slaughter.

Only yesterday, they professed to shudder at the word ‘Murder.’ To-day,

by a strange twist in human nature, they lusted to kill, and were

hounded on in the work of destruction by their pastors, elders, mothers,

and sisters. Oh, for once, I was beginning to know the real truth! Man

was born for slaughter! All the pains taken to soothe his savage heart

were unavailing! Holy words and heavenly hopes had no lasting effect on

his bestial nature, for, when once provoked, how swiftly he flung aside

the sweet hope of Heaven, and the dread of Hell, with which he amused

himself in time of ease!

As I moved, horror-stricken, through the fearful shambles, where the

dead lay as thick as the sleepers in a London park on a Bank Holiday, I

was unable to resist the belief that my education had been in abstract

things, which had no relation to our animal existence. For, if human

life is so disparaged, what has it to do with such high subjects as God,

Heaven, and Immortality? And to think how devotional men and women

pretended to be, on a Sunday! Oh, cunning, cruel man! He knew that the

sum of all real knowledge and effort was to know how to kill and mangle

his brothers, as we were doing to-day! Reflecting on my own emotions, I

wondered if other youths would feel that they had been deluded like

myself with man’s fine polemics and names of things, which vanished with

the reality.

A multitude of angry thoughts surged through me, which I cannot

describe in detail, but they amounted to this, that a cruel deception

had been practised on my blank ignorance, that my atom of imagination

and feeling had been darkened, and that man was a portentous creature

from which I recoiled with terror and pity. He was certainly terrible

and hard, but he was no more to me now than a two-legged beast; he was

cunning beyond finding out, but his morality was only a mask for his

wolfish heart! Thus, scoffing and railing at my infatuation for moral

excellence as practised by humanity, I sought to join my company and

regiment.

The battle-field maintained the same character of undulated woodland,

being, in general, low ridges separated by broad depressions, which sunk

occasionally into ravines of respectable depth. At various places, wide

clearings had been made; and I came across a damp bottom or two covered

with shrubs. For a defensive force there were several positions that

were admirable as rallying-points, and it is perhaps owing to these, and

the undoubted courage exhibited by the Federal troops, that the battle

was so protracted. Though our attack had been a surprise, it was certain

that they fought as though they were resolved to deny it; and, as the

ground to be won from the enemy was nearly five miles in depth, and

every half mile or so they stood and obstinately contested it, all the

honours of the day were not to be with us.

I overtook my regiment about one o’clock, and found that it was engaged

in one of these occasional spurts of fury. The enemy resolutely

maintained their ground, and our side was preparing for another assault.

The firing was alternately brisk and slack. We lay down, and availed

ourselves of trees, logs, and hollows, and annoyed their upstanding

ranks; battery pounded battery, and, meanwhile, we hugged our

resting-places closely. Of a sudden, we rose and raced towards the

position, and took it by sheer weight and impetuosity, as we had done

before. About three o’clock, the battle grew very hot. The enemy

appeared to be more concentrated, and immovably sullen. Both sides fired

better as they grew more accustomed to the din; but, with assistance

from the reserves, we were continually pressing them towards the river

Tennessee, without ever retreating an inch.

About this time, the enemy were assisted by the gun-boats, which hurled

their enormous projectiles far beyond us; but, though they made great

havoc among the trees, and created terror, they did comparatively little

damage to those in close touch with the enemy.

The screaming of the big shells, when they first began to sail over our

heads, had the effect of reducing our fire; for they were as fascinating

as they were distracting. But we became used to them, and our attention

was being claimed more in front. Our officers were more urgent; and,

when we saw the growing dyke of white cloud that signalled the

bullet-storm, we could not be indifferent to the more immediate danger.

Dead bodies, wounded men writhing in agony, and assuming every

distressful attitude, were frequent sights; but what made us heart-sick

was to see, now and then, the well-groomed charger of an officer, with

fine saddle, and scarlet and yellow-edged cloth, and brass-tipped

holsters, or a stray cavalry or artillery horse, galloping between the

lines, snorting with terror, while his entrails, soiled with dust,

trailed behind him.

Our officers had continued to show the same alertness and vigour

throughout the day; but, as it drew near four o’clock, though they

strove to encourage and urge us on, they began to abate somewhat in

their energy; and it was evident that the pluckiest of the men lacked

the spontaneity and springing ardour which had distinguished them

earlier in the day. Several of our company lagged wearily behind, and

the remainder showed, by their drawn faces, the effects of their

efforts. Yet, after a short rest, they were able to make splendid

spurts. As for myself, I had only one wish, and that was for repose. The

long-continued excitement, the successive tautening and relaxing of the

nerves, the quenchless thirst, made more intense by the fumes of

sulphurous powder, and the caking grime on the lips, caused by tearing

the paper cartridges, and a ravening hunger, all combined, had reduced

me to a walking automaton, and I earnestly wished that night would come,

and stop all further effort.

Finally, about five o’clock, we assaulted and captured a large camp;

after driving the enemy well away from it, the front line was as thin as

that of a skirmishing body, and we were ordered to retire to the tents.

There we hungrily sought after provisions, and I was lucky in finding a

supply of biscuits and a canteen of excellent molasses, which gave

great comfort to myself and friends. The plunder in the camp was

abundant. There were bedding, clothing, and accoutrements without stint;

but people were so exhausted they could do no more than idly turn the

things over. Night soon fell, and only a few stray shots could now be

heard, to remind us of the thrilling and horrid din of the day,

excepting the huge bombs from the gun-boats, which, as we were not far

from the blue-coats, discomforted only those in the rear. By eight

o’clock, I was repeating my experiences in the region of dreams,

indifferent to columbiads and mortars, and the torrential rain which, at

midnight, increased the miseries of the wounded and tentless.

An hour before dawn, I awoke from a refreshing sleep; and, after a

hearty replenishment of my vitals with biscuit and molasses, I conceived

myself to be fresher than on Sunday morning. While awaiting day-break, I

gathered from other early risers their ideas in regard to the events of

yesterday. They were under the impression that we had gained a great

victory, though we had not, as we had anticipated, reached the Tennessee

River. Van Dorn, with his expected reinforcements for us, was not likely

to make his appearance for many days yet; and, if General Buell, with

his 20,000 troops, had joined the enemy during the night, we had a bad

day’s work before us. We were short of provisions and ammunition,

General Sidney Johnston, our chief Commander, had been killed; but

Beauregard was safe and unhurt, and, if Buell was absent, we would win

the day.

At daylight, I fell in with my Company, but there were only about fifty

of the Dixies present. Almost immediately after, symptoms of the coming

battle were manifest. Regiments were hurried into line, but, even to my

inexperienced eyes, the troops were in ill-condition for repeating the

efforts of Sunday. However, in brief time, in consequence of our pickets

being driven in on us, we were moved forward in skirmishing order. With

my musket on the trail I found myself in active motion, more active than

otherwise I would have been, perhaps, because Captain Smith had said,

‘Now, Mr. Stanley, if you please, step briskly forward!’ This

singling-out of me wounded my _amour-propre_, and sent me forward like a

rocket. In a short time, we met our opponents in the same formation as

ourselves, and advancing most resolutely. We threw ourselves behind such

trees as were near us, fired, loaded, and darted forward to another

shelter. Presently, I found myself in an open, grassy space, with no

convenient tree or stump near; but, seeing a shallow hollow some twenty

paces ahead, I made a dash for it, and plied my musket with haste. I

became so absorbed with some blue figures in front of me, that I did not

pay sufficient heed to my companion greys; the open space was too

dangerous, perhaps, for their advance; for, had they emerged, I should

have known they were pressing forward. Seeing my blues in about the same

proportion, I assumed that the greys were keeping their position, and

never once thought of retreat. However, as, despite our firing, the

blues were coming uncomfortably near, I rose from my hollow; but, to my

speechless amazement, I found myself a solitary grey, in a line of blue

skirmishers! My companions had retreated! The next I heard was, ‘Down

with that gun, Secesh, or I’ll drill a hole through you! Drop it,

quick!’

Half a dozen of the enemy were covering me at the same instant, and I

dropped my weapon, incontinently. Two men sprang at my collar, and

marched me, unresisting, into the ranks of the terrible Yankees. _I was

a prisoner!_

When the senses have been concentrated upon a specific object with the

intensity which a battle compels, and are forcibly and suddenly veered

about by another will, the immediate result is, at first, stupefying.

Before my consciousness had returned to me, I was being propelled

vigorously from behind, and I was in view of a long, swaying line of

soldiers, who were marching to meet us with all the precision of drill,

and with such a close front that a rabbit would have found it difficult

to break through. This sight restored me to all my faculties, and I

remembered I was a Confederate, in misfortune, and that it behoved me to

have some regard for my Uniform. I heard bursts of vituperation from

several hoarse throats, which straightened my back and made me defiant.

‘Where are you taking that fellow to? Drive a bayonet into the ---- ----!

Let him drop where he is!’ they cried by the dozen, with a German

accent. They grew more excited as we drew nearer, and more men joined in

the opprobrious chorus. Then a few dashed from the ranks, with levelled

bayonets, to execute what appeared to be the general wish.

I looked into their faces, deformed with fear and fury, and I felt

intolerable loathing for the wild-eyed brutes! Their eyes, projected and

distended, appeared like spots of pale blue ink, in faces of dough!

Reason had fled altogether from their features, and, to appeal for mercy

to such blind, ferocious animalism would have been the height of

absurdity, but I was absolutely indifferent as to what they might do

with me now. Could I have multiplied myself into a thousand, such

unintellectual-looking louts might have been brushed out of existence

with ease--despite their numbers. They were apparently new troops, from

such back-lands as were favoured by German immigrants; and, though of

sturdy build, another such mass of savagery and stupidity could not have

been found within the four corners of North America. How I wished I

could return to the Confederates, and tell them what kind of people were

opposing them!

Before their bayonets reached me, my two guards, who were ruddy-faced

Ohioans, flung themselves before me, and, presenting their rifles,

cried, ‘Here! stop that, you fellows! He is our prisoner!’ A couple of

officers were almost as quick as they, and flourished their swords; and,

amid an expenditure of profanity, drove them quickly back into their

ranks, cursing and blackguarding me in a manner truly American. A

company opened its lines as we passed to the rear. Once through, I was

comparatively safe from the Union troops, but not from the Confederate

missiles, which were dropping about, and striking men, right and left.

Quickening our pace, we soon were beyond danger from my friends; after

which, I looked about with interest at the forces that were marching to

retrieve their shame of yesterday. The troops we saw belonged to Buell,

who had crossed the Tennessee, and was now joined by Grant. They

presented a brave, even imposing, sight; and, in their new uniforms,

with glossy knapsacks, rubbers undimmed, brasses resplendent, they

approached nearer to my idea of soldiers than our dingy grey troops.

Much of this fine show and seeming steadiness was due to their newer

equipments, and, as yet, unshaken nerves; but, though their movements

were firm, they were languid, and lacked the élan, the bold confidence,

of the Southerners. Given twenty-four hours’ rest, and the enjoyment of

cooked rations, I felt that the Confederates would have crumpled up the

handsome Unionists within a brief time.

Though my eyes had abundant matter of interest within their range, my

mind continually harked back to the miserable hollow which had disgraced

me, and I kept wondering how it was that my fellow-skirmishers had so

quickly disappeared. I was inclined to blame Captain Smith for urging me

on, when, within a few minutes after, he must have withdrawn his men.

But it was useless to trouble my mind with conjectures. I was a

prisoner! Shameful position! What would become of my knapsack, and my

little treasures,--letters, and souvenirs of my father? They were lost

beyond recovery!

On the way, my guards and I had a discussion about our respective

causes, and, though I could not admit it, there was much reason in what

they said, and I marvelled that they could put their case so well. For,

until now, I was under the impression that they were robbers who only

sought to desolate the South, and steal the slaves; but, according to

them, had we not been so impatient and flown to arms, the influence of

Abe Lincoln and his fellow-abolitionists would not have affected the

Southerners pecuniarily; for it might have been possible for Congress to

compensate slave-owners, that is, by buying up all slaves, and

afterwards setting them free. But when the Southerners, who were not

averse to selling their slaves in the open market, refused to consider

anything relating to them, and began to seize upon government property,

forts, arsenals, and war-ships, and to set about establishing a separate

system in the country, then the North resolved that this should not be,

and that was the true reason of the war. The Northern people cared

nothing for the ‘niggers,’--the slavery question could have been settled

in another and quieter way,--but they cared all their lives were worth

for their country.

At the river-side there was tremendous activity. There were seven or

eight steamers tied to the bank, discharging troops and stores. The

commissariat stores and forage lay in mountainous heaps. In one place on

the slope was a corral of prisoners, about four hundred and fifty in

number, who had been captured the day before. I was delivered to the

charge of the officer in command of the guards, and, in a few minutes,

was left to my own reflections amid the unfortunates.

The loss of the Union troops in the two days’ fight was 1754 killed,

8408 wounded, and 2885 captured; total, 13,047. That of the Confederates

was 1728 killed, 8012 wounded, and 959 missing; total, 10,699.

The loss of Hindman’s Brigade was 109 killed, 546 wounded, 38 missing;

total, 693,--about a fifth of the number that went, on the Sunday

morning, into action.

Referring to these totals, 1754 + 1728 = 3482, killed, General Grant,

however, says, in his article on Shiloh: ‘This estimate of the

Confederate loss must be incorrect. We buried, by actual count, more of

the enemy’s dead in front of the divisions of McClernand and Sherman

alone than here reported; and 4000 was the estimate of the burial

parties for the whole field.’[9]

Nine days after the battle of Shiloh, a conscript law was passed by the

Confederate Congress which annulled all previous contracts made with

volunteers, and all men between eighteen and thirty-five were to be

soldiers during the continuance of the war. General T. C. Hindman, our

brigade commander, was appointed, fifty days after Shiloh, commanding

general of Arkansas, and enforced the conscript law remorselessly. He

collected an army of 20,000 under this law, and such as deserted were

shot by scores, until he made himself odious to all by his ruthlessness,

violence, and tyranny.

While at Atlanta, Georgia, in March, 1891, I received the following

letter (which is copied verbatim) from ‘old Slate,’ as we used to call

him, owing to a certain quaint, old-mannish humour which characterised

him.

* * * * *

BLUE RIDGE, GA.

March 28th, 1891.

DEAR SIR,--I am anxious to know if you enlisted in Company E., Dixie

Greys, 6th Arkansas Regiment, Col. Lyon commanding, Lieut.-Col.

Hawthorn, Capt. Smith commanding Dixie Greys, Co. E. Col. Lyons was

accidently killed on the Tennessee River, by riding off Bluff and horse

falling on him.

On the 6th April, 1862, the Confederates attacked the Yankees at Shiloh.

Early in the morning I was wounded, and I never saw our boyish-looking

Stanley no more, but understood he was captured, and sent North. I have

read everything in newspapers, and your Histories, believing you are the

same Great Boy. We all loved you, and regretted the results of that

eventful day. This is enough for you to say, in reply, that you are the

identical Boyish Soldier. You have wrote many letters for me. Please

answer by return mail.

Very truly yours,

JAMES M. SLATE.

Address:

J. M. SLATE, BLUE RIDGE.

CHAPTER IX

PRISONER OF WAR

On the 8th of April we were embarked on a steamer, and despatched to St.

Louis. We were a sad lot of men. I feel convinced that most of them

felt, with myself, that we were ill-starred wretches, and special

objects of an unkind Fate. We made no advances to acquaintanceship, for

what was the value of any beggarly individual amongst us? All he

possessed in the world was a thin, dingy suit of grey, and every man’s

thoughts were of his own misfortune, which was as much as he could bear,

without being bothered with that of another.

On the third day, I think, we reached St. Louis, and were marched

through the streets, in column of fours, to a Ladies’ College, or some

such building. On the way, we were not a little consoled to find that we

had sympathisers, especially among the ladies, in the city. They crowded

the sidewalks, and smiled kindly, and sometimes cheered, and waved

dainty white handkerchiefs at us. How beautiful and clean they appeared,

as compared with our filthy selves! While at the college, they besieged

the building, and threw fruit and cakes at the struggling crowds in the

windows, and in many ways assisted to lighten the gloom on our spirits.

Four days later, we were embarked on railroad cars, and taken across the

State of Illinois to Camp Douglas, on the outskirts of Chicago. Our

prison-pen was a square and spacious enclosure, like a bleak

cattle-yard, walled high with planking, on the top of which, at every

sixty yards or so, were sentry-boxes. About fifty feet from its base,

and running parallel with it, was a line of lime-wash. That was the

‘dead-line’ and any prisoner who crossed it was liable to be shot.

One end of the enclosure contained the offices of the authorities.

Colonel James A. Milligan, one of the Irish Brigade (killed at

Winchester, July 24th, 1864) commanded the camp. Mr. Shipman, a citizen

of Chicago, acted as chief commissary. At the other end, at quite three

hundred yards distance, were the buildings allotted to the prisoners,

huge, barn-like structures of planking, each about two hundred and fifty

feet by forty, and capable of accommodating between two hundred and

three hundred men. There may have been about twenty of these structures,

about thirty feet apart, and standing in two rows; and I estimated that

there were enough prisoners within it to have formed a strong

brigade--say about three thousand men--when we arrived. I remember, by

the regimental badges which they wore on their caps and hats, that they

belonged to the three arms of the service, and that almost every

Southern State was represented. They were clad in home-made butternut

and grey.

To whatever it was due, the appearance of the prisoners startled me. The

Southerners’ uniforms were never pretty, but when rotten, and ragged,

and swarming with vermin, they heightened the disreputability of their

wearers; and, if anything was needed to increase our dejection after

taking sweeping glances at the arid mud-soil of the great yard, the

butternut and grey clothes, the sight of ash-coloured faces, and of the

sickly and emaciated condition of our unhappy friends, were well

calculated to do so.

We were led to one of the great wooden barns, where we found a six-foot

wide platform on each side, raised about four feet above the flooring.

These platforms formed continuous bunks for about sixty men, allowing

thirty inches to each man. On the floor, two more rows of men could be

accommodated. Several bales of hay were brought, out of which we helped

ourselves for bedding. Blankets were also distributed, one to each man.

I, fortunately, found a berth on the right-hand platform, not far from

the doorway, and my mate was a young sprig of Mississippi nobility named

W. H. Wilkes (a nephew of Admiral C. Wilkes, U. S. Navy, the navigator,

and captor of Mason and Slidell, Confederate Commissioners).

Mr. Shipman soon after visited us, and, after inspection, suggested that

we should form ourselves into companies, and elect officers for drawing

rations and superintending of quarters. I was elected captain of the

right-hand platform and berths below it. Blank books were served out to

each captain, and I took the names of my company, which numbered over

one hundred. By showing my book at the commissariat, and bringing a

detail with me, rations of soft bread, fresh beef, coffee, tea,

potatoes, and salt, were handed to me by the gross, which I had

afterwards to distribute to the chiefs of messes.

On the next day (April 16th), after the morning duties had been

performed, the rations divided, the cooks had departed contented, and

the quarters swept, I proceeded to my nest and reclined alongside of my

friend Wilkes, in a posture that gave me a command of one-half of the

building. I made some remarks to him upon the card-playing groups

opposite, when, suddenly, I felt a gentle stroke on the back of my neck,

and, in an instant, I was unconscious. The next moment I had a vivid

view of the village of Tremeirchion, and the grassy slopes of the hills

of Hiraddog, and I seemed to be hovering over the rook woods of

Brynbella. I glided to the bedchamber of my Aunt Mary. My aunt was in

bed, and seemed sick unto death. I took a position by the side of the

bed, and saw myself, with head bent down, listening to her parting

words, which sounded regretful, as though conscience smote her for not

having been so kind as she might have been, or had wished to be. I heard

the boy say, ‘I believe you, aunt. It is neither your fault, nor mine.

You were good and kind to me, and I knew you wished to be kinder; but

things were so ordered that you had to be what you were. I also dearly

wished to love you, but I was afraid to speak of it, lest you would

check me, or say something that would offend me. I feel our parting was

in this spirit. There is no need of regrets. You have done your duty to

me, and you had children of your own, who required all your care. What

has happened to me since, was decreed should happen. Farewell.’

I put forth my hand and felt the clasp of the long, thin hands of the

sore-sick woman, I heard a murmur of farewell, and immediately I woke.

It appeared to me that I had but closed my eyes. I was still in the same

reclining attitude, the groups opposite were still engaged in their card

games, Wilkes was in the same position. Nothing had changed.

I asked, ‘What _has_ happened?’

‘What could happen?’ said he. ‘What makes you ask? It is but a moment

ago you were speaking to me.’

‘Oh, I thought I had been asleep a long time.’

On the next day, the 17th April, 1862, my Aunt Mary died at Fynnon

Beuno!

I believe that the soul of every human being has its attendant

spirit,--a nimble and delicate essence, whose method of action is by a

subtle suggestion which it contrives to insinuate into the mind, whether

asleep or awake. We are too gross to be capable of understanding the

signification of the dream, the vision, or the sudden presage, or of

divining the source of the premonition, or its purport. We admit that we

are liable to receive a fleeting picture of an act, or a figure, at any

moment; but, except being struck by certain strange coincidences which

happen to most of us, we seldom make an effort to unravel the mystery.

The swift, darting messenger stamps an image on the mind, and displays a

vision to the sleeper; and if, as sometimes follows, among tricks and

twists of an errant mind, or reflex acts of the memory, it happens to be

a true representation of what is to happen, or has happened, thousands

of miles away, we are left to grope hopelessly as to the manner and

meaning of it, for there is nothing tangible to lay hold of.

There are many things relating to my existence which are inexplicable to

me, and probably it is best so; this death-bed scene, projected on my

mind’s screen, across four thousand five hundred miles of space, is one

of these mysteries.

After Wilkes and I had thoroughly acquainted ourselves with all the evil

and the good to be found at Camp Douglas, neither of us saw any reason

at first why we could not wait with patience for the exchange of

prisoners. But, as time passed, we found it to be a dreary task to

endure the unchanging variety of misery surrounding us. I was often

tempted with an impulse to challenge a malignant sentry’s bullet, by

crossing that ghastly ‘dead-line,’ which I saw every day I came out. A

more unlovely sight than a sick Secessionist, in a bilious butternut, it

is scarcely possible to conceive. Though he had been naked and soiled by

his own filth, there would still have remained some elements of

attractiveness in him; but that dirty, ill-made, nut-coloured homespun

aggravated every sense, and made the poor, sickly wretch unutterably

ugly.

In our treatment, I think there was a purpose. If so, it may have been

from a belief that we should the sooner recover our senses by

experiencing as much misery, pain, privation, and sorrow as could be

contained within a prison; and, therefore, the authorities rigidly

excluded every medical, pious, musical, or literary charity that might

have alleviated our sufferings. It was a barbarous age, it is true; but

there were sufficient Christian families in Chicago, who, I am

convinced, only needed a suggestion, to have formed societies for the

relief of the prisoners. And what an opportunity there was for such, to

strengthen piety, to promote cheerfulness, soothe political ferocity,

and subdue the brutal and vicious passions which possessed those

thousands of unhappy youths immured within the horrible pen!

Left to ourselves, with absolutely nothing to do but to brood over our

positions, bewail our lots, catch the taint of disease from each other,

and passively abide in our prison-pen, we were soon in a fair state of

rotting, while yet alive. The reaction from the excitement of the

battle-field, and the cheerful presence of exulting thousands, was

suspended for a few days by travel up the Mississippi, the generosity of

lady-sympathisers in St. Louis, and the trip across Illinois; but, after

a few days, it set in strong upon us, when once within the bleak camp at

Chicago. Everything we saw and touched added its pernicious

influence--the melancholy faces of those who were already wearied with

their confinement, the numbers of the sick, the premature agedness of

the emaciated, the distressing degeneration of manhood, the plaints of

suffering wretches, the increasing bodily discomfort from

ever-multiplying vermin, which infested every square inch.

Within a week, our new draft commenced to succumb under the maleficent

influences of our surroundings. Our buildings swarmed with vermin, the

dust-sweepings were alive with them. The men began to suffer from

bilious disorders; dysentery and typhus began to rage. Day after day my

company steadily diminished; and every morning I had to see them carried

in their blankets to the hospital, whence none ever returned. Those not

yet delirious, or too weak to move unaided, we kept with us; but the

dysentery--however they contracted it--was of a peculiarly epidemical

character, and its victims were perpetually passing us, trembling with

weakness, or writhing with pain, exasperating our senses to such a

degree that only the strong-minded could forego some expression of their

disgust.

The latrines were all at the rear of our plank barracks, and each time

imperious nature compelled us to resort to them, we lost a little of

that respect and consideration we owed our fellow-creatures. For, on the

way thither, we saw crowds of sick men, who had fallen, prostrate from

weakness, and given themselves wholly to despair; and, while they

crawled or wallowed in their filth, they cursed and blasphemed as often

as they groaned. In the edge of the gaping ditches, which provoked the

gorge to look at, there were many of the sick people, who, unable to

leave, rested there for hours, and made their condition hopeless by

breathing the stenchful atmosphere. Exhumed corpses could not have

presented anything more hideous than dozens of these dead-and-alive men,

who, oblivious to the weather, hung over the latrines, or lay extended

along the open sewer, with only a few gasps intervening between them and

death. Such as were not too far gone prayed for death, saying, ‘Good

God, let me die! Let me go, O Lord!’ and one insanely damned his vitals

and his constitution, because his agonies were so protracted. No

self-respecting being could return from their vicinity without feeling

bewildered by the infinite suffering, his existence degraded, and

religion and sentiment blasted.

Yet, indoors, what did we see? Over two hundred unwashed, unkempt,

uncombed men, in the dismalest attitudes, occupied in relieving

themselves from hosts of vermin, or sunk in gloomy introspection,

staring blankly, with heads between their knees, at nothing; weighed

down by a surfeit of misery, internal pains furrowing their faces,

breathing in a fine cloud of human scurf, and dust of offensive hay,

dead to everything but the flitting fancies of the hopeless!

One intelligent and humane supervisor would have wrought wonders at this

period with us, and arrested that swift demoralization with which we

were threatened. None of us were conspicuously wise out of our own

sphere; and of sanitary laws we were all probably as ignorant as of the

etiology of sclerosis of the nerve-centres. In our colossal ignorance,

we were perhaps doing something half-a-dozen times a day, as dangerous

as eating poison, and constantly swallowing a few of the bacilli of

typhus. Even had we possessed the necessary science at our finger-tips,

we could not have done much, unaided by the authorities; but when the

authorities were as ignorant as ourselves,--I cannot believe their

neglect of us was intentional,--we were simply doomed!

Every morning, the wagons came to the hospital and dead-house, to take

away the bodies; and I saw the corpses rolled in their blankets, taken

to the vehicles, and piled one upon another, as the New Zealand

frozen-mutton carcases are carted from the docks!

The statistics of Andersonville are believed to show that the South was

even more callous towards their prisoners than the authorities of Camp

Douglas were. I admit that we were better fed than the Union prisoners

were, and against Colonel Milligan and Mr. Shipman I have not a single

accusation to make. It was the age that was brutally senseless, and

heedlessly cruel. It was lavish and wasteful of life, and had not the

least idea of what civilised warfare ought to be, except in strategy. It

was at the end of the flint-lock age, a stupid and heartless age, which

believed that the application of every variety of torture was better for

discipline than kindness, and was guilty, during the war, of enormities

that would tax the most saintly to forgive.

Just as the thirties were stupider and crueller than the fifties, and

the fifties were more bloody than the seventies, in the mercantile

marine service, so a war in the nineties will be much more civilized

than the Civil War of the sixties. Those who have survived that war, and

have seen brotherly love re-established, and reconciliation completed,

when they think of Andersonville, Libby, Camp Douglas, and other

prisons, and of the blood shed in 2261 battles and skirmishes, must in

this present peaceful year needs think that a moral epidemic raged, to

have made them so intensely hate then what they profess to love now.

Though a democratic government like the American will always be more

despotic and arbitrary than that of a constitutional monarchy, even its

army will have its Red Cross societies, and Prisoners’ Aid Society; and

the sights we saw at Camp Douglas will never be seen in America again.

Were Colonel Milligan living now, he would admit that a better system of

latrines, a ration of soap, some travelling arrangements for lavatories,

a commissioned superintendent over each barrack, a brass band, the loan

of a few second-hand books, magazines, and the best-class newspapers

(with all war-news cut out), would have been the salvation of two-thirds

of those who died at Camp Douglas; and, by showing how superior the

United States Government was to the Confederate States, would have sent

the exchanged prisoners back to their homes in a spirit more reconciled

than they were. Those in authority to-day also know that, though when in

battle it is necessary to fight with all the venom of fiends for

victory, once the rifle is laid down, and a man becomes a prisoner, a

gracious treatment is more efficacious than the most revolting cruelty.

Still, the civilized world is densely ignorant. It has improved

immensely in thirty years, but from what I have seen in my travels in

many lands, it is less disposed to be kind to man than to any other

creatures; and yet, none of all God’s creatures is more sadly in need of

protection than he!

The only official connected with Camp Douglas whom I remember with

pleasure is Mr. Shipman, the commissary. He was gentlemanly and

white-haired, which, added to his unvarying benevolence and politeness,

caused him to be regarded by me as something of an agreeable wonder in

that pestful yard. After some two days’ acquaintance, while drawing the

rations, he sounded me as to my intentions. I scarcely comprehended him

at the outset, for Camp Douglas was not a place to foster intentions. He

explained that, if I were tired of being a prisoner, I could be released

by enrolling myself as a Unionist, that is, becoming a Union soldier. My

eyes opened very wide at this, and I shook my head, and said, ‘Oh, no, I

could not do that.’ Nothing could have been more unlikely; I had not

even dreamed that such an act was possible.

A few days later, I said to Mr. Shipman, ‘They have taken two

wagon-loads of dead men away this morning.’ He gave a sympathetic shrug,

as if to say, ‘It was all very sad, but what can we do?’ He then held

forth upon the superiority of the North, the certainty of defeat for the

South, the pity it was to see young men throw their lives away for such

a cause as slavery, and so on; in short, all that a genuinely kind man,

but fervidly Northern, could say. His love embraced Northerners and

Southerners alike, for he saw no distinction between them, except that

the younger brother had risen to smite the elder, and must be punished

until he repented.

But it was useless to try and influence me by political reasons. In the

first place, I was too ignorant in politics, and too slow of

comprehension, to follow his reasonings; in the second place, every

American friend of mine was a Southerner, and my adopted father was a

Southerner, and I was blind through my gratitude; and, in the third

place, I had a secret scorn for people who could kill one another for

the sake of African slaves. There were no blackies in Wales, and why a

sooty-faced nigger from a distant land should be an element of

disturbance between white brothers, was a puzzle to me. I should have to

read a great deal about him, ascertain his wrongs and his rights, and

wherein his enslavement was unjust and his liberty was desirable, before

I could venture upon giving an opinion adverse to 20,000,000

Southerners. As I had seen him in the South, he was a half-savage, who

had been exported by his own countrymen, and sold in open market,

agreeable to time-honoured custom. Had the Southerners invaded Africa

and made captives of the blacks, I might have seen some justice in

decent and pious people exclaiming against the barbarity. But, so far as

I knew of the matter, it was only the accident of a presidential

election which had involved the North and South in a civil war, and I

could not take it upon me to do anything more than stand by my friends.

But, in the course of six weeks, more powerful influences than Mr.

Shipman’s gentle reasoning were undermining my resolve to remain as a

prisoner. These were the increase in sickness, the horrors of the

prison, the oily atmosphere, the ignominious cartage of the dead, the

useless flight of time, the fear of being incarcerated for years, which

so affected my spirits that I felt a few more days of these scenes would

drive me mad. Finally, I was persuaded to accept with several other

prisoners the terms of release, and enrolled myself in the U. S.

Artillery Service, and, on the 4th June, was once more free to inhale

the fresh air.

But, after two or three days’ service, the germs of the prison-disease,

which had swept so many scores of fine young fellows to untimely graves,

broke out with virulence in my system. I disguised my complaint as much

as was possible, for, having been a prisoner, I felt myself liable to be

suspected; but, on the day of our arrival at Harper’s Ferry, dysentery

and low fever laid me prostrate. I was conveyed to the hospital, and

remained there until the 22nd June, when I was discharged out of the

service, a wreck.

My condition at this time was as low as it would be possible to reduce a

human being to, outside of an American prison. I had not a penny in my

pocket; a pair of blue military trousers clothed my nethers, a dark

serge coat covered my back, and a mongrel hat my head. I knew not where

to go: the seeds of disease were still in me, and I could not walk three

hundred yards without stopping to gasp for breath. As, like a log, I lay

at night under the stars, heated by fever, and bleeding internally, I

thought I ought to die, according to what I had seen of those who

yielded to death. As my strength departed, death advanced; and there was

no power or wish to resist left in me. But with each dawn there would

come a tiny bit of hope, which made me forget all about death, and think

only of food, and of the necessity of finding a shelter. Hagerstown is

but twenty-four miles from Harper’s Ferry; but it took me a week to

reach a farm-house not quite half-way. I begged permission to occupy an

out-house, which may have been used to store corn, and the farmer

consented. My lips were scaled with the fever, eyes swimming, face

flushed red, under the layer of a week’s dirt--the wretchedest object

alive, possibly, as I felt I was, by the manner the good fellow tried to

hide his disgust. What of it? He spread some hay in the out-house, and I

dropped on it without the smallest wish to leave again. It was several

days before I woke to consciousness, to find a mattress under me, and

different clothes on me. I had a clean cotton shirt, and my face and

hands were without a stain. A man named Humphreys was attending to me,

and he was the deputy of the farmer in his absence. By dint of

assiduous kindness, and a diet of milk, I gained strength slowly, until

I was able to sit in the orchard, when, with open air, exercise, and

more generous food, I rapidly mended. In the early part of July, I was

able to assist in the last part of the harvest, and to join in the

harvest supper.

The farm-house where my Good Samaritan lived is situated close to the

Hagerstown pike--a few miles beyond Sharpsburg. My friend’s name is one

of the few that has escaped my memory. I stayed with him until the

middle of August, well-fed and cared for, and when I left him he

insisted on driving me to Hagerstown, and paying my railway fare to

Baltimore, viâ Harrisburg.[10]

PART II

THE LIFE, FROM STANLEY’S JOURNALS, NOTES, ETC.

CHAPTER X

JOURNALISM

Up to this point Stanley has told his own story. The chapter which

follows is almost wholly a weaving together of material which he left.

That material consists, first, of an occasional and very brief diary,

which he kept from 1862; then, at irregular intervals through many

years, entries in a fuller journal, and occasional comments and

retrospects in his note-books, during the last peaceful years of life.

He was discharged from Harper’s Ferry, June 22, 1862. Then he seems to

have turned his hand to one resource and another, to support himself; we

find him ‘harvesting in Maryland,’ and, later, on an oyster-schooner,

getting upon his feet, and out of the whirlpool of war into which he had

naturally been drawn by mere propinquity, so to speak; now his heart

turned with longing to his own kin, and the belated affection which he

trusted he might find.

* * * * *

November, 1862. I arrived, in the ship ‘E. Sherman,’ at Liverpool. I was

very poor, in bad health, and my clothes were shabby. I made my way to

Denbigh, to my mother’s house. With what pride I knocked at the door,

buoyed up by a hope of being able to show what manliness I had acquired,

not unwilling, perhaps, to magnify what I meant to _become_; though what

I was, the excellence of my present position, was not so obvious to

myself! Like a bride arraying herself in her best for her lover, I had

arranged my story to please one who would, at last, I hoped, prove an

affectionate mother! But I found no affection, and I never again sought

for, or expected, what I discovered had never existed.

I was told that ‘I was a disgrace to them in the eyes of their

neighbours, and they desired me to leave as speedily as possible.’

* * * * *

This experience sank so deep, and, together with the life in earlier

years, had so marked an effect on Stanley’s character, that it seemed

best to give it to the reader just as he noted it down as he mused over

his life, near its close. When fame and prosperity came to him, he was

just to the claims of blood, and gave practical help; but the tenderness

which lay deep in his nature, and the repeated and hopeless rebuffs it

encountered, produced, in the reaction, an habitual, strong

self-suppression. The tenderness was there, through all the stirring

years of action and achievement; but it was guarded against such shocks

as had earlier wounded it, by an habitual reserve, and an austere

self-command.

He returned to America, and, with a sort of rebound towards the world of

vigorous action, threw himself, for a time, into the life of the sea.

The motive, apparently, was partly as a ready means of livelihood, and

partly a relish for adventure; and adventure he certainly found. Through

1863, and the early months of 1864, he was in one ship and another, in

the merchant service; sailing to the West Indies, Spain, and Italy.

He condenses a ship-wreck into a two-line entry: ‘Wrecked off Barcelona.

Crew lost, in the night. Stripped naked, and swam to shore. Barrack of

Carbineers ... demanded my papers!’

The end of 1863 finds him in Brooklyn, New York, where we have another

brief chronicle:--

* * * * *

Boarding with Judge X----. Judge drunk; tried to kill his wife with

hatchet; attempted three times.--I held him down all night. Next

morning, exhausted; lighted cigar in parlour; wife came down--insulted

and raved at me for smoking in her house!

* * * * *

In August, 1864, he enlisted in the United States Navy, on the receiving

ship ‘North Carolina,’ and was then assigned to the ‘Minnesota,’ and

afterwards to the ‘Moses H. Stuyvesant,’ where he served in the capacity

of ship’s writer. Nothing shows that he was impelled by any special

motive of sympathy with the national cause. It has been told how he went

into the Confederate service, as a boy naturally goes, carried along

with the crowd. At this later time he may have caught something of the

enthusiasm for the Union that filled the community about him; or, very

probably, he may have gone on a fighting ship simply as more exciting to

his adventurous spirit than a peaceful merchantman. In any case, he

embarked on what proved to be the beginning of his true occupation and

career, as the observer and reporter of stirring events; later, he was

to play his part as a maker of events.

There is nothing to show just how or why he became a newspaper

correspondent, but we know _the where_; and no ambitious reporter could

ask a better chance for his first story than Stanley had when he

witnessed the first and second attacks of the Federal forces on Fort

Fisher, North Carolina. Those attacks are part of the history of the

great war; how, in December, 1864, General Butler assailed the port from

the sea, the explosion under its walls of a vessel charged with powder

being a performance as dramatic as many of Butler’s military exploits;

how, a year later, a carefully-planned expedition under General Terry,

attacked the fort; how, after a two days’ bombardment by the fleet, two

thousand sailors and marines were landed, under instructions to ‘board

the fort in a seaman-like manner’; how they were repelled by a murderous

fire, while a force of soldiers assaulting from another side drove the

defenders back, in a series of hand-to-hand contests, till the fort was

won.

On both those occasions, it fell to Stanley to watch the fight, to tell

the story of it in his own lucid and vigorous style, and to have his

letters welcomed by the newspapers, and given to the world.

Three months later, in April, 1865, the war was ended, and Stanley left

the Navy. Then, for a twelve-month, his diary gives only such glimpses

of him as an occasional name of a place with date. ‘St. Joseph,

Missouri,--across the Plains,--Indians,--Salt Lake City,--Denver,--Black

Hawk,--Omaha.’ Apparently through this time, he was impelled by an

overflowing youthful energy, and an innate love of novelty and

adventure.

In his later years, he told how, in his early days, his exuberant vigour

was such, that when a horse stood across his path his impulse was, not

to go round, but to jump over it! And he had a keen relish for the

sights and novelties, the many-coloured life of the West. So he went

light-heartedly on his way,--

‘For to admire and for to see,

For to behold the world so wide.’

Through this period he seems to have done more or less newspaper

correspondence, and to have tended towards that as a profession. Here

belongs an episode which is told in one of the autobiographic fragments;

the reckless frolic of boys recounted with the sobriety of age.

* * * * *

Being connected with the press, my acquaintance was sought by some

theatrical people in Omaha; at which, being young and foolish, I was

much gratified. After a benefit performance, which I was principally the

means of getting up for them, I supped with them, and for the first

time, I drank so much wine that I tasted the joys and miseries of

intoxication. My impression will not be forgotten, for though the

faculty of self-restraint was helpless, the brain was not so clouded

that I did not know what I was about. I was conscious of an

irrepressible hilarity, which provoked me to fling decorum to the winds,

and of being overwhelmingly affectionate to my boon companions.

The women of the party appeared more beautiful than houris, especially

one for whom I felt ecstatic tenderness. When we had supped and drank

and exhausted our best stories, about two o’clock in the morning we

agreed to separate, the ladies to their own homes, but we men to a

frolic, or lark, in the open. The effect of wine was at its highest. We

sallied out, singing, ‘We won’t go home till morning.’ I was soon

conscious that my tread was different, that the sidewalk reminded me of

the deck of a ship in a gale, the lamp-posts were not perpendicular, and

leaned perilously over, which made me babble about the singular

waywardness and want of uprightness in houses and lamp-posts and awning

columns, and the curious elasticity of the usually firm earth. I wished

to halt and meditate about this sudden change of things in general.

Scraps of marine songs about the ‘briny ocean,’ ‘brave sailor boys,’ and

‘good ships be on her waters,’ were suggested to me by the rocking

ground, and burst in fluent song from my lips; a noisier set than we

became, it is scarcely possible to imagine.

I wonder now we were not shot at, for the Omaha people were not very

remarkable for forbearance when angered, and a charge of small shot

would have been no more than we each of us well deserved. But someone

suggested that vengeful men were after us, and that was enough to send

us scampering, each to his home, at four o’clock in the morning. I

reached my place without accident, and without meeting a single

constable; and, plunging into bed, I fell into a deep sleep. My first

waking made me aware of a racking headache, and a deep conviction that I

had behaved disgracefully.

I was enriched, however, by an experience that has lasted all my life,

for I then vowed that this should be the last time I would have to

condemn myself for a scandalous act of the kind. ‘What an egregious fool

I have been! Hang N---- and all his gang!’ was my thought for many a day.

* * * * *

Like David Copperfield’s first supper-party, one such lesson was enough

for a man who was to do a man’s part; he never again fell under Circe’s

spell. But the hunger for robust exploit was there, and he had found a

companion of kindred tastes. With W. H. Cook, in May, 1866, he started

for Denver. ‘We bought some planking and tools, and, in a few hours,

constructed a flat-bottomed boat. Having furnished it with provisions

and arms against the Indians, towards evening we floated down the Platte

River. After twice up-setting, and many adventures and narrow escapes,

we reached the Missouri River.’ From Omaha they travelled to Boston,

where in July, 1866, they took a sailing-ship for Smyrna.

They had planned to go far into Asia. The precise nature of their plan

is not recounted; but there is little doubt that Stanley was acting

partly as a newspaper-correspondent. What was the base of supplies, or

how ambitious were their hopes, is not told; but they went on their own

resources, and were well provided with money. Stanley seems from the

first to have commanded good prices for his newspaper work, and he notes

that he early took warning from the extravagance and dissipation which

brought many a bright young fellow in the profession to grief.

‘I practiced a rigid economy, punished my appetites, and, little by

little, the sums acquired through this abstinence began to impart a

sense of security, and gave an independence to my bearing which, however

I might strive to conceal it, betrayed that I was delivered from the

dependent state.’ Thus, presumably, he had saved the sinews of war for

this expedition. The opening stage, from the approach to the Asian

shore, was crowded with interest. Stanley records with enthusiasm the

appeal of classic and biblical association, the strangeness and

fascination of Oriental scenery, the aspects of country and people. On

leaving Smyrna, they plunged into the interior. It was his first draught

of the wonder-world of the Orient, and he drank eagerly.

But a speedy change fell on the travellers. First, the American lad whom

they had brought with them as an attendant, out of sheer mischief set a

fire ablaze, which spread, and threatened wide destruction, bringing

upon them a crowd of infuriated villagers, whom they had great

difficulty in appeasing. Then, when they had penetrated into wilder

regions, they fell in with a treacherous guide, who brought upon them a

horde of Turkomans. They were severely beaten, and robbed of all their

money,--twelve hundred dollars,--their letter of credit, and all their

personal equipment; then dragged to a village, and arraigned as

malefactors; then hustled from place to place for five days, with

indignity and abuse, to escape imminent death only by the intervention

of a benevolent old man.

The semi-civilized prison to which they were at last consigned proved a

haven of refuge, for there appeared on the scene a Mr. Peloso, Agent of

the Imperial Ottoman Bank at Constantinople, who bestirred himself in

the friendliest manner on their behalf. Setting the facts of the case

before the Turkish Governor, he completely turned the tables on the

ruffianly accusers by getting them put in prison to await their trial,

while Stanley and his companions moved on their way to Constantinople.

There, again, they received most effective friendship at the hands of

Mr. Edward Joy Morris, the American Minister, and Mr. J. H. Goodenow,

the American Consul-general. Warm hospitality was shewn them; Mr. Morris

advanced £150 for their needs, their assailants were tried, found

guilty, and punished; ultimately the Turkish Government made good the

money stolen.

That was the end of the Stanley-Cook exploration of Asia. The explorer’s

first quest had met a staggering set-back. But, ‘repulse is interpreted

according to the man’s nature,’ as Morley puts it; ‘one of the

differences between the first-rate man and the fifth-rate lies in the

vigour with which the first-rate man recovers from this reaction, and

crushes it down, and again flings himself once more upon the breach.’

CHAPTER XI

WEST AND EAST

INDIAN WARS OF THE WEST.--ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN, ETC.

* * * * *

Stanley writes: ‘My first entry into journalistic life as a selected

“special” was at St. Louis after my return from Asia Minor. Hitherto, I

had only been an attaché, or supernumerary, as it were, whose

communications had been accepted and most handsomely rewarded, when, as

during the two bombardments of Fort Fisher, they described events of

great public interest. I was now instructed to “write-up” North-western

Missouri, and Kansas, and Nebraska. In 1867, I was delegated to join

General Hancock’s expedition against the Kiowas and Comanches, and, soon

after the termination of a bloodless campaign, was asked to accompany

the Peace Commission to the Indians.’

* * * * *

These two expeditions he reported in a series of letters to the

‘Missouri Democrat,’ which, in 1895, he made into the first of two

volumes, ‘My Early Travels and Adventures.’ It is the graphic story of a

significant and momentous contact of civilization with savagery. Two

years after the close of the Civil War, the tide of settlers was swiftly

advancing over the great prairies of the West. The Union Pacific

Railroad was being pushed forward at the rate of four miles a day. The

Powder River military road was being constructed to Montana, and forts

erected along its line, through the best and most reliable

hunting-grounds of the Sioux, and without their consent. The Indians

throughout a wide region were thrown into a ferment, and there were

outbreaks against the white settlers. In March, a force was sent out

under General Hancock, which Stanley accompanied, with the general

expectation of severe fighting. But General Hancock soon imparted to

Stanley his views and purposes, which were to feel the temper of the

Indians, to see who were guilty, and who were not; to learn which tribes

were friendly-disposed; to separate them from the tribes bent on war; to

make treaties wherever practicable; and to post more troops on certain

roads.

In a march of four hundred and fifty miles, he practically accomplished

this plan. The hostile Sioux and Cheyennes were detached from their

allies, the Kiowas, Arapahoes, and Comanches; and when the hostiles

stole away from the conference, and began outrages on the settlers, they

were punished by the destruction of their villages. But after Hancock’s

return, the plains still seethed with menace and occasional outbreaks,

and a general Indian war seemed imminent.

In July, Congress met the emergency by the appointment and despatch of a

Peace Commission. At its head was General Sherman, with a group of

distinguished officers, two chief Indian Commissioners, and Senator

Henderson, of Missouri. Sherman, after some very effective speeches to

the Indians, left the further work to the other Peace Commissioners, who

travelled far and wide over the Plains, for two thousand miles. They met

the principal tribes in council, and made a series of treaties, which,

with the distribution of presents, and the general view impressed upon

the Indians in addresses, frank, friendly, and truthful, brought about a

general pacification.

In Stanley’s picturesque story of all this, perhaps the most striking

feature is the speeches of the Indian chiefs as they set forth the

feelings and wishes of their people. Said old Santanta; ‘I love the land

and the buffalo, and will not part with them. I don’t want any of those

medicine houses built in the country; I want the papooses brought up

exactly as I am. I have word that you intend to settle us on a

Reservation near the mountains. I don’t want to settle there. I love to

roam over the wide prairie, and, when I do it, I feel free and happy;

but, when we settle down, we grow pale and die.’

‘Few,’ writes Stanley, ‘can read the speeches of the Indian chiefs

without feeling deep sympathy for them; they move us by their pathos and

mournful dignity. But they were asking the impossible. The half of a

continent could not be kept as a buffalo pasture and hunting-ground.’

Reviewing the situation many years later, he pronounces that the decline

and disappearance of the Indians has been primarily due, not to the

wrongs by the whites, but to their innate savagery, their mutual

slaughter, the ravages of disease, stimulated by unsanitary conditions;

and, especially, the increased destructiveness of their inter-tribal

wars, after they had obtained fire-arms from the whites. His account of

the complaints laid before the Commissioners shows that there were real

and many wrongs on the part of the whites. To one story of a wanton

murder, and the comment, ‘Those things I tell you to show you that the

pale-faces have done wrong as well as the Indians,’ that stout old

veteran of the Plains, General Harney, replied: ‘That’s so, the Indians

are a great deal better than we are.’ But of the broad purpose of the

Government, and the spirit in which the Commission acted, Stanley

writes: ‘These letters describe the great efforts made by the United

States Government to save the unfortunate Indians from the consequences

of their own rash acts. The speeches of General Hancock and General

Sherman and the Peace Commissioners faithfully reflect the sentiments of

the most cultivated Americans towards them, and are genuine exhortations

to the Indians to stand aside from the overwhelming wave of white

humanity which is resistlessly rolling towards the Pacific, and to take

refuge on the Reservations, where they will be fed, clothed, protected,

and educated in the arts of industry and Christian and civilised

principles.’ The replies of the Indian chiefs no less faithfully reflect

their proud contempt of danger, and betray, in many instances, a

consciousness of the sad destiny awaiting them.

In all this, Stanley was unconsciously acquiring a preliminary lesson in

dealing with savage races. The tone in which Sherman, Henderson, and

Commissioner Taylor, spoke to the Indians, now as to warriors, now as to

children, gave hints which, later, Stanley put to good use. And the

experience of the Indians suggests a parallel with that of the Congo

natives as each met the whites. The wise and generous purposes of men

like Sherman and Taylor, as afterwards of Stanley, were woefully impeded

in their execution by the less fine temper of their subordinates.

And now, from the West, Stanley goes to the East. The point of departure

is given in the Journal.

* * * * *

January 1st, 1868. Last year was mainly spent by me in the western

Territories, as a special correspondent of the ‘Missouri Democrat,’ and

a contributor to several journals, such as the ‘New York Herald,’

‘Tribune,’ ‘Times,’ ‘Chicago Republican,’ ‘Cincinnati Commercial,’ and

others. From the ‘Democrat’ I received fifteen dollars per week, and

expenses of travel; but, by my contributions to the other journals, I

have been able to make on an average ninety dollars per week, as my

correspondence was of public interest, being the records of the various

expeditions against the warlike Indians of the plains. By economy and

hard work, though now and then foolishly impulsive, I have been able to

save three thousand dollars, that is, six hundred pounds. Hearing of the

British expedition to Abyssinia, and as the Indian troubles have ceased,

I ventured at the beginning of December last to throw up my engagement

with the ‘Democrat,’ proceeded to Cincinnati and Chicago, and collected

my dues, which were promptly paid to me; and in two cases, especially

the ‘Chicago Republican,’ most handsomely.

I then came over to New York, and the ‘Tribune’ and ‘Times’ likewise

paid me well. John Russell Young, the Editor of the New York ‘Tribune,’

was pleased to be very complimentary, and said he was sorry he knew of

nothing else in which he could avail himself of the services of ‘such

an indefatigable correspondent.’ Bowing my thanks, I left the

‘Tribune,’ and proceeded to the ‘Herald’ office; by a spasm of courage,

I asked for Mr. Bennett. By good luck, my card attracted his attention,

and I was invited to his presence. I found myself before a tall,

fierce-eyed, and imperious-looking young man, who said, ‘Oh, you are the

correspondent who has been following Hancock and Sherman lately. Well, I

must say your letters and telegrams have kept us very well informed. I

wish I could offer you something permanent, for we want active men like

you.’

‘You are very kind to say so, and I am emboldened to ask you if I could

not offer myself to you for the Abyssinian expedition.’

‘I do not think this Abyssinian expedition is of sufficient interest to

Americans, but on what terms would you go?’

‘Either as a special at a moderate salary, or by letter. Of course, if

you pay me by the letter, I should reserve the liberty to write

occasional letters to other papers.’

‘We do not like to share our news that way; but we would be willing to

pay well for exclusive intelligence. Have you ever been abroad before?’

‘Oh, yes. I have travelled in the East, and been to Europe several

times.’

‘Well, how would you like to do this on trial? Pay your own expenses to

Abyssinia, and if your letters are up to the standard, and your

intelligence is early and exclusive, you shall be well paid by the

letter, or at the rate by which we engage our European specials, and you

will be placed on the permanent list.’

‘Very well, Sir. I am at your service, any way you like.’

‘When do you intend to start?’

‘On the 22nd, by the steamer “Hecla.”’

‘That is the day after to-morrow. Well, consider it arranged. Just wait

a moment while I write to our agent in London.’

In a few minutes he had placed in my hands a letter to ‘Colonel Finlay

Anderson, Agent of the “New York Herald,” The Queen’s Hotel, St.

Martin’s Le Grand, London’; and thus I became what had been an object of

my ambition, a regular, I hope, correspondent of the ‘New York Herald.’

On the 22nd, in the morning, I received letters of introduction from

Generals Grant and Sherman, which I telegraphed for, and they probably

will be of some assistance among the military officers on the English

expedition. A few hours later, the mail steamer left. I had taken a

draft on London for three hundred pounds, and had left the remainder in

the bank.

* * * * *

The letters to the ‘New York Herald,’ narrating the Abyssinian campaign,

were afterwards elaborated into permanent form, the last half of

Stanley’s book, ‘Coomassie and Magdala.’ The campaign has become a

chapter of history; the detention of Consul Cameron by the tyrannical

King Theodore, of Abyssinia, continued for years; the imprisonment and

abuse of other officers and missionaries, to the number of sixty; the

fruitless negotiations for their release; the despatch from India of a

little army of English and Punjabis, under Sir Robert Napier, afterwards

Lord Napier, of Magdala; the marching columns of six thousand men, with

as many more to hold the sea-coast, and the line of communication; the

slow advance for months through country growing more wild and

mountainous, up to a height of ten thousand feet; Napier’s patient

diplomacy with chiefs and tribes already chafing against Theodore’s

cruelties; the arrival before the stronghold; the sudden impetuous

charge of the King’s force; the quick repulse of men armed with spears

and match-locks before troops handling rocket-guns, Sniders, and

Enfields; the surrender of the captives, and their appearance among

their deliverers; the spectacle of three hundred bodies of

lately-massacred prisoners; the next day’s assault and capture of the

town; Theodore shot by his own hand; the return to the coast: all this

Stanley shared and told.

His telling, in its final form,[11] has for setting an account of

antecedent events, the early success and valour of Theodore, his

degeneracy, the queer interchange of courtesies and mutual puzzlements

between Downing Street and Magdala, and the organisation of the rescue

force. These historical prefaces were characteristic of Stanley’s books;

the story of what he saw had an illuminating background of what had gone

before, worked out by assiduous study. The record of the campaign is

told with plentiful illustration of grand and novel landscape, of

barbaric ways, of traits in his companions. There is a pervading tone of

high spirits and abounding vitality. At first looked at a little

askance, as an American, by the other correspondents, he soon got on

very good terms with them. ‘Their mess,’ he writes, ‘was the most

sociable in the army, as well as the most loveable and good-tempered’;

and he names the London correspondents, individually, as his personal

friends. Lord Napier was courteous, and gave him the same privileges as

his English colleagues. With the officers, too, he got on well. There

is occasional humorous mention in the book, and more fully in the

Journal, of a certain captain whose tent he shared for a while, and whom

he names ‘Smelfungus,’ after Sterne; he might have been dubbed ‘Tartarin

de Tarascon,’ for he was a braggadocio, sportsman, and warrior, whose

romances first puzzled, and then amused, Stanley, until he learned that

a severe wound, and a sun-stroke, had produced these obscurations in a

sensible and gallant fellow.

As a correspondent he scored a marked success, for which he had good

fortune, as well as his own pains, to thank. On his way out, he had made

private arrangements with the chief of the telegraph office, at Suez,

about transmitting his despatches. ‘My telegrams,’ he notes in the

Journal, ‘are to be addressed to him, and he will undertake that there

shall be no delay in sending them to London, for which services I am to

pay handsomely if, on my return, I hear that there had been no delay.’

This foresight was peculiarly characteristic of Stanley. On the return

march, he could not get permission to send an advance courier with his

despatches; these had to go in the same bag which carried the official

and the other press bulletins. In the Red Sea, the steamer stuck aground

for four days; and, under the broiling heat, an exchange of chaff

between a colonel and captain generated wrath and a prospective duel;

Stanley’s mediation was accepted; reconciliation, champagne, and--Suez

at last; but only to face five days of quarantine! Stanley manages to

get a long despatch ashore, to his friend in the telegraph office. It is

before all the others, and is hurried off; then the cable between

Alexandria and Malta breaks, and for weeks not another word can pass!

Stanley’s despatch brings to London the only news of Theodore’s

overthrow. Surprise, incredulity, denunciations of the ‘Herald’ and its

‘imposture,’--then conviction, and acceptance! Stanley had won his place

in the world’s front rank of correspondents! He notes in his Journal,

‘Alexandria, June 28th, 1868. I am now a permanent employee of the

“Herald,” and must keep a sharp look-out that my second “coup” shall be

as much of a success as the first. I wonder where I shall be sent to

next.’

He was sent to examine the Suez Canal, which he found giving promise of

completion within a year. Then, on to Crete, to describe the

insurrection; and here he found no startling public news, but met with a

personal experience which may be given in full.

* * * * *

The Island of Syra, Greece, August 20th, 1868. Christo Evangelides seems

desirous of cultivating my acquaintance. He has volunteered to be my

conductor through Hermopolis. As he speaks English, and is a genial

soul, and my happiness is to investigate, I have cordially accepted his

services. He first took me on a visit of call to Mrs. Julia Ward Howe,

of Boston, and then to the Greek seminary, where I saw some young

Greeks with features not unworthy of the praise commonly ascribed to

Greek beauty. On the way to the Square, Evangelides, observing my

favourable impressions, took advantage of my frank admiration and

suggested that I should marry a Greek girl. Up to this moment it never

had entered my mind that it must be some day my fate to select a wife.

Rapidly my mind revolved this question. To marry requires means, larger

means than I have. My twelve hundred pounds would soon be spent; and on

four hundred pounds a year, and that depending on the will of one man,

it would be rash to venture with an extravagant woman. Yet the

suggestion was delicious from other points of view. A wife! My wife! How

grand the proprietorship of a fair woman appeared! To be loved with

heart and soul above all else, for ever united in thought and sympathy

with a fair and virtuous being, whose very touch gave strength and

courage and confidence! Oh dear! how my warm imagination glows at the

strange idea!

Evangelides meanwhile observes me, and cunningly touches the colours of

my lively fancy, becomes eloquent upon Greek beauty, the virtues, and

the constant affections of Greek women. ‘But, how is it possible for a

wanderer like myself to have the opportunity of meeting such a creature

as you describe? I have no resting-place, and no home; I am here to-day,

and off to-morrow. It is not likely that a man can become so infatuated

with a woman at a glance, or that she would follow a stranger to the

church, and risk her happiness at a nod. Why will you distract a poor

fellow with your raptures upon the joy of marriage?’ And much else, with

breathless haste, I retorted.

I looked at Evangelides and saw his age to be great, beard white as

snow, though his face was unwrinkled. Swiftly, I tried to dive beneath

that fair exterior, and, somehow, I compared him to a Homer, or some

other great classic, who loved to be the cicerone of youth, and took no

note of his own years. The charm of Hellas fell upon me, and I yielded a

patient hearing to the fervid words, and all discretion fled, despite

inward admonitions to beware of rashness.

He said he would be my proxy, and would choose a damsel worthy of every

praise for beauty and for character. Like one who hoped and yet

doubted, believed and yet suspected, I said: ‘Very well, if you can show

me such a girl as you describe, I will use my best judgement, and tell

you later what I think of her.’ And so it was agreed.

In the evening I walked in the Square with Evangelides, who suddenly

asked me what I thought of his own daughter, Calliope. Though sorely

tempted to laugh, I did not, but said gravely that I thought she was too

old for me. The fact is, Calliope is not a beauty; and though she is

only nineteen according to her father, yet she is not one to thaw my

reserve.

August 21st. This morning Evangelides proposed his daughter in sober,

serious earnest, and it required, in order not to offend, very guarded

language to dispel any such strange illusion. Upon my soul, this is

getting amusing! It is scarcely credible that a father would be so

indifferent to his daughter’s happiness as to cast her upon the first

stranger he meets. What is there in me that urges him to choose me for a

son-in-law? Though he claims to be a rich man, I do not think he has

sufficient hundreds to induce me to entertain the offer. My liberty is

more precious than any conceivable amount of gold.

August 22nd. Rode out during the morning into the country beyond

Hermopolis, and crossed the mountains to the village of Analion. I was

delighted with all I saw, the evidences of rural industry, the manifest

signs of continuous and thoughtful care of property, the necessity for

strictest economy, and unceasing toil, to make both ends meet, the

beauty of the stainless sky, and the wide view of dark blue sea, which

lay before me on every side. If it was calculated on the part of

Evangelides, he could scarcely have done anything better than propose

this ride; for what I saw during the ride, by recalling all I had read

of Greece, made Greek things particularly dear to me. When I returned to

the town, I quite understood Byron’s passion for Hellas.

In the evening Evangelides walked with me on a visit to a family which

lived on another side of the Square. We were received by a very

respectable old gentleman in sober black, and a stout lady who, in

appearance, dress, and surroundings, showed that she studied comfort.

Evangelides seemed to be on good terms with them, and they all bandied

small change of gossip in a delightfully frank and easy manner.

Presently, into the sitting-room glided a young lady who came as near as

possible to the realisation of the ideal which my fancy had portrayed,

after the visions of marriage had been excited by Evangelides’s

frolicsome talk. She, after a formal introduction, subsided on a couch,

demure, and wrapped in virgin modesty.

Her name was Virginia, and well it befitted her. Where had I seen her

face, or whom did she recall? My memory fled over scores of faces and

pictures, and instantly I bethought me of the Empress Eugénie when she

was the Countess Montijo. A marvellous likeness in profile and style!

She is about sixteen, and, if she can speak English, who knows?

Simultaneously with the drift of my thoughts, Evangelides in the easiest

manner led the conversation with the seniors to marriage of young

people. He was so pointed that I became uneasy. My face began to burn as

I felt the allusions getting personal. Jove! what a direct people these

Greeks are! Not a particle of reserve! No shilly-shallying, or beating

about the bush, but, ‘I say, is your daughter ripe for marriage? If so,

here is a fine young fellow quite ready.’

Evangelides was nearly as plain as this. Then the mother turned to me,

and asked, ‘Are you married?’

‘Heaven forbid!’ said I.

‘Why?’ she said, smiling, with proud consciousness of superior knowledge

on her face. ‘Is marriage so dreadful?’

‘I am sure I don’t know, but I have not thought of the subject.’

‘Oh, well, I hope you will think of it now; there are many fair women in

Greece; and Greek women make the best wives.’

‘I am quite ready to believe you, and if I met a young Greek lady who

thought as much of me as I of her, I might be tempted to sacrifice my

independence,’ I answered, more with a view to avoid an awkward silence

than with a desire to keep up such a terribly personal conversation with

strangers.

‘I am sure,’ said the lady, ‘if you look around, you will find a young

lady after your heart.’

I bowed, but my face was aflame.

With astonishing effrontery Evangelides maintained the pointed

conversation until I saw my own uneasiness reflected in Virginia’s

face, who grew alternately crimson and pale. Both colours agreed with

her, and I pitied her distress, and frowned on Evangelides, who,

however, was incorrigible. Then I began to ask myself, was this really

Greek custom, or was it merely a frantic zeal on Evangelides’s part? Was

this the Sirens’ Isle, wherein the famed Ulysses was so bewitched, or

was the atmosphere of the Cyclades fatal to bachelorhood? It would never

do to tell in detail all I thought, or give all my self-questionings;

but, ever and anon in my speculations, I stole a glance at Virginia’s

face, and each glance started other queries. ‘Is this to be a farcical

adventure, or shall it be serious’? I felt that only the mute maiden

could answer such a question. Susceptible and romantic I know I am, but

it requires more than a pretty face to rouse passionate love.

We rose to go, each protesting that we had passed a pleasant evening.

The lady of the house promises, half-seriously, to find a nice wife for

me. ‘Do,’ say I, ‘and I will be eternally grateful. Good-bye, Miss

Virginia.’

‘Good-bye,’ she says timidly, blushing painfully.

I note she has a French accent. I find she only knows a few words of

English, but she is fluent in French. Here then comes another obstacle.

I could make no love in French, without exploding at my own ignorance of

it. But there is no doubt that, so far as beauty goes, Virginia is

sufficient.

September 9th. After a short absence, I have returned. Evangelides

welcomed me effusively. Passed the evening with Virginia’s family. There

were two brothers of Virginia’s, fine young fellows, present, and a

sister. It was clear that my letter had been a subject of family

discussion, for every eye was marked by a more discerning glance than

would have been noticeable otherwise. Even on the little girl’s face I

read, ‘I wonder if he will suit me as a brother-in-law.’ I wished I

could say to her, ‘So far as you and Virginia are concerned, I do not

think you will have cause for regret.’ On the whole, the ordeal was not

unsatisfactory. I was conscious that Virginia was favourable. No

decision has been arrived at yet, but I feel that where there are so

many heads in council, father, mother, brothers, relatives, friends, and

Evangelides, there must be a deal to debate.

September 10th. A friend of the family came into my room this

afternoon, and was, in features, voice, and conduct, infectiously

congratulatory. He told me that the marriage was as good as concluded,

that I had only to name the day. I gasped, and with good reason. Here

was an event which I had always considered as sacred, mysterious,

requiring peculiar influences and circumstances to bring within range of

possibilities, so imminent, that it depended only on my own wish.

Incredulous, I asked, ‘But are you certain?’

‘As certain as I am alive. I have only just left them, and came

expressly to enquire your wishes in the matter.’

Feeling that retreat was as undesirable as it would be offensive, I

replied, ‘Then, of course, as my business admits of no delay, I should

like the marriage to take place next Sunday.’

‘All right,’ he said, ‘next Sunday will suit us perfectly.’ And he left

me quivering, almost, and certainly agitated.

In the evening I visited the house. I was allowed to see Virginia, and,

in a short time, whatever misgivings I may have had as to the wisdom of

my act were banished by the touch of her hand, and the trust visible in

her eyes. There was no doubt as to her ultimate responsiveness to the

height and depth of love. As yet, naturally, there was no love; but it

was budding, and, if allowed to expand, there would be no flaw in the

bloom. If I know myself at all, I think that my condition was much the

same. All that I knew of her I admired; and, if she were as constant in

goodness as she was beautiful, there would be no reason to regret having

been so precipitate.

From these rapid reflections I was recalled by the mother’s remarks,

which in a short time satisfied me that the marriage was not so

positively determined upon as I had been led to believe that afternoon.

As she went on I perceived it was not settled at all. The same fear I

had felt, of committing an imprudence, was swaying her. She said that I

was quite a stranger, of whose antecedents everyone in Syra was quite

ignorant, and she was therefore obliged to ask me to have patience until

all reasonable assurances had been given that I was what I represented

myself to be.

The wisdom of this act I could not but applaud. The mother was just and

prudent, and my respect for her increased. Still, it was tantalising.

My decision to marry, though so quickly arrived at, cost me a struggle

and some grief. My independence I valued greatly. Freedom was so

precious to me. To be able to wander where I liked, at a moment’s

thought, with only a portmanteau to look after, I should not have

bartered for a fortune. But now, after looking into the face of such a

sweet girl as Virginia, and seeing her readiness to be my companion, for

better, or for worse, and believing that she would not hinder my

movements, the disagreeability of being wedded had been removed, and I

had been brought to look upon the event as rather desirable.

‘Well, so be it,’ I said; ‘though I am sorry, and perhaps you may be

sorry, but I cannot deny that you are just and wise.’

September 11th. I gave a dinner to the family at the Hôtel d’Amérique.

Virginia was present, lovelier than ever. It is well that I go away

shortly, for I feel that she is a treasure; and my admiration, if

encouraged, would soon be converted into love, and if once I love, I am

lost! However, the possibility of losing her serves to restrain me.

September 12th. Dined with Virginia’s family. I had the honour of being

seated near her. We exchanged regards, but we both felt more than we

spoke. We are convinced that we could be happy together, if it is our

destiny to be united. Toasts were drunk, etc., etc. Afterwards, Virginia

exhibited her proficiency on the piano, and sang French and Greek

sentimental songs. She is an accomplished musician, beautiful and

amiable. She is in every way worthy.

September 13th. Left Syra for Smyrna by the ‘Menzaleh.’ Virginia was

quite affectionate, and, though I am outwardly calm, my regrets are

keener at parting than I expected. However, what must be, must be.

September 26th. Received answer from London that I am to go to

Barcelona, viâ Marseilles, and wire for instructions on reaching France.

September 27th. Wrote a letter to Evangelides and Virginia’s mother,

that they must not expect my return to Syra unless they all came to a

positive decision, and expressly invited me, as it would be an obvious

inconvenience, and likely to be resented at headquarters.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XII

A ROVING COMMISSION

So the fair Greek disappears; and Stanley, free and heart-whole, is

whirled away again by the ‘Herald’s’ swift and changing summons: to

Athens, to witness a Royal Baptism, and describe the temples and ruins,

with which he was enraptured; to Smyrna, Rhodes, Beyrout, and

Alexandria; thence to Spain, where great events seemed impending. But he

has barely interviewed General Prim, when he is ordered to London; there

the ‘Herald’s’ agent, Colonel Finlay Anderson, gives him a surprising

commission.

It is vaguely reported that Dr. Livingstone is on his way homeward from

Africa. On the chance of meeting him, and getting the first

intelligence, Stanley is to go to Aden, and use his discretion as to

going to Zanzibar. It looks like a wild-goose chase, but his, ‘not to

make reply; his, not to reason why’; and he is off to Aden, which he

reaches November 21, 1868. Not a word can he learn of Livingstone. He

writes enquiries to Consul Webb at Zanzibar, and, in the wretched and

sun-scorched little town, sets himself to wait; but not in idleness. He

works the Magdala campaign into book-form, designing in some indefinite

future to publish it. (It came out five years later.) Then he falls upon

‘a pile of good books which my interesting visit to Greece and Asia

Minor induced me to purchase--Josephus, Herodotus, Plutarch, Derby’s

“Iliad,” Dryden’s “Virgil,” some few select classics of Bohn’s Library,

Wilkinson’s and Lane’s books on “Egypt,” hand-books to Greece, the

Levant, and India, Kilpert’s maps of Asia Minor, etc. Worse heat, worse

dust, and still no word of Livingstone!’

* * * * *

New Year’s Day, 1869. Many people have greeted me, and expressed their

wish that it should be a happy one, and that I should see many more such

days. They were no doubt sincere, but what avail their wishes, and what

is happiness? What a curious custom it is, to take this day, above all

others, to speak of happiness, when inwardly each must think in his soul

that it admonishes him of the lapse of time, and what enormous arrears

there still remain to make up the sum of his happiness!

As for me, I know not what I lack to make me happy. I have health,

youth, and a free spirit; but, what to-morrow may bring forth, I cannot

tell. Therefore, take care to keep that health. The knowledge that every

moment makes me older, the fluctuations to which the spirit is subject,

hour by hour, for ever remind me that happiness is not to be secured in

this world, except for brief periods; and, for a houseless, friendless

fellow like myself, those periods when we cast off all thought which

tends to vex the mind cannot, by any possibility, be frequent. But, if

to be happy is to be without sorrow, fear, anxiety, doubt, I have been

happy; and, if I could find an island in mid-ocean, remote from the

presence or reach of man, with a few necessaries sufficient to sustain

life, I might be happy yet; for then I could forget what reminds me of

unhappiness, and, when death came, I should accept it as a long sleep

and rest.

But, as this wish of mine cannot be gratified, I turn to what many will

do to-day; meditate; think with regret of all the things left undone

that ought to have been done; of words said that ought not to have been

uttered; of vile thoughts that stained the mind; and resolve, with God’s

help, to be better, nobler, purer. May Heaven assist all who wish the

same, and fill their hearts with goodness!

January 7th, 1869. Six days of this New Year are already gone, and one

of the resolutions which I made on the first day I have been compelled

to break. I had mentally resolved to smoke no more, from a belief that

it was a vice, and that it was my duty to suppress it. For six days I

strove against the hankering, though the desire surged up strongly.

To-day I have yielded to it, as the effort to suppress it absorbed too

much of my time, and now I promise myself that I shall be moderate, in

order to soothe the resentment of my monitor.

* * * * *

Still no news of Livingstone, and scant hope of any! Stanley critically

examines Aden; notes its unfortified condition, its importance when once

the Suez Canal is finished; and sketches its future possibilities as a

great distributing centre, and the case of a cheap railway into the

heart of Arabia.

After ten weeks at Aden, February 1st, ‘I am relieved, at last!’ And so

he turns his back on Livingstone, who is still deep in the wilds of

Africa. As he mixes with civilised men in his travels, he is sometimes

struck by their triviality, sometimes by their malicious gossip.

* * * * *

February 9th, 1869. At Alexandria. Dined with G. D. and his wife. Among

the guests was one named J----. This young man is a frequent diner here,

and the gossips of Alexandria tell strange things. Truly the English,

with all their Christianity, and morals, and good taste, and all that

sort of thing, are to be dreaded for their propensity to gossip, for it

is always malicious and vile. Oh, how I should like to discover my

island, and be free of them!

Apropos of this, it reminds me of my journey to Suez last November. Two

handsome young fellows, perhaps a year or so younger than myself, were

fellow-passengers in the same coupé. They were inexperienced and shy. I

was neither the one, nor, with the pride of age, was I the other. I had

provided myself with a basket of oranges and a capacious cooler. They

had not; and when we came abreast of the dazzling sands, and to the

warm, smothering mirage, and the fine sand came flying stinging hot

against the face, they were obliged to unbutton and mop their faces, and

they looked exceedingly uncomfortable. Then it was that I conquered my

reserve, and spoke, and offered oranges, water, sandwiches, etc.

Their shyness vanished, they ate and laughed and enjoyed themselves, and

I with them. The pipes and cigars came next, and, being entertainer, as

it were, I did my best for the sake of good fellowship, and I talked of

Goshen, Pithom,[12] and Rameses, Moses’ Wells, and what not. We came at

last to Suez, and, being known at the hotel, I was at once served with a

room. While I was washing, I heard voices. I looked up; my room was

separated from the next by an eight-foot partition. In the next room

were my young friends of the journey, and they were speaking of me! Old

is the saying that ‘listeners hear no good of themselves’; but, had I

been a leper or a pariah, I could not have been more foully and

slanderously abused.

This is the third time within fourteen months that I have known

Englishmen, who, after being polite to my face, had slandered me behind

my back. Yes, this soulless gossip is to be dreaded! I have learned that

if they entertain me with gossip about someone else, they are likely

enough to convey to somebody else similar tales about me.

* * * * *

In the enforced leisure of a Mediterranean trip comes a piece of

self-observation.

* * * * *

February 20th, 1869. At sea, under a divine heaven! There is a period

which marks the transition from boy to man, when the boy discards his

errors and his awkwardness, and puts on the man’s mask, and adopts his

ways. The duration of the period depends upon circumstances, and not

upon any defined time. With me, it lasted some months; and, though I

feel in ideas more manly than when I left the States, I am often

reminded that I am still a boy in many things. In impulse I am boy-like,

but in reflection a man; and then I condemn the boy-like action, and

make a new resolve. How many of these resolutions will be required

before they are capable of restraining, not only the impulse, but the

desire, when every action will be the outcome of deliberation? I am

still a boy when I obey my first thought; the man takes that thought and

views it from many sides before action. I have not come to that yet; but

after many a struggle I hope to succeed. ‘Days should speak, and a

multitude of years should teach wisdom.’

It is well for me that I am not so rich as the young man I met at Cairo

who has money enough to indulge every caprice. I thank Heaven for it,

for if he be half as hot-blooded and impulsive as I am, surely his life

will be short; but necessity has ordained that my strength and youth

should be directed by others, and in a different sphere; and the more

tasks I receive, the happier is my life. I want work, close, absorbing,

and congenial work, only so that there will be no time for regrets, and

vain desires, and morbid thoughts. In the interval, books come handy. I

have picked up Helvetius and Zimmerman, in Alexandria, and, though there

is much wisdom in them, they are ill-suited to young men with a craze

for action.

* * * * *

And now he is back at headquarters in London, and gets his orders for

Spain; and there he spends six months, March to September, 1869,

describing various scenes of the revolution, and the general aspect of

the country, in a graphic record. These letters are among the best of

his descriptive writings. The Spanish scenery and people; the stirring

events; the barricades and street-fighting; the leaders and the typical

characters; the large issues at stake--all make a great and varied

theme.

On arriving in Spain, Stanley commenced studying Spanish, with such

success, that, by June, he was able to make a speech in Spanish, and

became occasional correspondent to a Spanish newspaper.

The insurrection of September, 1868, which drove Isabella from the

Throne, led to a provisional Government under a Regency, General Prim

acting as Minister of War.

On June 15, 1869, Stanley was present in the Plaza de Los Cortes when

the Constitution was read to twenty thousand people, who roared their

‘vivas.’

Stanley was in the prime of his powers, and these powers were not, as

afterwards in Africa, taxed by heavy responsibilities, and ceaseless

executive work, but given solely to a faithful and vivid chronicle of

what he saw. ‘I went to Spain,’ he wrote, ‘the young man going to take

possession of the boy’s heritage, those dear dreams of wild romance,

stolen from school-hours.’

When a Carlist rising threatened, hundreds of miles away, Stanley

immediately hastened off to the scene. On one occasion, he hurried from

Madrid in search of the rebellious Carlists, who were said to have risen

at Santa Cruz de Campescu. ‘As soon as I reached the old town of

Vittoria, I took my seat in the diligence for Santa Cruz de Campescu;

our road lay westward towards the Atlantic through the valley of Zadora.

If you have read Napier’s “Battles of the Peninsula,” you can well

imagine how interesting each spot, each foot of ground, was to me. This

valley was a battle-field, where the armed legions of Portugal, Spain,

and England, matched themselves against Joseph Buonaparte’s French

Army.’

At Santa Cruz, Stanley found the insurrectionists had fled to the

mountains, leaving forty prisoners; he returned to Madrid, to join

General Sickles and his suite, on a visit to the Palace of La Granja,

called the ‘Cloud Palace of the King of Spain.’

He hears in Madrid, one evening, that several battalions and regiments

had been despatched towards Saragossa. ‘Naturally I wanted to know what

was going on there. What did the departure of all these troops to

Saragossa mean? So one hour later, at 8.30 P.M., I took the train, and

arrived at Saragossa the next morning at 6 A.M.’

And here Stanley witnessed a rising of the people, ‘proud and

passionate, the Berber and Moorish blood coursing through their veins.’

They resisted the order to give up Arms. ‘Then, with their bayonets,

they prise up the granite blocks, and, with the swiftness of magic,

erect a barricade, formidable, wide, a granite and cobblestone

fortification, breast-high. One, two, three, four, and five, aye, ten

barricades are thrown up, almost as fast as tongue can count them. ‘My

eye,’ says Stanley, ‘finds enough to note; impossible to note the whole,

for there are a hundred things and a thousand things taking place. Carts

are thrown on the summit of the barricades; cabs caught unawares are

launched on high, sofas and bureaux and the strangest kind of

obstructions are piled above all.’

Stanley himself was on a balcony, not within the barricade, but half a

block outside. He saw a battery of mounted trained Artillery halt five

hundred yards from where he stood. He watched them dismount the guns and

prepare for action; and was present at the bursting and rending of

shells and the ceaseless firing of musketry from the barricades.

‘As the bullets flattened themselves with a dull thud against the

balcony where I stood, I sought the shelter of the roof, and behind a

friendly cornice, I observed the desperate fighting.’

Though the firing had been incessant for an hour, little damage had been

done to the barricade. The soldiers, advancing at short range, were shot

down; again the Artillery thundered, and, when the smoke dispersed,

Stanley saw the soldiers had approached nearer. ‘The scene was one of

desperation against courage allied with a certain cold enthusiasm; as

fast as one soldier fell, another took his place. I witnessed personal

instances of ferocity and courage which made me hold my breath. To

me--who was, I really believe, the sole disinterested witness of that

terrible battle--they appeared like characters suddenly called out to

perform in some awful tragedy; and, so fascinated was I by the strange

and dreadful spectacle, I could not look away.’

Night fell, and the bugles sounded retreat; the soldiers had lost heart

after three hours’ persistent fighting, with nothing gained. The dead

lay piled at the barricades. Stanley remained on the roof until he was

chilled and exhausted; he had been awake thirty-nine hours. ‘I retired

for a couple of hours’ rest, completely fatigued, yet with the

determination to be up before daylight; and, by five in the morning, I

was at my post of observation on the roof.’

Stanley graphically described the scene behind the barricade, before the

battle recommenced. Fresh troops now arrived, former failure was to be

avenged. Again they hurl themselves on the barricades; ‘but they are

thrust back by protruding bayonets, they are beaten down by clubbed

muskets, they are laid low by hundreds of deadly bullets, which are

poured on them; but, with fearless audacity, the Regulars climb over

their own dead and wounded, and throw themselves over the barricades

into the smoke of battle, to be hewed to death for their temerity.’

This completed the fourth defeat the Government troops experienced, and

in the greatest disorder they ran towards the Corso; while the ‘Vivas’

to the Republic were deafening. ‘The Artillery re-open fire with grape,

shell, and solid shot, and once more the old city of Saragossa quivers

to its foundations. Another battalion has been added, and nearly six

hundred men are found before the breast-works.’

The rear ranks were impelled electrically forward, and bodily heaved

over the front ranks, quite into the barricades; others crowded on, a

multitude bounded over, as if swept on by a hurricane, and the first

barricade was taken, the insurgents threw down their arms, fell down on

their knees, and cried for ‘quarter.’ Thus was Saragossa quelled and a

thousand prisoners taken. ‘The valour and heroism of the insurgents,

will, I fancy, have been chronicled solely by me, because the Government

won the day, as they were bound to do.’

Stanley now hastened to Valencia, ‘from whence came reports of fierce

cannonading; it was not in my nature to sit with folded arms, and let an

important event, like that, pass without personal investigation.’

He was told he could not go, the trains did not run, miles of railway

had been destroyed. ‘Can I telegraph?--No--Why?--No telegrams are

allowed to pass by order of the Minister of War.--Heigh-ho! to Alicante,

then!--Thence by sea to Valencia. I’ll circumnavigate Spain! but I

_shall_ get to Valencia! I exclude all words like “fail,” “can’t,” from

my vocabulary.’

Stanley had great difficulty, and many adventures, before he got, by

sea, into Valencia, and found himself amid the roar of guns and the whiz

of bullets.

He wandered from street to street, always confronted by soldiers with

fixed bayonets, until, at last, he saw a chance of getting into an

hotel; but he had to run the gauntlet of twenty feet of murderous

firing. Officers remonstrated against the folly. ‘But twenty feet! Count

three and jump! I jumped, took one peep at the barricade in my mid-air

flight, and was in the hotel portico, safe, with a chorus of “bravos” in

my rear, and a welcome in front.’

But how can I give samples of Stanley’s vivid word-painting; it is like

snipping off a corner of a great historical picture. The foregoing

passages, however, will suffice to show how Stanley’s whole being

throbbed with energy, and with the desire to excel.

Sometimes he rides all night, in order to reach betimes a remote place,

where fighting is reported; he watches the stirring scenes all day, and

reports his observations before taking rest.

Extracts from one or two private letters are given here. One was written

to a friend who pressed him to take a holiday.

* * * * *

MADRID, June 27, 1869.

You know my peculiar position, you know who, what, and where I am; you

know that I am not master of my own actions, that I am at the beck and

call of a chief whose will is imperious law. The slightest inattention

to business, the slightest forgetfulness of duty, the slightest

laggardness, is punished severely; that is, you are sent about your

business. But I do not mean to be sent about my business. I do not mean

to be discharged from my position. I mean by attention to my business,

by self-denial, by indefatigable energy, to become, by this very

business, my own master, and that of others. Hitherto, so well have I

performed my duty, surpassing all my contemporaries, that the greatest

confidence is placed in me.

I have _carte blanche_ at the bankers’; I can go to any part of Spain I

please, that I think best; I can employ a man in my absence. This I have

done in the short space of eighteen months, when others have languished

on at their business for fifteen years, and got no higher than the step

where they entered upon duty. How have I done this? By intense

application to duty, by self-denial, which means I have denied myself

all pleasures, so that I might do my duty thoroughly, and exceed it.

Such has been my ambition. I am fulfilling it. Pleasure cannot blind me,

it cannot lead me astray from the path I have chalked out. I am so much

my own master, that I am master over my own passions. It is also my

interest to do my duty well. It is my interest not to throw up my

position. My whole life hangs upon it--my future would be almost blank,

if I threw up my place. You do not--cannot suppose that I have accepted

this position merely for money. I can make plenty of money anywhere--it

is that my future promotion to distinction hangs upon it. Even now, if I

applied for it, I could get a consulship, but I do not want a

consulship--I look further up, beyond a consulship.

My whole future is risked. Stern duty commands me to stay. It is only by

railway celerity that I can live. Away from work, my conscience accuses

me of forgetting duty, of wasting time, of forgetting my God. I cannot

help that feeling. It makes me feel as though the world were sliding

from under my feet. Even if I had a month’s holiday, I could not take

it; I would be restless, dissatisfied, gloomy, morose. To the ---- with a

vacation! I don’t want it.

* * * * *

I have nothing to fall back upon but energy, and much hopefulness. But

so long as my life lasts, I feel myself so much master of my own future,

that I can well understand Cæsar’s saying to the sailors, ‘Nay, be not

afraid, for you carry Cæsar and his fortunes!’ I could say the same: ‘My

body carries Stanley and his fortunes.’ With God’s help, I shall

succeed!

* * * * *

A telegram called him to Paris, to meet Mr. Bennett in person; and

there, October 16, 1869, he received a commission of startling

proportions. He was to search for Livingstone in earnest,--not for an

interview, but to discover, and, if necessary, extricate him, wherever

he might be in the heart of Africa. But this was to be only the climax

of a series of preliminary expeditions. Briefly, these consisted of a

report of the opening of the Suez Canal; some observations of Upper

Egypt, and Baker’s expedition; the underground explorations in

Jerusalem; Syrian politics; Turkish politics at Stamboul; archæological

explorations in the Crimea; politics and progress in the Caucasus;

projects of Russia in that region; Trans-Caspian affairs; Persian

politics, geography, and present conditions; a glance at India; and,

finally,--a search for Livingstone in Equatorial Africa!

Into this many-branched search for knowledge Stanley now threw himself.

He carried out the whole programme, up to its last article, within the

next twelve-month, with as much thoroughness as circumstances permitted

in each case. The record, as put into final shape twenty-five years

later, makes a book of 400 pages, the second volume of ‘My Early Travels

and Adventures.’ It is impossible even to epitomise briefly here the

crowded and stirring narrative. The observer saw the brilliant pageant

of the great flotilla moving for the first time in history from the

Mediterranean Sea, through the Suez Canal, to the Indian Ocean.

Stanley was present at the ceremony of blessing the Suez Canal. On the

following day, the 17th November, 1869, he was to see ‘a new route to

commerce opened.’ The Empress Eugénie, the Emperor of Austria, the Crown

Prince of Prussia, and many notabilities had arrived.

‘A beautiful morning ushered in the greatest drama ever witnessed or

enacted in Egypt. It is the greatest and last, so far, of all the

magnificent periods which Egypt has witnessed.’

At eight o’clock in the morning, the Empress’s yacht led the procession

through the Canal, and Stanley followed, in the steamer ‘Europe.’

He next went up the Nile, to Upper Egypt, as one of a party of seventy

invited guests of the Khedive; ‘twenty-three days of most exquisite

pleasure, unmarred by a single adverse incident.’

The next part of his programme was to visit Jerusalem, where he saw the

unearthing of her antique grandeurs, sixty feet underground.

Stanley proceeded thence to Constantinople, where he wrote a long letter

for the ‘New York Herald,’ on the Crimea; and here he met, once more,

his kind friend, the American Minister, Mr. Joy Morris, who presented

him with a beautiful Winchester rifle, and gave him letters of

introduction to General Ignatieff, General Stoletoff, and various

Governors and Ministers in Persia.

Stanley now travelled through the Caucasus, where he found unexpected

civilisation. He rated highly the advantages which Russia’s

much-censured conquest of the Caucasus had brought in its train: warring

tribes brought to peace, feuds and mutual slaughter stopped, local

religions and customs respected, and an end put to barbarism and

feudality, ‘which terms are almost synonymous, as witness the mountain

towers and fortresses, once the terror of the country, now silent and

crumbling.’

Tiflis affords as much amusement and comfort as any second-rate town or

city in Europe. From his Journal are here given one or two passages, to

illustrate how Stanley observed and judged the individuals of his own

race and civilisation.

* * * * *

February 5th, 1870. Reached the Dardanelles at noon. One of my

fellow-voyagers is the Rev. Dr. Harman, of Maryland, an elderly and

large man, who is a marvel of theological erudition, a mixture of

Jonathan Edwards and the Vicar of Wakefield. Most of the morning we had

passed classic ground, and, as he is a Greek scholar of some repute, his

delight was so infectious that we soon became warm friends. He also has

been to Jerusalem, Damascus, and Ephesus, and many other places of

biblical and classical interest; and, in a short time, with a face

shining with enthusiasm, he communicated to me many of his impressions

and thoughts upon what he had seen, as my sympathy was so evident. St.

Paul is his favourite; the Seven Churches of Asia, and the inwardness of

the Revelations, are topics dear to him; and, perceiving that I was a

good listener, the dear old gentleman simply ‘let himself go,’ uttering

deep and weighty things with a warmth that was unexpected.

His exact words I have already forgotten; but the picture that he made,

as he sat clad in sober black on his deck-chair, the skirts of his

frock-coat touching the deck, his spectacled eyes thoughtfully fixed on

the distant horizon, while his lips expressed the learned lore he had

gathered from reading and reflection, will be ineffaceable. If I were

rich enough, this is the type of man whom I should choose for my mentor,

until the unfixedness of youth had become set in a firm mould. On two

points only was he inclined to be severe. His Presbyterianism could not

endure the Pope; and, had he the power, he would like to drive the

Padishah and his Turks far away into inner Asia, where they belonged.

Otherwise, he is one of the largest-hearted Christians I have ever met.

* * * * *

Many-sided in his sensitiveness to the attractions and charms of life,

there were some aspects against which he was proof. At Odessa he fell in

with highly congenial English society, and, at the close of his visit,

he touches on one aspect that repelled, and one that attracted him; the

twofold attitude is not unrelated to the state of mind the final

sentence portrays.

* * * * *

March 6th. The Carnival was a novel sight to me. It is the first I have

ever seen, and I thank my stars that it is not my fate to see many more

such. The mad jollity and abandon wherein both sexes seemed agreed to

think of nothing but their youth and opportunities, positively abashed

me! To decline being drawn within the whirl of dissipation, and to

discountenance fair gauzy nymphs who insidiously tempt one to relax

austere virtue, is not easy; but the shame of it, more than any

morality, prevented me from availing myself of the licence.

At the Cathedral I heard the most glorious vocal music it has ever been

my lot to hear. There was one voice--a priest’s--that rang like a

clarion through the building, so flawless in its rich tones that every

heart, I should fancy, was filled with admiration; and when the choir

joined in the anthem, and filled the entire concave with their burst of

harmony, and the organ rolled its streams of tremulous sound in unison,

I became weak as a child, with pure rapture and unstrung nerve! That

half-hour in the Cathedral is unforgettable. Whether it is due to the

air of Odessa, the perfect health I enjoyed, the warm hospitality I

received, or what, I am inclined to think that for once I have known a

brief period of ideal pleasure, unmarred by a single hour of

unhappiness.

* * * * *

Stanley now travelled along the Russian, Persian, and Turkestan coasts,

observing the people and noting manners, customs, and events. Towards

the end of May, 1870, he reached Teheran; his description of the Palaces

and Bazaars, the Shah and his people, are wonderful reading. From

Teheran he rode to Ispahan.

* * * * *

My friends among the English colony at Teheran gave me several wise

admonitions, among which were, that I was never to travel during the day

on account of the heat, but to start just at sunset, by which I might

make two stations before I halted; I was also to look out for myself, as

there were numerous brigands on the road, who would not scruple to strip

me of everything I possessed.

I followed their advice for the first few stages; but, as the rocks

retain the heat, I think the discomfort of night-travel is greater than

that of day. Besides, the drowsiness was overpowering, and I was

constantly in danger of falling from my horse. The landscape had no

interest; the mountains appeared but shapeless masses, and the plains

were vague and oppressively silent. I reached the salt desert of Persia,

after a ride over country which steadily became more sterile and

waterless.

The fervour of that tract was intense. My thermometer indicated 129°

Fahr. Yet this terrible tract, with its fervid glow and its expanse of

pale yellow sand almost at white heat, was far more bearable by day than

a night ride through it would have been--for, though I could distinguish

nothing but a quivering vapour, the strange forms of the mirage were

more agreeable than the monotonous darkness.

* * * * *

Then follows a graphic picture of Ispahan, where he spent a week, and

then onwards, ever onwards, riding through oven heat.

* * * * *

At Kûmishah, I invited myself to pass the night in the telegraph

station, for there was nobody at home.

When evening came, I made my bed on the house-top, whence I had a good

view of the town and of the myriad of mud towers, of acres of

tomb-stones, and lion sphynxes. And there I dropped to sleep with the

clear heaven for my canopy.

At Yezdikhast I had to spend the day; there were no horses, but, at 4

A.M., the relay arrived and away I sped, to the ruins of Pasargadæ.

Inclining a little towards the right, I came to a group of low and

greyish hills, on the most southward of which I caught a glimpse of a

whitish stone wall. Riding up to it, I found it to be a marble platform,

or, rather, a marble wall, which encased the hill.

The natives call it Solomon’s Throne, and on it once stood the Castle of

Pasargadæ. To commemorate the overthrow of the Babylonian Empire, Cyrus

the Great, in the year 557 B.C., caused to be erected on it a fort, or

castle, containing a Holy Place, whither he went to worship, and where

his successors were wont to be inaugurated as Kings of Persia.

* * * * *

From Pasargadæ Stanley rides to Persepolis, and here he lingers amid the

ruins, for he loves to dream of and reconstruct the mighty Past.

* * * * *

I slept in the first portal of Persepolis, all night. The only food I

could get was wafer bread and plenty of milk.

* * * * *

Early the next morning, July 1st, Stanley rode away, after cutting his

name deep on the Temple. Away, away to Shiraz, where he visits the

graves of Saadi, Hafiz, and one of the many graves given to Bathsheba!

At last Stanley reaches Bushire, where he took steamer and entered the

Persian Gulf; he visits Bunder-Abbas, and then continues his journey to

Muscat, Arabia; thence to Kurrachi, arriving at Bombay, on August 1,

1870, his long programme carried through, up to the verge of its last

supreme undertaking, the search for Livingstone. First, he brings his

story up to date, for the ‘Herald,’ writing seventeen long letters about

the Caucasus and Persian experiences; then he plunges deep into books on

African Geography, ‘for I feel very ignorant about most things

concerning Africa.’

And here on the verge of the great venture, we may see how he reviewed

and estimated the long preparatory stage, reckoning it not as a

twelve-month, but as six years, when he looked back on it, toward the

end.

* * * * *

As may be imagined, these six years formed a most important period of my

life; I had seen about fifteen fair battles with the military service,

and three naval bombardments. Twice I had been shipwrecked, and I had

been spectator of mighty events; I had seen many sovereign-monarchs,

princes, ministers, and generals; I had explored many large cities, and

rubbed against thousands of men of vast nations; and, having been

compelled to write of what I had seen in a daily paper, it can be

understood how invaluable such a career and such a training, with its

compulsory lessons, was to me, preparing me for the great work which

awaited me. To this training I owed increasing powers of observation,

and judgment; the long railway journeys taught me, while watching and

meditating upon the characters I met, how to observe most keenly and

guide myself; by which I was enabled, I think, to achieve a certain

mastery of those infirmities which, I was only too conscious, had

cropped up since I had entered the Army [_i.e._, during the Civil War].

* * * * *

And now, at last,--for Africa and Livingstone! Zanzibar is to be his

starting-point; there is no direct communication from Bombay; so he must

creep and zig-zag, by irregular sailing-ship. He starts, October 12,

1870, in the barque ‘Polly,’ a six weeks’ voyage to Mauritius. Off

again, in the brigantine ‘Romp’; and, in seventeen days, to St. Anne’s

Island, Seychelles group. Thence, in the little brigantine whaler,

‘Falcon,’ to creep along for nineteen days more.

* * * * *

Still at sea, light breezes every day. Oh! how I suffer from ennui! Oh,

torment of an impatient soul! What is the use of a sailing-boat in the

tropics? My back aches with pain, my mind becomes old, and all because

of these dispiriting calms.

December 31st, 1870. Eighty days from Bombay, and Zanzibar, at last!

* * * * *

But to find what? No letters from Bennett, nor his agent; so, of course,

no money. No news of Livingstone since his departure, years before; and

of him, then, this cheerful gossip:--

‘---- gave me a very bad opinion of Livingstone; he says that he is hard

to get along with, is cross and narrow-minded; that Livingstone ought to

come home, and allow a younger man to take his place; that he takes no

notes nor keeps his Journal methodically; and that he would run away, if

he heard any traveller was going to him.’

This was the man, to find whom Stanley is to plunge into an unknown

tropical Continent; he, who in all his travellings has had either a

beaten road, or guides who knew the country; who has no experience with

Africans, nor in organising and leading an expedition; who can find

funds for his search only from a friendly loan of Captain F. R. Webb,

and who is thrown on his own resources, almost as if he were entering a

new world! But--forward!

CHAPTER XIII

THE FINDING OF LIVINGSTONE

In his book, ‘How I Found Livingstone,’ Stanley has told that story at

length. What here follows is arranged from material hitherto

unpublished, and is designed to give the main thread of events, to

supply some fuller illustration of his intercourse with Livingstone, and

his final estimate of him, and, especially, both in this, and in his

later explorations, to show from his private Journal something of the

workings of his own heart and mind, in the solitude of Africa.

* * * * *

Though fifteen months had elapsed since I had received my commission, no

news of Livingstone had been heard by any mortal at Zanzibar. According

to one, he was dead; and, according to another, he was lost; while still

another hazarded the conviction that he had attached himself to an

African princess, and had, in fact, settled down. There was no letter

for me from Mr. Bennett, confirming his verbal order to go and search

for the traveller; and no one at Zanzibar was prepared to advance

thousands of dollars to one whom nobody knew; in my pocket I had about

eighty dollars in gold left, after my fifteen months’ journey!

Many people since have professed to disbelieve that I discovered the

lost traveller in Africa! Had they known the circumstances of my arrival

at Zanzibar, they would have had greater reason for their unbelief than

they had. To me it looked for a time as though it would be an

impossibility for me even to put foot on the mainland, though it was

only twenty-five miles off. But, thanks to Captain Webb, the American

consul, I succeeded in raising a sum of money amply sufficient, for the

time being, for my purpose.

The ‘sinews of war’ having been obtained, the formation of the

expedition was proceeded with. On the 21st of March, 1871, it stood a

compact little force of three whites, thirty-one armed freemen of

Zanzibar, as escort, one hundred and fifty-three porters, and

twenty-seven pack-animals, for a transport corps, besides two

riding-horses, on the outskirts of the coast-town of Bagamoyo; equipped

with every needful article for a long journey that the experience of

many Arabs had suggested, and that my own ideas of necessaries for

comfort or convenience, in illness or health, had provided. Its very

composition betrayed its character. There was nothing aggressive in it.

Its many bales of cloth, and loads of beads and wire, with its assorted

packages of provisions and medicine, indicated a peaceful caravan about

to penetrate among African tribes accustomed to barter and chaffer;

while its few guns showed a sufficient defensive power against bands of

native banditti, though offensive measures were utterly out of the

question.

I passed my apprenticeship in African travel while traversing the

maritime region--a bitter school--amid rank jungles, fetid swamps, and

fly-infested grass-lands, during which I encountered nothing that

appeared to favour my journey. My pack and riding-animals died, my

porters deserted, sickness of a very grievous nature thinned my numbers;

but, despite the severe loss I sustained, I struggled through my

troubles.

* * * * *

Into the narrative of external events is here inserted what he recorded

of an interior experience at this time.

* * * * *

In the matter of religion, I doubt whether I had much improved (during

the preceding years of trial and adventure). Had this stirring life

amongst exciting events continued, it is probable that I should have

drifted further away from the thoughts of religion.

Years of indifference and excitement have an unconscious hardening

power, and I might have lapsed altogether; but my training in the world

of politics, of selfish hustling, of fierce competition, stopped in

time; for, on commencing the work of my life, my first journey into

Africa, I came face to face with Nature, and Nature was the means,

through my complete isolation, of recalling me to what I had lost by

long contact with the world.

I had taken with me my Bible, and the American consul had given me, to

pack up bottles of medicine with, a great many ‘New York Heralds,’ and

other American newspapers. Strange connection! But yet strangest of all

was the change wrought in me by the reading of the Bible and these

newspapers in melancholy Africa.

My sicknesses were frequent, and, during my first attacks of African

fever, I took up the Bible to while away the tedious, feverish hours in

bed. Though incapacitated from the march, my temperature being

constantly at 105° Fahr., it did not prevent me from reading, when not

light-headed. I read Job, and then the Psalms; and when I recovered and

was once more in marching state, I occupied my mind in camp in glancing

at the newspaper intelligence; and then, somehow or another, my views

towards newspapers were entirely recast; not as regards my own

profession, which I still esteemed very highly, perhaps too highly, but

as to the use and abuse of newspapers.

Solitude taught me many things, and showed newspapers in quite a new

light. There were several subjects treated in a manner that wild nature

seemed to scorn. It appeared to me that the reading of anything in the

newspapers, except that for which they were intended, namely news, was a

waste of time; and deteriorative of native force, and worth, and

personality. The Bible, however, with its noble and simple language, I

continued to read with a higher and truer understanding than I had ever

before conceived. Its powerful verses had a different meaning, a more

penetrative influence, in the silence of the wilds. I came to feel a

strange glow while absorbed in its pages, and a charm peculiarly

appropriate to the deep melancholy of African scenery.

When I laid down the book, the mind commenced to feed upon what memory

suggested. Then rose the ghosts of bygone yearnings, haunting every

cranny of the brain with numbers of baffled hopes and unfulfilled

aspirations. Here was I, only a poor journalist, with no friends, and

yet possessed by a feeling of power to achieve! How could it ever be?

Then verses of Scripture rang iteratingly through my mind as applicable

to my own being, sometimes full of promise, often of solemn warning.

Alone in my tent, unseen of men, my mind laboured and worked upon

itself, and nothing was so soothing and sustaining as when I remembered

the long-neglected comfort and support of lonely childhood and boyhood.

I flung myself on my knees, and poured out my soul utterly in secret

prayer to Him from whom I had been so long estranged, to Him who had led

me here mysteriously into Africa, there to reveal Himself, and His will.

I became then inspired with fresh desire to serve Him to the utmost,

that same desire which in early days in New Orleans filled me each

morning, and sent me joyfully skipping to my work.

As seen in my loneliness, there was this difference between the Bible

and the newspapers. The one reminded me that, apart from God, my life

was but a bubble of air, and it bade me remember my Creator; the other

fostered arrogance and worldliness. When that vast upheaved sky, and

mighty circumference of tree-clad earth, or sere downland, marked so

emphatically my personal littleness, I felt often so subdued that my

black followers might have discerned, had they been capable of

reflection, that Africa was changing me.

It may be taken for granted that some of the newspaper issues which I

took up, one after another, when examined under this new light, were

uncommonly poor specimens of journalism. Though all contained some facts

appertaining to the progress of the world’s affairs, in which every

intelligent man ought to be concerned, these were so few and meagre that

they were overwhelmed by the vast space devoted to stupid personalities,

which were either offensively flattering or carpingly derogatory; and

there came columns of crime records, and mere gutter-matter.

It was during these days I learned that, as teeth were given to chew our

bread, and taste to direct our sense of its quality, so knowledge and

experience were capable of directing the judgment; and from that period

to this, I have never allowed another to govern my decisions upon the

character of any person, or to pervert my own ideas as to the rights and

wrongs of a matter. I find, if one wishes to be other than a mere

number, he must learn to exercise his own discretion. I have practised

these rules ever since, and I remember my delight when I first found

that this method had so trained and expanded my judgment that my views

upon things affecting other people, or affairs in which I had no

personal concern, were in harmony with those expressed by the best

leading journals.

A multitude of records of African travel have been read by me during

twenty-four years; but I do not remember to have come across anything

which would reveal the inward transition, in the traveller’s own

feelings, from those which move him among his own kindred, to those he

feels when he discovers himself to be a solitary white man in the new

world of savage Africa, and all the pageantry of civilisation, its

blessings, its protection, its politics, its energy and power,--all have

become a mere memory. I was but a few days in the wilderness, on the

other side of the Kingani River, when it dawned upon me with a most

sobering effect. The sable native regarded me with as much curiosity as

I should have regarded a stranger from Mars. He saw that I was outwardly

human, but his desire to know whether my faculties and usages were human

as well was very evident, and until it was gratified by the putting of

my hand into his and speaking to him, his doubt was manifest.

* * * * *

My mission to find Livingstone was very simple, and was a clear and

definite aim. All I had to do was to free my mind from all else, and

relieve it of every earthly desire but the finding of the man whom I was

sent to seek. To think of self, friends, banking-account,

life-insurance, or any worldly interest but the one sole purpose of

reaching the spot where Livingstone might happen to rest, could only

tend to weaken resolution. Intense application to my task assisted me to

forget all I had left behind, and all that might lie ahead in the

future.

In some ways, it produced a delightful tranquillity which was foreign to

me while in Europe. To be indifferent to the obituaries the papers may

publish to-morrow, that never even a thought should glance across the

mind of law-courts, jails, tombstones; not to care what may disturb a

Parliament, or a Congress, or the state of the Funds, or the nerves

excited about earthquakes, floods, wars, and other national evils, is a

felicity few educated men in Britain know; and it compensated me in a

great measure for the distress from heat, meagreness of diet, malaria,

and other ills, to which I became subject soon after entering Africa.

Every day added something to my experience. I saw that exciting

adventures could not happen so often as I had anticipated, that the

fevers in Africa were less frequent than in some parts of the

Mississippi Valley, that game was not visible on every acre, and that

the ambushed savage was rare. There were quite as many bright pictures

to be met with as there were dark. Troubles taught patience, and with

the exercise of patience came greater self-control and experience. My

ideas respecting my Zanzibari and Unyamwezi followers were modified

after a few weeks’ observation and trials of them. Certain vices and

follies, which clung to their uneducated natures, were the source of

great trouble; though there were brave virtues in most of them, which

atoned for much that appeared incorrigible.

Wellington is reported to have said that he never knew a good-tempered

man in India; and Sydney Smith thought that sweetness of temper was

impossible in a very cold or a very hot climate. With such authorities

it is somewhat bold, perhaps, to disagree; but after experiences of

Livingstone, Pocock, Swinburne, Surgeon Parke, and other white men, one

must not take these remarks too literally. As for my black followers, no

quality was so conspicuous and unvarying as good-temper; and I think

that, since I had more occasion to praise my black followers than blame

them, even I must surely take credit for being more often good-tempered

than bad; and besides, I felt great compassion for them. How often the

verse in the Psalms recurred to me: ‘Like as a father pitieth his own

children’!

It was on my first expedition that I felt I was ripening. Hitherto, my

faculties had been too busy in receiving impressions; but, like the

young corn which greedily absorbs the rain and cool dews, and, on

approaching maturity, begins to yellow under summer suns, so I began to

feel the benefit of the myriad impressions, and I grew to govern myself

with more circumspection.

On the 8th May, 1871, we began to ascend the Usagara range, and, in

eight marches, we arrived on the verge of the dry, rolling, and mostly

wooded plateau, which continues, almost without change, for nearly six

hundred miles westward. We soon after entered Ugogo, inhabited by a

bumptious, full-chested, square-shouldered people, who exact heavy

tribute from all caravans. Nine marches took us through their country;

and, when we finally shook the dust of its red soil off our feet, we

were rich in the experience of native manners and arrogance, but

considerably poorer in means.

Beyond Ugogo undulated the Land of the Moon, or Unyamwezi, inhabited by

a turbulent and combative race, who are as ready to work for those who

can afford to pay as they are ready to fight those they consider unduly

aggressive. Towards the middle of this land, we came to a colony of Arab

settlers and traders. Some of these had built excellent and spacious

houses of sun-dried brick, and cultivated extensive gardens. The Arabs

located here were great travellers. Every region round about the colony

had been diligently searched by them for ivory. If Livingstone was

anywhere within reach, some of these people ought surely to have known.

But, although I questioned eagerly all whom I became acquainted with, no

one could give me definite information of the missing man.

I was preparing to leave the Arab colony in Unyanyembe when war broke

out between the settlers and a native chief, named Mirambo, and a series

of sanguinary contests followed. In the hope that, by adding my force to

that of the Arabs, a route west might be opened, I, foolishly enough,

joined them. I did not succeed in my enterprise, however, and a

disastrous retreat followed. The country became more and more disturbed;

bandits infested every road leading from the colony; cruel massacres,

destruction of villages, raids by predatory Watuta, were daily reported

to me; until it seemed to me that there was neither means for advance

nor retreat left.

As my expedition had become thoroughly disorganized during my flight

with the Arabs from the fatal campaign against Mirambo, I turned my

attention to form another, which, whether I should continue my search

for the lost traveller, or abandon it, and turn my face homeward, would

be equally necessary; and, as during such an unquiet period it would be

a task requiring much time and patience, I meanwhile consulted my

charts, and the best informed natives, as to the possibility of evading

the hostile bands of Mirambo by taking a circuitous route round the

disturbed territory.

Finally, on the 20th of September, 1871, I set out from the Arab

settlement at Kwihara to resume the journey so long interrupted. I had

been detained three months at Unyanyembe by an event totally

unlooked-for when the expedition left the sea. Almost every day of this

interval had witnessed trouble. Some troubles had attained the magnitude

of public and private calamities. Many Arab friends had been massacred;

many of my own people either had been slain in battle or had perished

from disease. Over forty had deserted. One of my white companions was

dead; the other had become a mere burden. All the transport animals but

two had died; days of illness from fever had alternated with days of

apparent good health. My joys had been few indeed, but my miseries many;

yet this day, the third expedition that I had organised, through great

good fortune numbered nearly sixty picked men, almost all of whom were

well armed, and loaded with every necessary that was portable, bound to

demonstrate if somewhere in the wild western lands the lost traveller

lived, or was dead.

The conclusion I had arrived at was, that, though Mirambo and his hordes

effectually closed the usual road to Lake Tanganyika, a flank march

might be made, sufficiently distant from the disturbed territory and

sufficiently long to enable me to strike west, and make another attempt

to reach the Arab colony on Lake Tanganyika. I calculated that from two

hundred to three hundred miles extra marching would enable me to reach

Ujiji safely.

Agreeably to this determination, for twenty-two days we travelled in a

south-westerly direction, during which I estimated we had performed a

journey of two hundred and forty miles. At a place called Mpokwa,

Mirambo’s capital lying due north ten days distant, I turned westward,

and after thirty-five miles, gradually turned a little to the westward

of north. At the 105th mile of this northerly journey we came to the

ferry of the Malagarazi River, Mirambo being, at that point, eight days’

march direct east of us, from whence I took a north-westerly course,

straight for the port of the Arab colony on the great Lake. With the

exception of a mutiny among my own people, which was soon forcibly

crushed, and considerable suffering from famine, I had met with no

adventures which detained me, or interrupted my rapid advance on the

Lake. At the river just mentioned, however, a rumour reached me, by a

native caravan, of a white man having reached Ujiji from Manyuema, a

country situated a few hundred miles west of the lake, which startled us

all greatly. The caravan did not stay long. The ferriage of the river is

always exciting. The people were natives of West Tanganyika. The

evidence, such as it was,--brief, and given in a language few of my

people could understand,--was conclusive that the stranger was elderly,

grey-bearded, white, and that he was a man wearing clothes somewhat of

the pattern of those I wore; that he had been at Ujiji before, but had

been years absent in the western country; and that he had only arrived

either the same day they had left Ujiji with their caravan, or the day

before.

To my mind, startling as it was to me, it appeared that he could be no

other than Livingstone. True, Sir Samuel Baker was known to be in

Central Africa in the neighbourhood of the Nile lakes--but he was not

grey-bearded; a traveller might have arrived from the West Coast,--he

might be a Portuguese, a German, or a Frenchman,--but then none of these

had ever been heard of in the neighbourhood of Ujiji. Therefore, as fast

as doubts arose as to his personality, arguments were as quickly found

to dissipate them. Quickened by the hope that was inspired in my mind by

this vague rumour, I crossed the Malagarazi River, and soon after

entered the country of the factious and warlike Wahha.

A series of misfortunes commenced at the first village we came to in

Uhha. I was summoned to halt, and to pay such a tribute as would have

beggared me had I yielded. To reduce it, however, was a severe task and

strain on my patience. I had received no previous warning that I should

be subjected to such extortionate demands, which made the matter worse.

The inevitable can always be endured, if due notice is given; but the

suddenness of a mishap or an evil rouses the combative instincts in man.

Before paying, or even submitting to the thought of payment, my power of

resistance was carefully weighed, but I became inclined to moderation

upon being assured by all concerned that this would be the only instance

of what must be endured unless we chose to fight. After long hours of

haggling over the amount, I paid my forfeit, and was permitted to

proceed.

The next day I was again halted, and summoned to pay. The present demand

was for two bales of cloth. This led to half-formed resolutions to

resist to the death, then anxious conjectures as to what would be the

end of this rapacity. The manner of the Wahha was confident and

supercilious. This could only arise from the knowledge that, whether

their demands were agreeable or not to the white man, the refusal to pay

could but result in gain to them. After hours of attempts to reduce the

sum total, I submitted to pay one bale and a quarter. Again I was

assured this would be the last.

The next day I rose at dawn to resume the march; but, four hours later,

we were halted again, and forfeited another half-bale, notwithstanding

the most protracted and patient haggling on my part. And for the third

time I was assured we were safe from further demands. The natives and my

own people combined to comfort me with this assurance. I heard, however,

shortly after, that Uhha extended for two long marches yet, further

west. Knowing this, I declined to believe them, and began to form plans

to escape from Uhha.

I purchased four days’ rations as a provision for the wilderness, and at

midnight I roused the caravan. Having noiselessly packed the goods, the

people silently stole away from the sleeping village in small groups,

and the guides were directed, as soon as we should be a little distance

off, to abandon the road and march to the southward over the grassy

plain. After eighteen hours’ marching through an unpeopled wilderness,

we were safe beyond Uhha and the power of any chief to exact tribute, or

to lay down the arbitrary law, ‘Fight, or pay.’ A small stream now

crossed was the boundary line between hateful Uhha and peaceful

Ukaranga.

That evening we slept at a chief’s village in Ukaranga, with only one

more march of six hours, it was said, intervening between us and the

Arab settlement of Ujiji, in which native rumour located an old,

grey-bearded, white man, who had but newly arrived from a distant

western country. It was now two hundred and thirty-five days since I had

left the Indian Ocean, and fifty days since I had departed from

Unyanyembe.

At cock-crow of the eventful day,[13] the day that was to end all doubt,

we strengthened ourselves with a substantial meal, and, as the sun rose

in the east, we turned our backs to it, and the caravan was soon in full

swing on the march. We were in a hilly country, thickly-wooded, towering

trees nodding their heads far above, tall bush filling darkly the shade,

the road winding like a serpent, narrow and sinuous, the hollows all

musical with the murmur of living waters and their sibilant echoes, the

air cool and fragrant with the smell of strange flowers and sweet gums.

Then, my mind lightened with pleasant presentiments, and conscience

complaisantly approving what I had done hitherto, you can imagine the

vigour of our pace in that cool and charming twilight of the forest

shades!

About eight o’clock we were climbing the side of a steep and wooded

hill, and we presently stood on the very crest of it, and on the

furthest edge looked out into a realm of light--wherein I saw, as in a

painted picture, a vast lake in the distance below, with its face

luminous as a mirror, set in a frame of dimly-blue mountains. On the

further side they seemed to be of appalling height. On the hither side

they rose from low hills lining the shore, in advancing lines, separated

by valleys, until they terminated at the base of that tall mountain-brow

whereon I stood, looking down from my proud height, with glad eyes and

exultant feelings, upon the whole prospect.

On our admiring people, who pressed eagerly forward to gaze upon the

scene, contentment diffused itself immediately, inspiring a boisterous

good-humour; for it meant a crowning rest from their daily round of

miles, and a holiday from the bearing of burdens, certainly an agreeable

change from the early reveillé, and hard fare of the road.

With thoughts still gladder, if possible, than ever, the caravan was

urged down the descent. The lake grew larger into view, and smiled a

broad welcome to us, until we lost sight of it in the valley below. For

hours I strode nervously on, tearing through the cane-brakes of the

valleys, brushing past the bush on the hill-slopes and crests, flinging

gay remarks to the wondering villagers, who looked on the almost flying

column in mute surprise, until near noon, when, having crossed the last

valley and climbed up to the summit of the last hill, lo! Lake

Tanganyika was distant from us but half a mile!

Before such a scene I must halt once more. To me, a lover of the sea,

its rolling waves, its surge and its moan, the grand lake recalls my

long-forgotten love! I look enraptured upon the magnificent expanse of

fresh water, and the white-tipped billows of the inland sea. I see the

sun and the clear white sky reflected a million million times upon the

dancing waves. I hear the sounding surge on the pebbled shore, I see its

crispy edge curling over, and creeping up the land, to return again to

the watery hollows below. I see canoes, far away from the shore, lazily

rocking on the undulating face of the lake, and at once the sight

appeals to the memories of my men who had long ago handled the net and

the paddle. Hard by the lake shore, embowered in palms, on this hot

noon, the village of Ujiji broods drowsily. No living thing can be seen

moving to break the stilly aspect of the outer lines of the town and its

deep shades. The green-swarded hill on which I stood descended in a

gentle slope to the town. The path was seen, of an ochreous-brown,

curving down the face of the hill until it entered under the trees into

the town.

I rested awhile, breathless from my exertions; and, as the stragglers

were many, I halted to re-unite and re-form for an imposing entry.

Meantime, my people improved their personal appearance; they clothed

themselves in clean dresses, and snowy cloths were folded round their

heads. When the laggards had all been gathered, the guns were loaded to

rouse up the sleeping town. It is an immemorial custom, for a caravan

creeps not up into a friendly town like a thief. Our braves knew the

custom well; they therefore volleyed and thundered their salutes as they

went marching down the hill slowly, and with much self-contained

dignity.

Presently, there is a tumultuous stir visible on the outer edge of the

town. Groups of men in white dresses, with arms in their hands, burst

from the shades, and seem to hesitate a moment, as if in doubt; they

then come rushing up to meet us, pursued by hundreds of people, who

shout joyfully, while yet afar, their noisy welcomes.

The foremost, who come on bounding up, cry out: ‘Why, we took you for

Mirambo and his bandits, when we heard the booming of the guns. It is an

age since a caravan has come to Ujiji. Which way did you come? Ah! you

have got a white man with you! Is this his caravan?’

Being told it was a white man’s caravan by the guides in front, the

boisterous multitude pressed up to me, greeted me with salaams, and

bowed their salutes. Hundreds of them jostled and trod on one another’s

heels as they each strove to catch a look at the master of the caravan;

and I was about asking one of the nearest to me whether it was true that

there was a white man in Ujiji, who was just come from the countries

west of the Lake, when a tall black man, in long white shirt, burst

impulsively through the crowd on my right, and bending low, said,--

‘Good-morning, sir,’ in clear, intelligent English.

‘Hello!’ I said, ‘who in the mischief are you?’

‘I am Susi, sir, the servant of Dr. Livingstone.’

‘What! is Dr. Livingstone here in this town?’

‘Yes, sir.’

‘But, are you sure; sure that it is Dr. Livingstone?’

‘Why, I leave him just now, sir.’

Before I could express my wonder, a similarly-dressed man elbowed his

way briskly to me, and said,--

‘Good-morning, sir.’

‘Are you also a servant of Dr. Livingstone?’ I asked.

‘Yes, sir.’

‘And what is your name?’

‘It is Chuma.’

‘Oh! the friend of Wekotani, from the Nassick School?’

‘Yes, sir.’

‘Well, now that we have met, one of you had better run ahead, and tell

the Doctor of my coming.’

The same idea striking Susi’s mind, he undertook in his impulsive manner

to inform the Doctor, and I saw him racing headlong, with his white

dress streaming behind him like a wind-whipped pennant.

The column continued on its way, beset on either flank by a

vehemently-enthusiastic and noisily-rejoicing mob, which bawled a

jangling chorus of ‘Yambos’ to every mother’s son of us, and maintained

an inharmonious orchestral music of drums and horns. I was indebted for

this loud ovation to the cheerful relief the people felt that we were

not Mirambo’s bandits, and to their joy at the happy rupture of the long

silence that had perforce existed between the two trading colonies of

Unyanyembe and Ujiji, and because we brought news which concerned every

householder and freeman of this lake port.

After a few minutes we came to a halt. The guides in the van had reached

the market-place, which was the central point of interest. For there the

great Arabs, chiefs, and respectabilities of Ujiji, had gathered in a

group to await events; thither also they had brought with them the

venerable European traveller who was at that time resting among them.

The caravan pressed up to them, divided itself into two lines on either

side of the road, and, as it did so, disclosed to me the prominent

figure of an elderly white man clad in a red flannel blouse, grey

trousers, and a blue cloth, gold-banded cap.

Up to this moment my mind had verged upon non-belief in his existence,

and now a nagging doubt intruded itself into my mind that this white man

could not be the object of my quest, or if he were, he would somehow

contrive to disappear before my eyes would be satisfied with a view of

him.

Consequently, though the expedition was organized for this supreme

moment, and every movement of it had been confidently ordered with the

view of discovering him, yet when the moment of discovery came, and the

man himself stood revealed before me, this constantly recurring doubt

contributed not a little to make me unprepared for it. ‘It may not be

Livingstone after all,’ doubt suggested. If this is he, what shall I say

to him? My imagination had not taken this question into consideration

before. All around me was the immense crowd, hushed and expectant, and

wondering how the scene would develop itself.

Under all these circumstances I could do no more than exercise some

restraint and reserve, so I walked up to him, and, doffing my helmet,

bowed and said in an inquiring tone,--

‘Dr. Livingstone, I presume?’

Smiling cordially, he lifted his cap, and answered briefly, ‘Yes.’

This ending all scepticism on my part, my face betrayed the earnestness

of my satisfaction as I extended my hand and added,--

* * * * *

[Illustration: HENRY M. STANLEY, 1872]

* * * * *

‘I thank God, Doctor, that I have been permitted to see you.’[14]

In the warm grasp he gave my hand, and the heartiness of his voice, I

felt that he also was sincere and earnest as he replied,--

‘I feel most thankful that I am here to welcome you.’

The principal Arabs now advanced, and I was presented by the Doctor to

Sayed bin Majid, a relative of the Prince of Zanzibar; to Mahommed bin

Sali, the Governor of Ujiji; to Abed bin Suliman, a rich merchant; to

Mahommed bin Gharib, a constant good friend; and to many other notable

friends and neighbours.

Then, remarking that the sun was very hot, the Doctor led the way to the

verandah of his house, which was close by and fronted the market-place.

The vast crowd moved with us.

After the Arab chiefs had been told the latest news of the war of their

friends with Mirambo, with salaams, greetings, and warm hand-shakings,

and comforting words to their old friend David (Livingstone), they

retired from the verandah, and a large portion of the crowd followed

them.

Then Livingstone caught sight of my people still standing in the hot

sunshine by their packs, and extending his hand, said to me,--

‘I am afraid I have been very remiss, too. Let me ask you now to share

my house with me. It is not a very fine house, but it is rain-proof and

cool, and there are enough spare rooms to lodge you and your goods.

Indeed, one room is far too large for my use.’

I expressed my gratification at his kind offer in suitable terms, and

accordingly gave directions to the chiefs of the caravan about the

storing of the goods and the purchase of rations; and Livingstone

charged his three servants, Susi, Chuma, and Hamoyda, to assist them.

Relieved thus happily and comfortably from all further trouble about my

men, I introduced the subject of breakfast, and asked permission of the

Doctor to give a few directions to my cook.

The Doctor became all at once anxious on that score. Was my cook a good

one? Could he prepare a really satisfactory breakfast? If not, he had a

gem of a female cook--and here he laughed, and continued, ‘She is the

oddest, most eccentric woman I have ever seen. She is quite a character,

but I must give her due credit for her skill in cooking. She is

exceedingly faithful, clean, and deft at all sorts of cooking fit for a

toothless old man like myself. But, perhaps, the two combined would be

still better able to satisfy you?’

Halima, a stout, buxom woman of thirty, was brought at once to our

presence, grinning, but evidently nervous and shy. She was not

uninteresting by any means, and as she opened her capacious mouth, two

complete and perfect rows of teeth were revealed.

‘Halima,’ began Livingstone, in kind, grave tones, ‘my young brother has

travelled far, and is hungry. Do you think you and Ferajji, his cook,

can manage to give us something nice to eat? What have you?’

‘I can have some dampers, and kid kabobs, and tea or coffee ready

immediately, master, if you like; and by sending to the market for

something, we can do better.’

‘Well, Halima, we will leave it to you and Ferajji; only do your best,

for this is a great day for us all in Ujiji.’

‘Yes, master. Sure to do that.’

I now thought of Livingstone’s letters, and calling Kaif-Halek, the

bearer of them, I delivered into the Doctor’s hands a long-delayed

letter-bag that I had discovered at Unyanyembe, the cover of which was

dated November 1st, 1870.

A gleam of joy lighted up his face, but he made no remark, as he stepped

on to the verandah and resumed his seat. Resting the letter-bag on his

knees, he presently, after a minute’s abstraction in thought, lifted his

face to me and said, ‘Now sit down by my side, and tell me the news.’

‘But what about your letters, Doctor? You will find the news, I dare

say, in them. I am sure you must be impatient to read your letters after

such a long silence.’

‘Ah!’ he replied, with a sigh, ‘I have waited years for letters; and the

lesson of patience I have well learned!--I can surely wait a few hours

longer! I would rather hear the general news, so pray tell me how the

old world outside of Africa is getting along.’

Consenting, I sat down, and began to give a résumé of the exciting

events that had transpired since he had disappeared in Africa, in March,

1866.

When I had ended the story of triumphs and reverses which had taken

place between 1866 and 1871, my tent-boys advanced to spread a crimson

table-cloth, and arrange the dishes and smoking platters heaped up

profusely with hot dampers, white rice, maize porridge, kid kabobs,

fricasseed chicken, and stewed goat-meat. There were also a number of

things giving variety to the meal, such as honey from Ukawendi, forest

plums, and wild-fruit jam, besides sweet milk and clabber, and then a

silver tea-pot full of ‘best tea,’ and beautiful china cups and saucers

to drink it from. Before we could commence this already magnificent

breakfast, the servants of Sayed bin Majid, Mohammed bin Sali, and Muini

Kheri brought three great trays loaded with cakes, curries, hashes, and

stews, and three separate hillocks of white rice, and we looked at one

another with a smile of wonder at this Ujiji banquet.

We drew near to it, and the Doctor uttered the grace: ‘For what we are

going to receive, make us, O Lord, sincerely thankful.’

I need not linger over a description of Livingstone. All this may be

found in books, in mine among the number; but I will note some other

discoveries relating to him which I made, which may not be found in

books. At various times I have remarked that the question most

frequently given to me has been: ‘Why did not Livingstone return of his

own accord when he found his energies waning, age creeping on him and

fettering him in its strong bonds, his means so reduced that he was

unable to accomplish anything, even if youth could have been restored to

him?’

Briefly, I will answer that his return to home and kindred was prevented

by an over-scrupulous fidelity to a promise that he had made to his

friend Sir R. Murchison--that he would set the matter of that watershed

north of the Tanganyika at rest. But, strive as he might, misfortune

dogged him; dauntlessly he urged his steps forward over the high

plateaus between Nyasa and Tanganyika, but, steadily, evil, in various

disguises, haunted him. First, his transport animals died, his Indian

escort malingered, and halted, faint-hearted, on the road, until they

were dismissed; then his Johanna escort played the same trick and

deserted him, after which his porters under various pretences absconded;

the natives took advantage of his weakness, and tyrannised over him at

every opportunity. A canoe capsized on Lake Bangweolo, which accident

deprived him of his medicine-chest; then, malarial diseases, finding the

body now vulnerable and open to attack, assailed him, poisoned his

blood, and ravished his strength. Malignant ulcers flourished on the

muscles of his limbs, dysentery robbed him of the vital constituent of

his body. Still, after a time, he rose from his sick-bed, and pressed on

unfalteringly.

The watershed, when he reached it, grew to be a tougher problem than he

had conceived it to be. On the northern slope, a countless multitude of

streams poured northward, into an enormously wide valley. At its lowest

depression, they were met by others, rushing to meet them from the north

and east. United, they formed a river of such volume and current that he

paused in wonder. So remote from all known rivers--Nile, Niger,

Congo--and yet so large! Heedless of his beggared state, forgetful of

his past miseries, unconscious of his weakness, his fidelity to his

promise drives him on with the zeal of an honourable fanatic. He _must_

fulfil his promise, or die in the attempt!

We, lapped as we are in luxury, feeding on the daintiest diet, affecting

an epicurean cynicism, with the noble virtues of our youth and earlier

life blunted from too close contact with animal pleasures, can only

smile contemptuously, compassionating these morbid ideas of honour! This

man, however, verging upon old age, is so beset by these severely rigid

scruples of his that he _must_ go on.

He traces that voluminous river until it enters a shallow lake called

Bangweolo, which spreads out on either hand beyond sight, like a sea. He

attempts to navigate it; his intention is frustrated by a calamity--the

last of his medicines are lost, his instruments are damaged. He

determines to go by land, reaches Cazembe, and by the natives he is told

of other lakes and rivers without end, all trending northward. He

directs his steps north and west to gather the clues to the riverine

labyrinth, until he is, perforce, halted by utter exhaustion of his

means. He meets an Arab, begs a loan for mere subsistence; and, on that

account, must needs march whither the Arab goes.

Hearing of a caravan bound coastward, he writes a letter to Zanzibar in

1867, and directs that goods should be sent to him at Ujiji; and,

bidding his soul possess itself with patience, he wanders with the Arab

merchant for a whole year, and, in 1869, arrives at Ujiji. There is

nothing there for him; but a draft on Zanzibar suffices to purchase, at

an extortionate charge, a few bags of beads and a few bales of cloth,

with which he proposes to march due west to strike that great river

discovered two years before so far south. This is loyalty to a friend

with a vengeance!

The friend to whom he had given his promise, had he but known to what

desperate straits the old man was reduced, would long ago have absolved

him. Livingstone was now in his fifty-seventh year, toothless, ill-clad,

a constant victim to disease, meagre and gaunt from famine: but

Livingstone’s word was not a thing to be obliterated by

forgetfulness--he had made it his creed, and resolved to be true to it.

Well, this insatiable zeal for his word demands that he proceed due

west, to find this river. He travels until within a hundred miles of it,

when he is stricken down by African ulcers of a peculiarly virulent

type, which confine him to his bed for months. During this forced rest,

his few followers become utterly demoralised; they refuse to stay with a

man who seems bent on self-destruction, and so blind, they say, that he

will not see he is marching to his doom. The ninth month brings

relief--his body is cured, a small re-enforcement of men appear before

him, in answer to the letter he had sent in 1867.

The new men inform him they have only come to convey him back to the

coast. He repudiates the insinuation their words convey with indignant

warmth. He buys their submission by liberal largesse, and resumes his

interrupted journey westward. In a few days, he arrives at the banks of

the Lualaba, which is now two thousand yards wide, deep, and flowing

strong still northward, at a point thirteen hundred miles from its

source. The natives as well as the Arab traders unite in the statement

that, as far as their acquaintance with it is, its course is northward.

The problem becomes more and more difficult, and its resolution is ever

elusive. His instruments make it only two thousand feet above the

sea--the Nile, six hundred miles northward, is also two thousand feet!

How can this river be the Nile, then? Yet its course is northward and

Nileward,--has been northward and Nileward ever since it left Bangweolo

Lake, seven hundred miles south of where he stands,--and, for many

weeks’ travel along its banks, all reports prove that it continues its

northerly flow.

To settle this exasperating puzzle, he endeavours to purchase canoes for

its navigation; but his men become rebellious and frantic in their

opposition, and Livingstone finds that every attempt he makes is

thwarted. While hesitating what to do, he receives a letter, which

informs him that another caravan has arrived for him at Ujiji. He

resolves to journey back to Lake Tanganyika, and dismiss these obstinate

and mutinous followers of his; and, with new men, carefully chosen,

return to this interesting field, and explore it until he discovers the

bourn of that immense river.

He arrives at Ujiji about the 1st of November, 1871, only to find that

his caravan has been disbanded, and the goods sold by its chief; in

other words, that his present state is worse than ever!

He is now in his fifty-ninth year, far away from the scene of his

premeditated labours; the sea, where he might have rest and relief from

these continually-repeating misfortunes, though only nine hundred miles

off, is as inaccessible as the moon to him, because Mirambo and his

bandits are carrying on a ravaging and desolating war throughout all the

region east of Ujiji. The Arabs of the colony have no comfort to impart

to him, for they, too, feel the doom of isolation impending over them.

Over and over again, they have despatched scouts eastward, and each time

these have returned with the authentic news that all routes to the sea

are closed by sanguinary brigandage. Not knowing how long this period

may last, the Arabs practise the strictest economy; they have neither

cloth nor bead currency to lend, however large may be the interest

offered for the loan. But, as the position of the old man has become

desperate, and he and his few followers may die of starvation, if no

relief be given, Sayed bin Majid and Mohammed bin Gharib advance a few

dozen cloths to him, which, with miserly economy, may suffice to

purchase food for a month.

And then? Ah! then the prospect will be blank indeed! However, ‘Thy will

be done. Elijah was fed by a raven; a mere dove brought hope to Noah;

unto the hungering Christ, angels ministered. To God, the All-bountiful,

all things are possible!’

To keep his mind from brooding over the hopeless prospect, he turns to

his Journal, occupies himself with writing down at large, and with

method, the brief jottings of his lengthy journeys, that nothing may be

obscure of his history in the African wilds to those who may hereafter

act as the executors and administrators of his literary estate. When

fatigued by his constrained position on the clay floor in that

east-facing verandah, he would lift his heavy Journal from his lap, and,

with hand to chin, sit for hours in his brooding moods, thinking, ever

thinking--mind ever revolving the prayer, ‘How long, O Lord, must Thy

servant bear all this?’

At noon, on the tenth day after his arrival at Ujiji from the

west,--while he was in one of these brooding fits on the

verandah,--looking up to the edge of that mountain-plateau, whence we, a

few hours before, had gazed in rapture on the Tanganyika, several

volleys of musketry suddenly startled him and his drowsy neighbours. The

town was wakened from its _siesta_ by the alarming sound of firing. The

inhabitants hurriedly issued out of their homes somewhat frightened,

asking one another if it were Mirambo and his bandits. The general

suspicion that the strangers could be no other than the ubiquitous

African chief and his wild men caused all to lay their hands on their

arms and prepare for the conflict. The boldest, creeping cautiously out

of the town, see a caravan descending slowly towards Ujiji, bearing the

Zanzibar and American flags in front, and rush back shouting out the

news that the strangers are friends from Zanzibar.

In a few minutes the news becomes more definite: people say that it is a

white man’s caravan. Looking out upon the market-place from his

verandah, Livingstone is, from the first, aware of the excitement which

the sudden firing is causing; but if it be Mirambo, as all suspect it

to be, it does not matter much to him, for he is above the miserable

fear of death; violent as it may be, it will be but a happy release from

the afflictions of life. Soon, however, men cried out to him, ‘Joy, old

master, it is a white man’s caravan; it may belong to a friend of

thine.’ This Livingstone contemptuously declines to believe. It is then

that Susi appears, rushing up to me with his impulsive ‘Good-morning.’

None knew better than Susi what a change in the circumstances of his old

master and himself the arrival of an English-speaking white man

foreshadowed. With even more energy of movement he returned to

Livingstone, crying, ‘It is true, sir, it is a white man, he speaks

English; and he has got an American flag with him.’ More than ever

perplexed by this news, he asks, ‘But are you sure of what you say? Have

you seen him?’

At this moment the Arab chiefs came in a group to him, and said, ‘Come,

arise, friend David. Let us go and meet this white stranger. He may be a

relative of thine. Please God, he is sure to be a friend. The praise be

to God for His goodness!’

They had barely reached the centre of the market-place, when the head of

the caravan appeared, and a few seconds later the two white

men--Livingstone and myself--met, as already described.

Our meeting took place on the 10th November, 1871. It found him reduced

to the lowest ebb in fortune by his endless quest of the solution to the

problem of that mighty river Lualaba, which, at a distance of three

hundred miles from Lake Tanganyika, flowed parallel with the lake,

northward. In body, he was, as he himself expressed it, ‘a mere ruckle

of bones.’

The effect of the meeting was a rapid restoration to health; he was also

placed above want, for he had now stores in abundance sufficient to have

kept him in comfort in Ujiji for years, or to equip an expedition

capable of solving within a few months even that tough problem of the

Lualaba. There was only one thing wanting to complete the old man’s

happiness--that was an obedient and tractable escort. Could I have

furnished this to him there and then, no doubt Livingstone would have

been alive to-day,[15] because, after a few days’ rest at Ujiji, we

should have parted--he to return to the Lualaba, and trace the river,

perhaps, down to the sea, or until he found sufficient proofs that it

was the Congo, which would be about seven hundred miles north-west of

Nyangwe; I journeying to the East Coast.

As my people, however, had only been engaged for two years, no bribe

would have been sufficient to have made them tractable for a greater

period. But, inasmuch as Livingstone would not relinquish his unfinished

task, and no men of the kind he needed were procurable at Ujiji, it was

necessary that he should return with me to Unyanyembe, and rest there

until I could provide him with the force he needed. To this, the last of

many propositions made to him, he agreed. After exploring together the

north end of Lake Tanganyika, and disproving the theory that the Lake

had any connection with the Albert Nyanza, we set out from Ujiji, on the

27th December, 1871, and arrived at Unyanyembe on the 18th February,

1872.

January 3, 1872. Had some modest sport among some zebras, and secured a

quantity of meat, which will be useful. Livingstone, this afternoon, got

upon his favourite topics, the Zambesi Mission, the Portuguese and Arab

slave-trade, and these subjects invariably bring him to relate incidents

about what he has witnessed of African nature and aptitudes. I conclude,

from the importance he attaches to these, that he is more interested in

ethnology than in topographical geography. Though the Nile problem and

the central line of drainage are frequently on his lips, they are second

to the humanities observed on his wanderings, which, whether at the

morning coffee, tiffin, or dinner, occupy him throughout the meal.

The Manyuema women must have attracted him by their beauty, from which I

gather that they must be superior to the average female native. He

speaks of their large eyes, their intelligent looks, and pretty,

expressive, arch ways. Then he refers to the customs at Cazembe’s Court,

and the kindness received from the women there.

In a little while, I am listening to the atrocities of Tagamoyo, the

half-caste Arab, who surrounded a Manyuema market, and, with his

long-shirted followers, fired most murderous volleys on the natives as

they were innocently chaffering about their wares. Then there is real

passion in his language, and I fancy from the angry glitter in his eyes

that, were it in his power, Tagamoyo and his gang should have a quick

taste of the terror he has inspired among the simple peoples of

Manyuema. He is truly pathetic when he describes the poor enchained

slaves, and the unhappy beings whose necks he has seen galled by the

tree-forks, lumbering and tottering along the paths, watched by the

steady, cruel eyes of their drivers, etc., etc.

The topics change so abruptly that I find it almost impossible to

remember a tithe of them; and they refer to things about which I know so

little that it will be hard to make a summary of what I am told at each

meal. One cannot always have his note-book handy, for we drop upon a

subject so suddenly, and often, in my interest, I forget what I ought to

do. I must trust largely to the fact that I am becoming steeped in

Livingstonian ideas upon everything that is African, from pity for the

big-stomached picaninny, clinging to the waist-strings of its mother, to

the missionary bishop, and the great explorers, Burton, Speke, and

Baker.

He is a strong man in every way, with an individual tenacity of

character. His memory is retentive. How he can remember Whittier’s

poems, couplets out of which I hear frequently, as well as from

Longfellow, I cannot make out. I do not think he has any of these books

with him. But he recites them as though he had read them yesterday.

March 3. Livingstone reverted again to his charges against the

missionaries on the Zambesi, and some of his naval officers on the

expedition.

I have had some intrusive suspicions, thoughts that he was not of such

an angelic temper as I believed him to be during my first month with

him; but, for the last month, I have been driving them steadily from my

mind, or perhaps to be fair, he by his conversations, by his prayers,

his actions, and a more careful weighing and a wider knowledge of all

the circumstances, assists me to extinguish them. Livingstone, with all

his frankness, does not unfold himself at once; and what he leaves

untold may be just as vital to a righteous understanding of these

disputes as what he has said. Some reparation I owe him for having been

on the verge of prejudice before I even saw him. I expected, and was

prepared, to meet a crusty misanthrope, and I was on my guard that the

first offence should not come from me; but I met a sweet opposite, and,

by leaps and bounds, my admiration grew in consequence. When, however,

he reiterated his complaints against this man and the other, I felt the

faintest fear that his strong nature was opposed to forgiveness, and

that he was not so perfect as at the first blush of friendship I thought

him. I grew shy of the recurrent theme, lest I should find my fear

confirmed. Had I left him at Ujiji, I should have lost the chance of

viewing him on the march, and obtaining that more detailed knowledge I

have, by which I am able to put myself into his place, and, feeling

something of his feelings, to understand the position better.

It was an ungrateful task to have to reproach the missionaries for their

over-zeal against the slave-traders, though he quite shared their hatred

of the trade, and all connected with it; but to be himself charged, as

he was, with having been the cause of their militant behaviour, to be

blamed for their neglect of their special duties, and for their follies,

by the very men whom he has assisted and advised, was too much.

But, in thinking that it was rather a weakness to dwell on these bitter

memories, I forgot that he was speaking to me, who had reminded him of

his experiences, and who pestered him with questions about this year and

another, upon this topic and that; and I thought that it was not fair to

retaliate with inward accusations that he was making too much of these

things, when it was my own fault. Then I thought of his loneliness, and

that to speak of African geography to a man who was himself in Africa,

was not only not entertaining, but unnecessary; and that to refuse to

speak of personal events would, from the nature of a man, be imputed to

him as reserve, and, perhaps, something worse. These things I revolved,

caused by observations on his daily method of life, his pious habits, in

the boat, the tent, and the house.

At Kwikuru, just before the day we got our letters from Europe, I went

to the cook Ulimengo, who was acting in Ferajji’s place; and, being

half-mad with the huge doses of quinine I had taken, and distressingly

weak, I sharply scolded him for not cleaning his coffee-pots, and said

that I tasted the verdigris in every article of food, and I violently

asked if he meant to poison us. I showed him the kettles and the pots,

and the loathsome green on the rims. He turned to me with astounding

insolence, and sneeringly asked if I was any better than the ‘big

master,’ and said that what was good for him was good for me--the

‘little master.’

I clouted him at once, not only for his insolent question, but because I

recognised a disposition to fight. Ulimengo stood up and laid hold of

me. On freeing myself, I searched for some handy instrument; but, at

this juncture, Livingstone came out of the tent, and cried out to

Ulimengo, ‘Poli-poli-hapo’ [Gently there]! What is the matter, Mr.

Stanley?’ Almost breathless between passion and quinine, I spluttered

out my explanations. Then, lifting his right hand with the curved

forefinger, he said, ‘I will settle this.’ I stood quieted; but, what

with unsatisfied rage and shameful weakness, the tears rolled down as

copiously as when a child.

I heard him say, ‘Now, Ulimengo, you are a big fool: a big, thick-headed

fellow. I believe you are a very wicked man. Your head is full of lying

ideas. Understand me now, and open your ears. I am a Mgeni [guest] and

only a Mgeni, and have nothing to do with this caravan. Everything in

the camp is my friend’s. The food I eat, the clothes on my back, the

shirt I wear, all are his. All the bales and beads are his. What you put

in that belly of yours comes from him, not from me. He pays your wages.

The tent and the bed-clothes belong to him. He came only to help me, as

you would help your brother or your father. I am only the “big master”

because I am older; but when we march, or stop, must be as _he_ likes,

not me. Try and get all that into that thick skull of yours, Ulimengo.

Don’t you see that he is very ill, you rascal? Now, go and ask his

pardon, Go on.’

And Ulimengo said he was very sorry, and wanted to kiss my feet; but I

would not let him.

Then Livingstone took me by the arm to the tent, saying, ‘Come now, you

must not mind him. He is only a half-savage, and does not know any

better. He is probably a Banyan slave. Why should you care what he says?

They are all alike, unfeeling and hard!’

Little by little, I softened down; and, before night, I had shaken hands

with Ulimengo. It is the memory of several small events, which, though

not worth recounting singly, muster in evidence and strike a lasting

impression.

‘You bad fellow. You very wicked fellow. You blockhead. You fool of a

man,’ were the strongest terms he employed, where others would have

clubbed, or clouted, or banned, and blasted. His manner was that of a

cool, wise, old man, who felt offended, and looked grave.

March 4, Sunday. Service at 9 A.M. Referring to his address to his men,

after the Sunday service was over, he asked me what conclusions I had

come to in regard to the African’s power of receiving the gospel?

‘Well, really, to tell you the truth, I have not thought much of it. The

Africans appear to me very dense, and I suppose it will take some time

before any headway will be made. It is a slow affair, I think,

altogether. You do not seem to me to go about it in the right way--I do

not mean you personally, but missionaries. I cannot see how one or two

men can hope to make an impression on the minds of so many millions,

when all around them is the whole world continuing in its own humdrum

fashion, absorbed in its avocations, and utterly regardless of the tiny

village, or obscure district, where the missionaries preach the gospel.’

‘How would you go about it?’ he asked.

‘I would certainly have more than one or two missionaries. I would have

a thousand, scattered not all over the continent, but among some great

tribe or cluster of tribes, organised systematically, one or two for

each village, so that though the outskirts of the tribe or area where

the gospel was at work might be disturbed somewhat by the evil example

of those outside, all within the area might be safely and

uninterruptedly progressing. Then, with the pupils who would be turned

out from each village, there would be new forces to start elsewhere

outside the area.’

‘In a way, that is just my opinion; but someone must begin the work.

Christ was the beginner of the Christianity that is now spread over a

large part of the world, then came the Twelve Apostles, and then the

Disciples. I feel, sometimes, as if I were the beginner for attacking

Central Africa, and that others will shortly come; and, after those,

there will come the thousand workers that you speak of. It is very dark

and dreary, but the promise is, “Commit thy way to the Lord, trust in

Him, and He shall bring it to pass.” I may fall by the way, being

unworthy to see the dawning. I thought I had seen it when the Zambezi

mission came out, but the darkness has settled again, darker than ever.

It will come, though, it _must_ come, and I do not despair of the day,

one bit. The earth, that is the whole earth, shall be filled with the

knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea.

‘Loneliness is a terrible thing, especially when I think of my children.

I have lost a great deal of happiness, I know, by these wanderings. It

is as if I had been born to exile; but it is God’s doing, and He will do

what seemeth good in His own eyes. But when my children and home are not

in my mind, I feel as though appointed to this work and no other. I am

away from the perpetual hurry of civilisation, and I think I see far and

clear into what is to come; and then I seem to understand why I was led

away, here and there, and crossed and baffled over and over again, to

wear out my years and strength. Why was it but to be a witness of the

full horror of this slave-trade, which, in the language of Burns, is

sending these pitiless half-castes

“Like bloodhounds from the slip,

With woe and murder o’er the land!”

‘My business is to publish what I see, to rouse up those who have the

power to stop it, once and for all. That is the beginning; but, in the

end, they will also send proper teachers of the gospel, some here, and

some there, and what you think ought to be done will be done in the

Lord’s good time.

“See, yonder, poor, o’er-laboured wight,

So abject, mean, and vile!

Who begs a brother of the earth

To give him leave to toil!”

I have often quoted those lines of Burns to myself, on my travels in

Manyuema, when I saw the trembling natives just on the run, when they

suspected that we were Arabs about to take them from their homes and

compel them to carry their stolen ivory. Oh, well, there is a good God

above who takes note of these things, and will, at the proper moment,

see that justice will be measured out to these monsters.’

March 13, 1872. This is the last day of my stay with dear old

Livingstone; the last night we shall be together is present, and I

cannot evade the morrow. I feel as though I should like to rebel against

the necessity of departure. The minutes beat fast, and grow into hours.

Our door to-night is closed, and we both think our own thoughts. What

his are, I know not--mine are sad. My days seem to have been spent far

too happily, for, now that the last day is almost gone, I bitterly

regret the approach of the parting hour. I now forget the successive

fevers, and their agonies, and the semi-madness into which they often

plunged me. The regret I feel now is greater than any pains I have

endured. But I cannot resist the sure advance of time, which is flying

to-night far too fast. What must be, must be! I have often parted with

friends before, and remember how I lingered and wished to put it off,

but the inevitable was not to be prevented. Fate came, and, at the

appointed hour, stood between us. To-night I feel the same aching pain,

but in a greater degree; and the farewell I fear may be for ever. For

ever? and ‘For ever’ echo the reverberations of a woeful whisper!

I have received the thanks that he had repressed all these months in the

secrecy of his heart, uttered with no mincing phrases, but poured out,

as it were, at the last moment, until I was so affected that I sobbed,

as one only can in uncommon grief. The hour of night and the

crisis,--and oh! as some dreadful doubts suggested the eternal

parting,--his sudden outburst of gratitude, with that kind of praise

that steals into one and touches the softer parts of the ever-veiled

nature,--all had their influence; and, for a time, I was as a sensitive

child of eight or so, and yielded to such bursts of tears that only such

a scene as this could have forced.

I think it only needed this softening to secure me as his obedient and

devoted servitor in the future, should there ever be an occasion where I

could prove my zeal.

* * * * *

On the 14th March, my expedition left Unyanyembe, he accompanying me for

a few miles. We reached the slope of a ridge overlooking the valley, in

the middle of which our house where we had lived together looked very

small in the distance. I then turned to him and said,--

‘My dear Doctor, you must go no further. You have come far enough. See,

our house is a good distance now, and the sun is very hot. Let me beg of

you to turn back.’

‘Well,’ he replied, ‘I will say this to you: you have done what few men

could do. And for what you have done for me, I am most grateful. God

guide you safe home and bless you, my friend!’

‘And may God bring you safe back to us all, my dear friend! Farewell!’

‘Farewell!’ he repeated.

We wrung each other’s hands, our faces flushed with emotion, tears

rushing up, and blinding the eyes. We turned resolutely away from each

other; but his faithful followers, by rushing up to give their parting

words, protracted the painful scene.

‘Good-bye, all! Good-bye, Doctor, dear friend!’

‘Good-bye!’

At the moment of parting, the old man’s noble face slightly paled, which

I knew to be from suppressed emotion, while, when I looked into his

eyes, I saw there a kind of warning, to look well at him as a friend

looks for the last time; but the effort well-nigh unmanned me,--a little

longer, and I should have utterly collapsed. We both, however, preferred

dry eyes, and outward calm.

From the crest of the ridge I turned to take a last long look at him, to

impress his form on my mind; then, waving a last parting signal, we

descended the opposite slope on the home road.

On the fifty-fourth day after leaving Dr. Livingstone, I arrived at

Zanzibar. Two weeks later, that is on the 20th May, fifty-seven men,

chosen people of good character, sailed from Zanzibar for the mainland,

as the expeditionary force which was to accompany Livingstone for a

period of two years for the completion of his task of exploration. They

arrived at Unyanyembe on the 11th August, 1872, having been eighty-two

days on the road.

Fourteen days later, Livingstone, amply equipped and furnished with men,

means, medicines, and instruments, and a small herd of cattle, set out

for the scene of his explorations. Eight months later, the heroic life

came to its heroic end.

* * * * *

From an unpublished Memorial to Livingstone by Stanley, the following

passages are taken.

* * * * *

He preached no sermon, by word of mouth, while I was in company with

him; but each day of my companionship with him witnessed a sermon acted.

The Divine instructions, given of old on the Sacred Mount, were closely

followed, day by day, whether he rested in the jungle-camp, or bided in

the traders’ town, or savage hamlet. Lowly of spirit, meek in speech,

merciful of heart, pure in mind, and peaceful in act, suspected by the

Arabs to be an informer, and therefore calumniated, often offended at

evils committed by his own servants, but ever forgiving, often robbed

and thwarted, yet bearing no ill-will, cursed by the marauders, yet

physicking their infirmities, most despitefully used, yet praying daily

for all manner and condition of men! Narrow, indeed, was the way of

eternal life that he elected to follow, and few are those who choose it.

Though friends became indifferent to his fate, associates neglectful,

and his servants mocked and betrayed him, though suitable substance was

denied to him, and though the rain descended in torrents on him in his

wanderings, and the tropic tempests beat him sore, and sickened him with

their rigours, he toiled on, and laboured ever in the Divine service he

had chosen, unyielding and unresting, for the Christian man’s faith was

firm that ‘all would come right at last.’

Had my soul been of brass, and my heart of spelter, the powers of my

head had surely compelled me to recognise, with due honour, the Spirit

of Goodness which manifested itself in him. Had there been anything of

the Pharisee or the hypocrite in him, or had I but traced a grain of

meanness or guile in him, I had surely turned away a sceptic. But my

every-day study of him, during health or sickness, deepened my reverence

and increased my esteem. He was, in short, consistently noble, upright,

pious, and manly, all the days of my companionship with him.

He professed to be a Liberal Presbyterian. Presbyterianism I have heard

of, and have read much about it; but Liberal Presbyterianism,--whence is

it? What special country throughout the British Isles is its birthplace?

Are there any more disciples of that particular creed, or was

Livingstone the last? Read by the light of this good man’s conduct and

single-mindedness, its tenets would seem to be a compound of religious

and practical precepts.

‘Whatever thy right hand findeth to do, do it with all thy might.’

‘By the sweat of thy brow thou shalt eat bread.’

‘For every idle word thou shalt be held accountable.’

‘Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and Him only shalt thou serve.’

‘Thou shalt not kill.’

‘Swear not at all.’

‘Be not slothful in business, but be fervent in spirit, and serve the

Lord.’

‘Mind not high things, but condescend to men of low estate.’

‘Live peaceably with all men.’

‘We count those happy who endure.’

‘Remember them that are in bonds, and them which suffer adversity.’

‘Watch thou, in all things; endure afflictions; do the work of an

evangelist; make full proof of thy ministry.’

‘Whatsoever ye do, do it heartily.’

‘Set your affections on things above, not on things of the earth.’

‘Be kind to one another, tender-hearted, and forgiving.’

‘Preach the gospel in the regions beyond you, and boast not in another

man’s line, of things made ready to your hand.’

I never discovered that there was any printed code of religious laws or

moral precepts issued by his church, wherein these were specially

alluded to; but it grew evident during our acquaintance that he erred

not against any of them. Greater might he could not have shown in this

interminable exploration set him by Sir Roderick Murchison, because the

work performed by him was beyond all proportion to his means and

physical strength. What bread he ate was insufficient for his bodily

nourishment, after the appalling fatigues of a march in a tropical land.

His conversation was serious, his demeanour grave and earnest. Morn and

eve he worshipped, and, at the end of every march, he thanked the Lord

for His watchful Providence. On Sundays he conducted Divine Service, and

praised the glory of the Creator, the True God, to his dark followers.

His hand was

* * * * *

[Illustration: DOCTOR LIVINGSTONE]

* * * * *

clear of the stain of blood-guiltiness. Profanity was an abomination to

him. He was not indolent either in his Master’s service, or in the cause

to which he was sacrificing himself. His life was an evidence that he

served God with all his heart.

Nothing in the scale of humanity can be conceived lower than the tribes

of Manyuema with whom he daily conversed as a friend. Regardless of such

honours as his country generally pays to exceeding merit, he continued

his journeyings, bearing messages of peace wherever he went; and when he

rested, chief and peasant among the long-neglected tribes ministered to

his limited wants. Contented with performing his duty according as he

was enabled to, such happiness as can be derived from righteous doings,

pure thoughts, and a clear conscience, was undoubtedly his. His earnest

labours for the sake of those in bonds, and the unhappy people who were

a prey to the Arab kidnapper and land pirate, few will forget. The

number of his appeals, the constant recurrence to the dismal topic, and

the long lines of his travels, may be accepted as proofs of his

heartiness and industry.

He was the first to penetrate to those lands in the Chambezi and the

Lualaba valleys; his was the first voice heard speaking in the hamlets

of Eastern Sunda of the beauties of the Christian religion; and he was

the first preacher who dared denounce the red-handed Arab for his

wickedly aggressive acts. In regions beyond ken of the most learned

geographers of Europe, he imitated the humility of the Founder of his

religion, and spoke in fervent strains of the Heavenly message of peace

and good-will.

Should I ever return to the scenes that we knew together, my mind would

instantaneously revert to the good man whom I shall never see more. Be

it a rock he sat upon, a tree upon which he rested, ground that he

walked upon, or a house that he dwelt in, my first thought would

naturally be that it was associated with him. But my belief is that they

would flush my mind with the goodness and nobleness of his expression,

appealing to me, though so silently, to remember, and consider, and

strive.

I remember well when I gazed at Ujiji, five years later, from the same

hill as where I had announced the coming of my caravan: I had not been

thinking much of him until that moment, when, all at once, above the

palm grove of Ujiji, and the long broad stretch of blue water of the

lake beyond, loomed the form of Livingstone, in the well-remembered

blue-grey coat of his marching costume, and the blue naval cap,

gold-banded, regarding me with eyes so trustful, and face so grave and

sad.

It is the expression of him that so follows and clings to me, and,

indeed, is ever present when I think of him, though it is difficult to

communicate to others the expression that I first studied and that most

attracted me. There was an earnest gravity in it; life long ago shorn of

much of its beauty--I may say of all its vulgar beauty and coarser

pleasures, a mind long abstracted from petty discontents, by preference

feeding on itself, almost glorifying in itself as all-sufficient to

produce content; therefore a composure settled, calm, and trustful.

Even my presence was impotent to break him from his habit of

abstraction. I might have taken a book to read, and was silent. If I

looked up a few minutes later, I discovered him deeply involved in his

own meditations, right forefinger bent, timing his thoughts, his eyes

gazing far away into indefinite distance, brows puckered closely--face

set, and resolute, now and then lips moving, silently framing words.

‘What can he be thinking about?’ I used to wonder, and once I ventured

to break the silence with,--

‘A penny for your thoughts, Doctor.’

‘They are not worth it, my young friend, and let me suggest that, if I

had any, possibly, I should wish to keep them!’

After which I invariably let him alone when in this mood. Sometimes

these thoughts were humorous, and, his face wearing a smile, he would

impart the reason with some comic story or adventure.

I have met few so quickly responsive to gaiety and the lighter moods,

none who was more sociable, genial, tolerant, and humorous. You must

think of him as a contented soul, who had yielded himself with an entire

and loving submission, and who laboured to the best of his means and

ability, awakening to the toil of the day, and resigning himself,

without the least misgiving, to the rest of the night; believing that

the effect of his self-renunciation would not be altogether barren.

If you can comprehend such a character, you will understand

Livingstone’s motive principle.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XIV

ENGLAND AND COOMASSIE

It is not unadvisedly that the last chapter has been devoted almost as

much to Livingstone as to Stanley. The main story of Stanley’s quest he

has told effectively elsewhere;[16] and in his interior life, which is

the central theme of the present book, his intercourse with Livingstone

was no small factor. The way he knew and loved Livingstone reveals

Stanley. But to give the whole story of those sixteen months its true

perspective, the reader should either turn to the full narrative, or

should, at least, give some little play to his own imagination.

The few lines given to the contest with Mirambo represent months of

struggle with a bandit-chief, and with slippery allies.

The three-line mention of the joint exploration of Lake Tanganyika

stands for four weeks of adventurous voyaging, geographical discovery,

and encounters with hostile or thievish natives. Through the whole

period Stanley carried an immense and varied responsibility. He was not

only commander, and chief of staff, but the whole staff. The discipline,

commissariat, and medical care, of a force often numbering two hundred

and more, all fell on him. For his followers he had to take the part of

doctor, and occasionally of nurse, sometimes including the most menial

offices. Often he was prostrated by fever, and once, before finding

Livingstone, he lay unconscious for a week.

Problems of war and diplomacy confronted him. Shall he pay tribute, or

resist? Shall he join forces with the friendly tribes, and fight the

fierce and powerful Mirambo who blocks the way to Ujiji? He fights, and

his allies fail him at the pinch; so then he resorts to a long flanking

march through unknown country, and literally circumvents his foes. So,

for over a year, every faculty is kept at the highest tension.

Along with the developing effect of the experience, comes the solitary

communing with Nature, which brings a spiritual exaltation. Then follows

the companionship with Livingstone, a man of heroic and ideal traits,

uniquely educated by the African wilds; these two learn to know each

other by the searching test of hourly companionship, amid savages,

perils, perplexities, days of adventure, nights of intimate converse;

Stanley’s deepest feelings finding worthy object and full response in

the man he had rescued, and suggestions of spiritual and material

resources in the unknown continent, destined to germinate and bear

fruit;--all this his first African exploration brought to Stanley.

His return to civilisation was not altogether a genial home-coming. In a

way, he had been more at home in Africa than he found himself in

England. There his companionship had been with Nature, with Livingstone,

with his own spirit; the difficulties and dangers confronting him had

been a challenge to which his full powers made response; and ‘the free

hand,’ so dear to a strong man, had been his. Now he was plunged into a

highly-artificial society; its trappings and paraphernalia, its formal

dinners, and ceremonies, were distasteful to him; above all, he was

thrust into a prominence which brought far more pain than pleasure.

A flood of importunate, or inquisitive, letters from strangers poured in

on him; he notes that in one morning he has received twenty-eight.

Relatives and acquaintances of his early years became suddenly

affectionate and acquisitive; greedy claims were made on his purse,

which he would not wholly reject. Worst of all, with the acclamations of

the public which greeted him, were mingled expressions of doubt or

disbelief, innuendoes, sneers! Men, and journals, of high standing, were

among the sceptics.

Sir Henry Rawlinson, President of the Royal Geographical Society, wrote

to the ‘Times’ that it was not true that Stanley had discovered

Livingstone, but that Livingstone had discovered Stanley! The silly quip

had currency long after Sir Henry Rawlinson had changed his tone, and

the Society had passed a vote of thanks to Stanley. The ‘Standard,’ in

oracular tones, called for the sifting of the discoverer’s story by

experts; it ‘could not resist some suspicions and misgivings’; it found

‘something inexplicable and mysterious’ in the business! There were

those who publicly questioned the authenticity of letters which, at

Stanley’s suggestion, Livingstone had written to the ‘Herald.’

Geographical pundits mixed their theoretic speculations with slighting

personal remarks. Perhaps no great and eminent body of scholars escapes

a touch of the Mutual-Admiration Society; there are shibboleths of

nationality, of social class, of clan and coterie; and when an outsider

steps on the stage, there is solemn wrinkling of official foreheads, and

lifting of distinguished eyebrows. So from the ‘Royal Geographical’ some

chill whiffs blew towards this ‘American,’ who brought strange tidings

from Africa. To Stanley, sensitive, high-strung, conscious of hard work,

loyally done and faithfully reported, not hungry for fame, but

solicitous of trust and confidence, all this was intensely bitter.

There was a field-day at Brighton at the meeting of the Geographical

Section of the British Association, under the presidency of Mr. (now,

Sir) Francis Galton. Stanley was the central figure of the occasion. He

spoke to an audience of three thousand, with a group of great

geographers, and Eminences of high degree, including the ex-Emperor and

Empress of the French. The ‘Telegraph’s’ report describes him as

speaking with entire self-possession, with composure, with a natural and

effective oratory, and ‘with the evident purpose to speak his mind to

everybody, without the slightest deference, or hesitation.’

But, in his Journal, he records that his stage-fright was so extreme he

could only begin after three trials. At the request of the ‘Royal

Geographical,’ he had prepared a brief paper, dealing only with the

exploration of the north end of Lake Tanganyika. But, unexpectedly, he

was called on to give some account of his whole expedition.

He told his story, and read his paper. A general discussion followed,

turning mainly on certain geographical questions; and, at the end,

Stanley was called on for some final words, and ‘winged words’ they

were, of passionate ardour and directness. On some of the geographical

opinions, there was criticism; and a special attack was made on the

theory to which Livingstone inclined, that the river Lualaba was the

source of the Nile. Stanley had grave doubts of that theory, which he

was destined ultimately to disperse; but, for Livingstone’s sake, he

wanted it treated at least with _respect_.

In the discussion there were allusions to himself, perhaps tactless

rather than intentional; as when Mr. (now, Sir) Francis Galton remarked

that they were not met to listen to sensational stories, but to _serious

facts_! Whether malicious, or only maladroit, such allusions were

weighted by what had gone before in the Press.

Stanley summed up with a fervent eulogy of Livingstone, and a biting

comparison of the arm-chair geographer, waking from his nap, to

dogmatise about the Nile, with the gallant old man seeking the reality

for years, amid savage and elemental foes.

One cannot doubt that his own essential veracity and manliness stamped

themselves on the minds of his audience; and, in truth, the great

preponderance of intelligent opinion seems to have been, from the first,

wholly in his favour. The ‘Times,’ the ‘Daily News,’ the ‘Daily

Telegraph,’ and ‘Punch,’ were among his champions. Livingstone’s own

family gratefully acknowledged his really immense services, and

confirmed beyond question the genuineness of Livingstone’s letters

brought home by Stanley, so confounding those who had charged him with

forgery. Lord Granville, at the Foreign Office, handed him, on the

Queen’s behalf, a note of congratulation, and a gold snuff-box set with

diamonds; and, in a word, the world at large accepted him, then and

thenceforward, as a true man and a hero.

But Stanley suffered so keenly and so long, not only at the time, but

afterwards, from the misrepresentation and calumny he encountered, that

a word more should be given to the subject. The hostility had various

sources. In America, the ‘New York Herald,’ always an aggressive,

self-assertive, and successful newspaper, had plenty of journalistic

foes.

A former employee of Stanley’s, whose behaviour had caused serious

trouble, and brought proper punishment on him, gained the ear of a

prominent editor, who gave circulation to the grossest falsehoods. In

later years, other subordinates, whom Stanley’s just and necessary

discipline had offended, became his persistent calumniators. The wild

scenes of his explorations, and the stimulus their wonders gave to the

imagination, acted sometimes like a tropical swamp, whence springs fetid

and poisonous vegetation. Stories of cruelty and horror seemed to

germinate spontaneously. Stanley himself laid stress on the propensity

in average human nature to noxious gossip, and the pandering to this

taste by a part of the Press.

It is to be remembered, too, that the circumstances of his early life

heightened his sensitiveness to gossiping curiosity and crude

misrepresentation. And, finally, he had in his nature much of the woman,

the _Ewigweibliche_; he craved fame far less than love and confidence.

Renown, as it came, he accepted, not with indifference,--he was too

human for that,--but with tempered satisfaction. He met praise in the

fine phrase Morley quotes from Gladstone, ‘as one meets a cooling

breeze, enjoyed, but not detained.’ The pain which slander brought he

turned to account, setting it as a lesson to himself not to misjudge

others. His thoughts upon his own experience may be sufficiently shewn

by an extract from one of his Note-books.

* * * * *

The vulgar, even hideous, nonsense, the number and variety of untruths

published about me, from this time forth taught me, from pure sympathy,

reflection, and conviction, to modify my judgment about others.

When anyone is about to become an object of popular, _i. e._, newspaper

censure, I have been taught to see how the scavenger-beetles of the

Press contrive to pick up an infinitesimal grain of fact, like the

African mud-rolling beetle, until it becomes so monstrously exaggerated

that it is absolutely a mass of filth.

The pity of it is that most of the writers forget for whom they write.

We are not all club-loungers, or drawing-room gossips; nor are we all

infected with the prevailing madness of believing everything we see in

the newspapers. We do not all belong to that large herd of unthinking

souls who say, ‘Surely, where there is so much smoke, there must be a

fire’; those stupid souls who never knew that, as likely as not, the

fire was harmless enough, and that the alarming cloud of smoke was owing

to the reporter’s briarwood!

Therefore I say, the instant I perceive, whether in the Press, or in

Society, a charge levelled at some person, countryman, or foreigner, I

put on the brake of reason, to prevent my being swept along by the

general rage for scandal and abuse, and hold myself unconscious of the

charge until it is justified by conviction.

All the actions of my life, and I may say all my thoughts, since 1872,

have been strongly coloured by the storm of abuse and the wholly

unjustifiable reports circulated about me then. So numerous were my

enemies, that my friends became dumb, and I had to resort to silence, as

a protection against outrage.

It is the one good extracted from my persecution that, ever since, I

have been able to restrain myself from undertaking to pass sentence on

another whom I do not know. No man who addresses himself to me is

permitted to launch judgment out in that rash, impetuous newspaper way,

without being made to reflect that he knew less about the matter than he

had assumed he did.

This change in me was not immediate. The vice of reckless, unthinking

utterance was not to be suddenly extirpated. Often, as I opened my mouth

in obedience to the impulse, I was arrested by the self-accusation, ‘Ah!

there you go, silly and uncharitable as ever!’ It was slow unlearning,

but the old habit was at last supplanted by the new.

* * * * *

Stanley bore himself in the spirit of the words which F. W. H. Myers[17]

applies to Wordsworth:--

‘He who thus is arrogantly censured should remember both the dignity and

the frailty of man, ... and go on his way with no bitter broodings, but

yet ... “with a melancholy in the soul, a sinking inward into ourselves

from thought to thought, a steady remonstrance, and a high resolve.”’

In the months following his return to England, alternating with

indignant protests against misrepresentation, his Journal records many

public and private hospitalities, and meetings with eminent and

interesting people, on some of whom he makes shrewd and appreciative

comment. One portraiture cannot be omitted,--his impressions of Queen

Victoria. The first occasion on which he was received by Her Majesty was

at Dunrobin Castle, when he visited the Duke of Sutherland, in company

with Sir Henry Rawlinson, who did his best to make amends for his early

doubts.

* * * * *

Monday, 10th September, 1872. About noon, we had got ready for our

reception by the Queen. Sir Henry had been careful in instructing me

how to behave in the Presence, that I had to kneel and kiss hands, and,

above all, I was not to talk, or write, about what I should see or hear.

I almost laughed in his face when he charged me with the last, for I

doubt whether the Queen’s daughter would be less apt for gossip about

such things than I. As for kneeling, I was pleased to forget it. We

stood for a while in a gay salon, and presently Her Majesty, followed by

Princess Beatrice, entered. We all bowed most profoundly, and the Queen

advancing, Sir Henry introduced me in a short sentence. I regarded her

with many feelings, first as the greatest lady in the land, the mistress

of a great Empire, the head of brave soldiers and sailors whom I had

seen in various lands and seas, the central figure to which Englishmen

everywhere looked with eyes of love and reverence; and, lastly, as that

mysterious personage whom I had always heard spoken of, ever since I

could understand anything, as ‘_The Queen_.’ And poor, blind Sir Henry,

to think that I would venture to speak or write about this lady, whom in

my heart of hearts, next to God, I worshipped! Besides, only of late,

she has honoured me with a memorial, which is the more priceless that it

was given when so few believed me.

The word ‘Majesty’ does not rightly describe her bearing. I have often

seen more majestic creatures, but there was an atmosphere of conscious

potency about her which would have marked her in any assemblage, even

without the trappings of Royalty. The word ‘Royal’ aptly describes

another characteristic which clung to her. Short in stature as she is,

and not majestic, the very carriage of her person bespeaks the fact of

her being aware of her own inviolability and unapproachableness. It was

far from being haughty, and yet it was commanding, and serenely proud.

The conversation, which was principally about Livingstone and Africa,

though it did not last more than ten minutes, gave me abundant matter to

think about, from having had such good opportunities to look into her

eyes, and absorb as it were my impressions, such as they were.

What I admired most was the sense of power the eyes revealed, and a

quiet, but unmistakeable, kindly condescension; and an inimitable

calmness and self-possession. I was glad to have seen her, not only for

the honour, and all that, but also, I think, because I have carried

something away to muse over at leisure. I am richer in the understanding

of power and dominion, sitting enthroned on human features.

* * * * *

He began in England his career as a public lecturer, and in pursuance of

it went, in November, 1872, to America. He was received with high

honours by the public, and with great cordiality by his old friends; was

given a warm welcome by ‘the boys,’ the sub-editors of the ‘Herald,’ and

was banqueted by the Union League Club, and the St. Andrew’s Society,

etc., etc. Then he spent several months in travelling and lecturing.

Returning to England, before the clear summons came to his next great

exploration, he once more, as correspondent of the ‘Herald,’ accompanied

and reported the British campaign against the Ashantees, in 1873-74.

That warlike and savage people, under King Coffee, had been harrying the

Fantees, who had lately come under the British Protectorate, as

occupying the ‘hinterland’ of Elmina on the Gold Coast, which England

had taken over from the Dutch.

At intervals for half a century there had been harassing and futile

collisions with the Ashantees, and it was now determined to strike hard.

‘In 1823, Sir Charles McCarthy and six hundred gallant fellows perished

before the furious onset of the Ashantees, and that brave soldier’s

skull, gold-rimmed and highly venerated, was said still to be at

Coomassie, used as a drinking-cup by King Coffee.

‘In 1863-64, the English suffered severe loss. Couran marched to the

Prah, eighty miles from here, and marched back again, being obliged to

bury or destroy his cannon, and hurriedly retreat to the Cape Coast.’

Stanley gave permanent form to his record in the first half of his book,

‘Coomassie and Magdala’ (1874). This campaign on the West Coast, under

Sir Garnet Wolseley, was like, and yet unlike, the Abyssinian expedition

on the East Coast, under Sir Robert Napier. The march inland was only

one hundred and forty miles, but, instead of the grand and lofty

mountains of Abyssinia, the British soldiers and sailors had to cut

their way through unbroken jungle. Stanley’s book is the spirited story

of a well-conducted expedition, told with a firm grasp of the historical

and political situation, with graphic sketches of the English officers,

some of an heroic type, and with descriptions of a repulsive type of

savagery.

Writing of the march, Stanley says:--

* * * * *

What languishing heaviness of soul fills a man, as he, a mere mite in

comparison, travels through the lofty and fearful forest aisle. If

alone, there is an almost palpable silence, and his own heart-pulsations

seem noisy. A night darkness envelops him, and, from above, but the

faintest gleams of daylight can be seen. A brooding melancholy seems to

rest on the face of nature, and the traveller, be he ever so prosaic, is

filled with a vague indefinable sense of foreboding.

The enemy lay hiding in wait, in the middle of a thorny jungle, so dense

in some places that one wonders how naked men can risk their unprotected

bodies. This vast jungle literally chokes the earth with its density and

luxuriance. It admits every kind of shrub, plant, and flower, into a

close companionship, where they intermingle each other’s luxuriant

stalks, where they twine and twine each other’s long slender arms about

one another, and defy the utmost power of the sun to penetrate the leafy

tangle they have reared ten and fifteen feet above the dank earth. This

is the bush into which the Ashantee warriors creep on all fours, and lie

in wait in the gloomy recesses for the enemy. It was in such localities

Sir Garnet found the Ashantees, and where he suffered such loss in his

Staff and officers. Until the sonorous sounds of Danish musketry[18]

suddenly awoke the echoes, few of us suspected the foe so near; until

they betrayed their presence, the English might have searched in vain

for the hidden enemy. Secure as they were in their unapproachable

coverts, our volleys, which their loud-mouthed challenge evoked,

searched many a sinister-looking bush, and in a couple of hours

effectually silenced their fire.

* * * * *

The fighting, when it came, was stubborn. King Theodore’s warriors had

shewn no such mettle as did the Ashantees, who, for five continuous

days, waged fierce fight. On the first day, with the 42nd Highlanders,

the Black Watch, bearing the brunt, and the whole force engaged, the

battle of Amoaful was won; then three days of straggling fighting;

finally, on the fifth day, with the Rifle Brigade taking its turn at the

post of honour, and Lord Gifford’s Scouts always in front, the decisive

battle of Ordahsu was won, and Coomassie was taken. In the Capital were

found ghastly relics of wholesale slaughters, incidents of

fetish-worship, which far outdid the horrors of King Theodore’s court.

We are unable to realise, or are liable to forget, what Africa was

before the advent of Explorers and Expeditions. The Fall of Coomassie,

though attended with great loss of life, put an end to indescribable

horrors and atrocities.

Stanley writes:--

* * * * *

Each village had placed its human sacrifice in the middle of the path,

for the purpose of affrighting the conquerors. The sacrifice was of

either sex, sometimes a young man, sometimes a woman. The head, severed

from the body, was turned to meet the advancing army, the body was

evenly laid out with the feet towards Coomassie. This meant, no doubt,

‘Regard this face, white man, ye whose feet are hurrying on to our

capital, and learn the fate awaiting you.’

* * * * *

Coomassie is a town insulated by a deadly swamp. A thick jungly

forest--so dense that the sun seldom pierced the foliage; so sickly that

the strongest fell victims to the malaria it cherished--surrounded it to

a depth of about one hundred and forty miles seaward, and one hundred

miles to the north; many hundred miles east and west.

Through this forest and swamp, unrelieved by any novelty or a single

pretty landscape, the British Army had to march one hundred and forty

miles, leaving numbers stricken down by fever and dysentery--the

terrible allies of the Ashantee King with his one hundred thousand

warriors.

Stanley, speaking of Coomassie, writes:--

* * * * *

The grove, which was but a continuation of the tall forest we had

travelled through, penetrated as far as the great market-place. A narrow

foot-path led into this grove, where the foul smells became suffocating.

After some thirty paces we arrived before the dreadful scene, but it was

almost impossible to stop longer than to take a general view of the

great Golgotha. We saw some thirty or forty decapitated bodies in the

last stages of corruption, and countless skulls, which lay piled in

heaps, and scattered over a wide extent. The stoutest heart and the most

stoical mind might have been appalled.

At the rate of a thousand victims a year, it would be no exaggeration to

say, that over one hundred and twenty thousand people must have been

slain for ‘custom,’ since Ashantee became a kingdom.

* * * * *

Lord Wolseley wrote: ‘Their capital was a charnel-house; their religion

a combination of cruelty and treachery; their policy the natural outcome

of their religion.’

Terms of submission were imposed on King Coffee, and the force returned

to the coast.

Stanley writes of Lord Wolseley:--

* * * * *

He has done his best, and his best has been a mixture of untiring energy

and determination; youthful ardour, toned down by the sense of his grave

responsibilities, excellent good-nature, which nothing seems to damp;

excessive amiability, by which we are all benefitted; wise forethought,

which, assisted by his devotion to work, proves that the trust reposed

in him by the British Government will not be betrayed.

* * * * *

Stanley occasionally criticises with freedom, both the Government, for

not taking a larger view of the whole situation, and Sir Garnet

Wolseley, for a somewhat hasty settlement of the business, after the

fighting was over.

Stanley’s political foresight and desire for the promotion of

civilisation and commerce, even in such a benighted part of West Africa,

is well exemplified by the following passage:--

* * * * *

If we are wise, we will deprive our present enemy of their king, attach

to ourselves these brave and formidable warriors, and through them open

the whole of Central Africa to trade and commerce and the beneficent

influences of civilisation. The Romans would have been delighted at such

an opportunity of extending their power, for the benefit of themselves

and the world at large.

* * * * *

Nothing in Stanley’s book indicates that he took any personal share in

the fighting. But in Lord Wolseley’s ‘Story of a Soldier’s Life,’ volume

ii, p. 342, occurs this passage: ‘Not twenty yards off were several

newspaper correspondents. One was Mr. Winwood Reid, a very cool and

daring man, who had gone forward with the fighting-line. Of the others,

one soon attracted my attention by his remarkable coolness. It was Sir

Henry Stanley, the famous traveller. A thoroughly good man, no noise, no

danger ruffled his nerve, and he looked as cool and self-possessed as if

he had been at target practice. Time after time, as I turned in his

direction, I saw him go down to a kneeling position to steady his rifle,

as he plied the most daring of the enemy with a never-failing aim. It is

nearly thirty years ago, and I can still see before me the close-shut

lips, and determined expression of his manly face, which, when he looked

in my direction, told plainly I had near me an Englishman in plain

clothes, whom no danger could appall. Had I felt inclined to run away,

the cool, unflinching manliness of that face would have given me fresh

courage. I had been previously somewhat prejudiced against him, but all

such feelings were slain and buried at Amoaful. Ever since, I have been

proud to reckon him amongst the bravest of my brave comrades; and I hope

he may not be offended if I add him amongst my best friends also.’

It was on his way home from the Ashantee War that the tidings met

Stanley, which he accepted and acted upon as a summons to his real

life’s work.

* * * * *

25th February, 1874. Arrived at the Island of St. Vincent, per

‘Dromedary,’ I was shocked to hear, on getting ashore, of the death of

Livingstone at Ilala, near Lake Bangweolo, on May 4th, 1873. His body is

on its way to England, on board the ‘Malwa,’[19] from Aden. Dear

Livingstone! another sacrifice to Africa! His mission, however, must not

be allowed to cease; others must go forward and fill the gap. ‘Close up,

boys! close up! Death must find us everywhere.’

May I be selected to succeed him in opening up Africa to the shining

light of Christianity! My methods, however, will not be Livingstone’s.

Each man has his own way. His, I think, had its defects, though the old

man, personally, has been almost Christ-like for goodness, patience, and

self-sacrifice. The selfish and wooden-headed world requires mastering,

as well as loving charity; for man is a composite of the spiritual and

earthly. May Livingstone’s God be with me, as He was with Livingstone in

all his loneliness. May God direct me as He wills. I can only vow to be

obedient, and not to slacken.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XV

THROUGH THE DARK CONTINENT

* * * * *

In a camp in the heart of Africa, not far from Lake Bangweolo, David

Livingstone, the traveller-evangelist, lay dead. His followers,

numbering about three-score negroes of Zanzibar, deliberated upon their

future movements. To return to the coast ruled by their Sultan, without

their great white master, would provoke grave suspicion. They resolved

to prepare the remains so as to be fit for transportation across a

breadth of tropical region which extended to the Indian Ocean, fifteen

hundred miles. After many weary months of travel, they arrived at the

sea-coast with the body. In charge of two of the faithful band, it was

placed on board a homeward-bound steamer, to be finally deposited[20] in

a vault in Westminster Abbey.

At the same period when the steamer coasted along the shores of Eastern

Africa, I was returning to England along the coast of Western Africa,

from the Ashantee campaign.

At St. Vincent, on February 25th, 1874, cable news of the death of

Livingstone, substantiated beyond doubt, was put into my hands.

‘At Lake Bangweolo the death occurred,’ said the cablegram. Just one

thousand miles south of Nyangwe! The great river remains, then, a

mystery still, for poor Livingstone’s work is unfinished!

Fatal Africa! One after another, travellers drop away. It is such a huge

continent, and each of its secrets is environed by so many

difficulties,--the torrid heat, the miasma exhaled from the soil, the

noisome vapours enveloping every path, the giant cane-grass suffocating

the wayfarer, the rabid fury of the native guarding every entry and

exit, the unspeakable misery of the life within the wild continent, the

utter absence of every comfort, the bitterness which each day heaps upon

the poor white man’s head, in that land of blackness, the sombrous

solemnity pervading every feature of it, and the little--too

little--promise of success which one feels on entering it.

But, never mind, I will try it! Indeed, I have a spur to goad me on. My

tale of the discovery of Livingstone has been doubted. What I have

already endured in that accursed Africa amounts to nothing, in men’s

estimation. Here, then, is an opportunity for me to prove my veracity,

and the genuineness of my narrative!

Let me see: Livingstone died in endeavouring to solve the problem of the

Lualaba River. John Hanning Speke died by a gun-shot wound during a

discussion as to whether Lake Victoria was one lake, as he maintained it

to be; or whether, as asserted by Captain Burton, James McQueen, and

other theorists, it consisted of a cluster of lakes.

Lake Tanganyika, being a sweet-water lake, must naturally possess an

outlet somewhere. It has not been circumnavigated and is therefore

unexplored. I will settle that problem also.

Then I may be able to throw some light on Lake Albert. Sir Samuel Baker

voyaged along some sixty miles of its north-eastern shore, but he said

it was illimitable to the south-west. To know the extent of that lake

would be worth some trouble. Surely, if I can resolve any of these,

which such travellers as Dr. Livingstone, Captains Burton, Speke, and

Grant, and Sir Samuel Baker left unsettled, people must needs believe

that I discovered Livingstone!

A little while after the burial[21] of Livingstone at Westminster, I

strolled over to the office of the ‘Daily Telegraph,’ and pointed out to

the proprietors how much remained shrouded in mystery in Dark Africa.

The proprietor asked, ‘But do you think you can settle all these

interesting geographical problems?’

‘Nay, Mr. Lawson,[22] that is not a fair question. I mean to say I can

do my level best, that nothing on my part shall be lacking to make a

systematic exploration which shall embrace all the regions containing

these secrets; but Africa includes so many dangers from man, beast, and

climate, that it would be the height of immeasurable conceit to say I

shall be successful. My promise that I will endeavour to be even with

my word, must be accepted by you as sufficient.’

‘Well, well! I will cable over to Bennett of the New York “Herald,” and

ask if he is willing to join in this expedition of yours.’

Deep under the Atlantic, the question was flashed. Gordon Bennett tore

open the telegram in New York City, and, after a moment’s thought,

snatched a blank form and wrote, ‘Yes! Bennett.’

This was the answer put into my hand the same day at 135, Fleet Street.

You may imagine my feelings, as I read the simple monosyllable which was

my commission: bales, packages, boxes, trunks, bills, letters, flowing

in a continuous stream; the writing, telegraphing, and nervous hurry and

flurry of each day’s work, until we sailed! Follow me in thought to the

deck of the steam-ferry across the English Channel; fancy that you hear

my plucky fisher-boys from the Medway,[23] saying to the white cliffs of

Dover, ‘Good-bye, dear England! and if for ever, then for ever good-bye,

O England!’ Think of us a few weeks later, arrived at Zanzibar, where we

make our final preparations for the long journey we are about to make.

Zanzibar is an island, as I suppose you know, situate three hundred and

sixty-nine miles south of the Equator, and about twenty miles from the

eastern mainland.

Its ruler is Prince Barghash, son of Sayed. His subjects are very mixed,

and represent the rasping and guttural Arab, the soft-tongued and

languid Balooch, the fiery-eyed and black-bearded Omanee, the

flowing-locked and tall-hatted Persian, the lithe, slim-waisted Somali,

and at least a hundred specimens of the African tribes.

It was in the bazaars and shops of the principal city that we bought the

cottons, the various beads, the coils of brass wire, the tools, cordage,

ammunition, and guns. It was in a house at Zanzibar that we rolled these

cloths into seventy-pound bales, sacked the beads in similar weights,

packed the wire, and boxed the ammunition and tools. Meantime we

enlisted three hundred and fifty-six chosen fellows. They left their

porter-work, gossiping in the bazaar, the care of their fields and

gardens without the town, to become sworn followers of the

Anglo-American expedition, to carry its loads at so much per month, in

any direction on the mainland I should wish; to stand by the master in

times of trouble, to die with him, if necessary. I also, on my part,

swore to treat them kindly; to medicate them, if sick or bilious; to

judge honestly and impartially between man and man in their little camp

squabbles; to prevent ill-treatment of the weak by the strong; to be a

father and a mother, brother and sister, to each; and to resist, to the

utmost of my ability, any murderous natives who, encouraged by the

general forbearance of the white man, would feel disposed to do them

harm.

We call upon the One, and Compassionate, and Just God, to witness our

mutual pledges.

On the 11th of November, 1874, we sail away from our friends, who are

gathered on the beach at sunset, to witness our departure. The evening

breeze sweeps us across the Zangian Channel. The shadows of the night

fall over the mainland and the silent sea, as we glide on to the destiny

that may be awaiting us in the Dark Continent.

The next morning we debarked, and, a few days later, took the native

path which led to the west. I will not trouble you with a description of

the journeys made each day. That native path, only a foot wide, leading

westward, presently entered a jungle, then traversed a plain, on which

the sun shone dazzling, and pitilessly hot. We came to a river: it

swarmed with hippopotami and crocodiles. On the western bank the road

began again; it pierced a scrubby forest, ascended the face of a rising

land, dipped down again into a plain; it then curved over a wooded hill,

tracks of game becoming numerous; and so on it went, over plain, hill,

valley, through forest and jungle, cultivated fields of manioc, maize,

and millet, traversing several countries, such as Udoe, Uruguru,

Useguhha, Usagara. By the time we had gone through Ugogo, we were rich

in experience of African troubles, native arrogance, and unbridled

temper.

But, as yet, we had suffered no signal misfortune. A few of our men had

deserted, one or two bales had been lost. On leaving Ugogo, we turned

north-westward, and entered an enormous bush-field. No charts could aid

me to lay out the route, no man with me had ever been in this region,

guides proved faithless as soon as they were engaged. I always

endeavoured to secure three days’ provisions, at least, before venturing

anywhere unknown to the guides. But three days passed away, and the

bush-field spread out on either side, silent and immense. We had

followed the compass course north-west, staggering on blindly under our

heavy loads, hoping, hourly, that we should see something in the shape

of game, or signs of cultivation. The fourth day passed; our provisions

were exhausted, and we began to be anxious. We had already travelled

eighty miles through the straggling jungle. The fifth day we took the

road at sunrise and travelled briskly on, myself leading the way,

compass in hand, my white assistants, the brothers Pocock and Barker,

with a dozen select men, as rear-guard. You may rest assured that my

eyes travelled around and in front, unceasingly, in search of game. At

noon, we halted at a small pond, and drank its filthy nitrous water.

About two, we started again through the wilderness of thorny bush and

rank-smelling acacia; the fifth day ended with nothing but our hopes to

feed upon. The sixth, seventh, and eighth days passed in like manner,

hoping, ever hoping! Five people perished from absolute starvation

during the eighth day. On the ninth, we came to a small village; but

there was not a grain to be bought for money, or obtained through fear,

or love, of us. We obtained news, however, that there was a large

village a long day’s journey off, north-westerly. I despatched forty of

the stoutest men with cloth and beads to purchase provisions. Though

pinched with hunger they reached the place at night, and the next day

the gallant fellows returned with eight hundred pounds of grain.

Meantime, those that remained had wandered about in search of game, and

had found the putrid carcase of an elephant, and two lion whelps, which

they brought to me. Finding that the pain of hunger was becoming

intolerable, we emptied a sheet-iron trunk, filled it three-quarters

with water, into which we put ten pounds of oatmeal, four pounds of

lentil flour, four pounds of tapioca, half a pound of salt, out of which

we made a gruel. Each man and woman within an hour was served with a

cupful of gruel. This was a great drain on our medical stores, when we

might say only a twentieth part of the journey had been performed; but

the expedition was saved.

The effect of that terrible jungle experience was felt for many a day

afterwards. Four more died within two days, over a score were on the

sick list, consequently, the riding asses were loaded with bales, and

all of us whites were obliged to walk.

Twenty-eight miles under a hot sun prostrated one of the brothers

Pocock. To carry him in a hammock, we had to throw some loads into the

bush, to relieve the heavily-burdened caravan. In this condition we

entered Ituru--a land of naked people, whose hills drain into a marsh,

whence issue the southernmost waters of the Nile.[24]

A presentiment of evil depressed all of us, as the long column of

wearied and sick people entered Ituru. My people hurried their women

away out of sight, the boys drove the herds away from our foreground in

order that, if the looming trouble ruptured, the cattle might not be

hurt. By dint of diplomatic suavity, we postponed the conflict for many

days. We gave presents freely, the slightest service was royally

rewarded. Though our hearts were heavy at the gloomy prescience of our

minds, we smiled engagingly; but I could see that it was of no use.

However, it deferred the evil. Finally, Edward Pocock died; we buried

him in the midst of our fenced camp, and the poor fisher-boy lay at rest

for ever.

Four days later, we arrived at the village of Vinyata. We had been ten

days in the land of Ituru, and, as yet, the black cloud had not lifted,

nor had it burst. But, as we entered Vinyata, a sick man suffering from

asthma lingered behind, unknown to the rear-guard. The fell savages

pounced on him, hacked him to little pieces, and scattered them along

the road. It was the evening of the 21st of January, 1875. The

muster-roll as usual was read. We discovered his absence, sent a body of

men back along the road; they found his remains, and came back bearing

bloody evidences of the murder.

‘Well, what can I do, my friends?’

‘But, master, if we don’t avenge his death, we shall have to mourn for

a few more, shortly. These savages need a lesson. For ten days we have

borne it, expecting every minute just what has happened.’

‘It is I who suffer most. Don’t you see the sick are so numerous that we

can scarcely move? Now, you talk of my giving a lesson to these people.

I did not come to Africa to give such lessons. No, my friends, we must

bear it; not only this, but perhaps a few more, if we are not careful.’

We fenced the camp around with bush, set a guard, and rested. Up to this

day twenty men had died, eighty-nine had deserted; there were two

hundred and forty-seven left, out of whom thirty were on the sick-list.

Ituru was populous, and the people warlike; two hundred and seventeen

indifferent fighters against a nation could do nothing. We could only

forbear.

We halted the next day, and took advantage of it to purchase the favour

of the natives. At night we thought we had succeeded. But the next day

two brothers went out into the bush to collect fuel: one was speared to

death, the other rushed into camp, a lance quivering in his arm, his

body gashed with the flying weapons, his face streaming with blood from

the blow of a whirling knobstick. We were horrified. He cried out, ‘It

is war, the savages are coming through the bush all round the camp!’

‘There, master!’ said the chief men, as they rushed up to assist the

wounded man, ‘What said we? We are in for it, sure enough, this time!’

‘Keep silence,’ I said. ‘Even for this, I will not fight. You know not

what you say. Two lives are lost; but that is small loss compared with

the loss of a hundred, or even fifty. You cannot fight a tribe like this

without paying a heavy forfeit of life. I cannot afford to lose you. We

have a thousand tribes to go through yet, and you talk of war now. Be

patient, men, this will blow over.’

‘Never!’ cried the men.

While I was arguing for peace, the camp was being gradually surrounded.

As the savages came into view, I sent men to talk with them. It

staggered the natives. They seemed to ask one another, ‘Have they not

yet received cause enough to fight?’ But as it took two sides to fight,

and one was unwilling, it was influencing them; and the matter might

have ended, had not a fresh force, remarkable for its bellicose

activity, appeared upon the scene.

‘Master, you had better prepare; there is no peace with these people.’

I gave the order to distribute twenty rounds of cartridges per man, and

enjoined on all to retire quietly to their several places in the camp.

My interpreters still held on talking soothingly, while I watched,

meanwhile, to note the slightest event.

Presently, the murderous band from the bush south of our camp appeared,

and again the clamour for war rose loudly on our ears.

I disposed two companies of fifty each on either side of the gate, to

resist the rush. There was a hostile movement, the interpreters came

flying back, the savages shot a cloud of arrows. On all sides rose

bodies of savages. A determined rush was made for the gate of the camp.

A minute later, firing began, and the companies moved forward briskly,

firing as they went. Then every axe-man was marched out, to cut the

bush, and fortify the camp. The savages were driven back for an hour,

and a recall was sounded. No enemy being in sight, we occupied ourselves

in making the camp impregnable, constructed four towers, twenty feet

high, to command all sides, and, filling them with marksmen, waited

events.

The day, and the night, passed quietly. Our camp was unassailable. I had

only lost two men so far. At nine o’clock, the enemy reappeared in good

order, re-enforced in numbers, for the adjoining districts had responded

to the war-cries we had heard pealing the day before. They advanced

confidently, probably two thousand strong. The marksmen in the towers

opened deliberately on them, and two companies were marched out of camp,

and deployed. A deadly fire was kept up for a few minutes, before which

the enemy fell back. A rush was made upon them, the natives fled.

I called back my people, and then formed out of these companies five

detachments of twenties, each under a chosen man. Instructions were

given to drive the natives back rapidly, as far as possible, a company

of fifty to follow, and secure cattle, grain, fowls, and food. Those

remaining behind cleared the bush further, so that we might have an open

view two hundred yards all around. Until late in the afternoon the

fighting was kept up, messengers keeping me in contact with my people.

At 4 P.M., the enemy having collected on the summit of a hill several

miles away, my men retired upon our camp. Our losses amounted to

twenty-two killed, and three wounded. My effective force now numbered

two hundred and eight. The camp was full of cattle, goats, fowls, milk,

and grain. I could stand a siege for months, if necessary.

The third morning came. We waited within the camp; but, at 9 A.M., the

natives advanced as before, more numerous than ever. Despite the losses

they had experienced, they must have been heartened by what we had

suffered. This explains their pertinacity. If we lost twenty each day,

ten days would end us all. It was thus they argued. I, on the other

hand, to prevent this constant drain, was resolved to finish the war on

this day. Accordingly, when they appeared, we advanced upon them with

one hundred and fifty rifles; and, leaving only fifty in the camp,

delivered several volleys, and pursued them from village to village,

setting fire to each as soon as captured. In close order, we made the

circuit of the entire district of Vinyata, until we arrived at the

stronghold of the tribe, on the summit of the hill. We halted a short

time to breathe, and then assailed it by a rush. The enemy fled

precipitately, and we returned to camp, having lost but two killed

throughout the arduous day.

There only remained for me to re-arrange the caravan. January, 1875, had

been a disastrous month to us! Altogether, nine had perished from hunger

in the wilderness of Uveriveri; in Ituru, twenty-six had been speared in

battle; five had died by disease, the consequence of the misery of the

period; on my hands I had four wounded, and twenty-five feeble wretches

scarcely able to walk. I had thus lost a fourth of my effective force,

with nearly seven thousand miles of a journey still before me!

Suppressing my grief as much as possible, I set about reducing the

baggage, and burnt every possible superfluous article. I clung to my

boat and every stick of it, though sorely tempted. The boat required

thirty of the strongest men for its carriage. Personal baggage,

luxuries, books, cloth, beads, wire, extra tents, were freely

sacrificed.

At day-break, on the 26th of January, we departed, every riding ass, and

all chiefs and supernumeraries, being employed as porters. We entered a

forest, and emerged from it three days later, in the friendly and

hospitable land of Usukuma. Our booty in bullocks and goats sufficed to

enlist over a hundred fresh carriers. After a halt, to recover from our

wounds and fatigues, I turned northward through a gracious land, whence

issued the smell of cattle and sweet grass, a land abounding with milk

and plenty, where we enjoyed perfect immunity from trouble of any kind.

Each day saw us winding up and down its grassy vales and gentle hills,

escorted by hundreds of amiable natives. Everywhere we were received

with a smiling welcome by the villagers, who saw us departing with

regret. ‘Come yet again,’ said they; ‘come, always assured of welcome.’

With scarcely one drawback to our pleasure, we arrived on the shores of

the Victoria Nyanza, on the one hundred and fourth day from the sea,

after a journey of seven hundred and twenty miles.

Sixteen years and seven months previous to our arrival at the lake,

Captain Speke had viewed it from a point just twelve miles west of my

camp. Reflecting on the vast expanse of water before him, Speke said, ‘I

no longer felt any doubt that the lake at my feet gave birth to that

interesting river, the source of which has been the subject of so much

speculation, and the object of so many explorers.’ This bold hypothesis

was warmly disputed by many, principally by his fellow-explorer, Captain

Burton. This led to Speke making a second expedition, with Captain Grant

for a companion, during which he saw a great deal of its western, and

half of its northern shores, from prominent points as he travelled

overland. Captain Burton and his brother theorists declined to be

satisfied; consequently, it was interesting to know, by actual survey,

what was the character of this Victoria Nyanza. Was it really one lake,

or a cluster of shallow lakes or marshes?

I had thought there could be no better way of settling, once and for

ever, the vexed question, than by the circumnavigation of the lake, or

lakes. For that purpose I had brought with me from England, in

sections, a cedar boat, forty feet long, and six feet beam.

Of course, all my people knew the object of the boat, but when I asked

for volunteers to man it for the voyage, they all assumed a look of

wonder, as though the matter had dawned on their minds for the first

time!

‘Where are the brave fellows who are to be my companions?’ I asked.

There was a dead silence; the men gazed at one another and stupidly

scratched their hips.

‘You know, I cannot go alone!’

Their eyes travelled over one another’s faces; they had suddenly become

blank-faced mutes.

‘You see the beautiful boat, made in England, safe as a ship, swift as a

sea-bird. We shall stow plenty of chop; we will lie lazily down on the

thwarts; the winds will bear us gaily along. Let my braves step out;

those men who will dare accompany their master round this sea.’

Up, and down, their eyes traversed each other’s forms, and, finally,

became fixed on their feet.

‘Come, come; this will not do. Will you join me?’

‘Ah, master, I cannot row. I am a land-lubber. My back is as strong as a

camel’s. There is no one like me for the road; but the sea!--Uh! uh! the

water is only fit for fishes, and I am a son of the firm earth!’

‘Will you join me, my boy?’

‘Dear master, you know I am your slave, and you are my prince; but,

master, look at the great waves!--Boo! boo! all the time!--Please,

master, excuse me this time. I will never do it again.’

‘Will you go with me, to live a pleasant month on the sea?’

‘Ha! ha! good master, you are joking! Who? I? I, who am the son of

Abdallah, who was the son of Nasib! Surely, my master, my hamal’s back

was made to carry loads! I am a donkey for that, but you cannot make a

sailor of a donkey!’

‘Will you come with me? I have had my eye on you for a long time?’

‘Where to, master?’ he asked innocently.

‘Why, round this sea, of course, in my boat!’

‘Ah, sir, put your hand on my breast. You feel the thumping of the

heart. A mere look at the sea always sends it bounding that way. Pray

don’t kill me, master, that sea would be my grave!’

‘So! you are donkeys, eh? camels? land-lubbers? hamals only, eh? Well,

we will try another plan! Here, you sir, I like you, a fine, handsome,

light weight! Step into that boat; and you, you look like a born sailor,

follow him; and you--heavens! what a back and muscles! You shall try

them on the oars! And you, a very lion in the fight at Ituru! I love

lions, and you shall roar with me to the wild waves of the Nyanza! And

you, the springing antelope, ha! ha! you shall spring with me over the

foaming surge!’ I selected eleven. ‘Oh, you young fellows, I will make

sailors of you, never fear! Get ready, we must be off within an hour.’

We set sail on the 8th of March. The sky was gloomy. The lake reflected

its gloom, and was of the colour of ashy-grey. The shores were stern and

rugged. My crew sighed dolorously, and rowed like men bound to certain

death, often casting wistful looks at me, as though I shared their

doubts, and would order a return, and confess that the preparations were

only an elaborate joke. Five miles beyond our port we halted for the

night at a fishing-village. A native--shock-headed, ugly, loutish, and

ungainly in movement--agreed, for a consideration, to accompany us as

pilot and interpreter of lake dialects. The next day, steering eastward,

we sailed at early dawn. At 11 A.M., a gale blew, and the lake became

wild beyond description. We scudded before the tempest, while it sang in

our ears and deafened us with its tumult. The waves hissed as we tore

along; leaping seas churned white, racing with us and clashing their

tops with loud, engulfing sounds. The crew collapsed, and crouched with

staring eyes into the bottom of the boat, and expected each upward

heave, and sudden fall into the troughs, to be the end of the wild

venture; but the boat, though almost drowned by the spray and foam,

dashed gaily along, until, about three o’clock, we swept round to the

lee of an island, and floated into a baylet, still as a pond. We coasted

around the indented shores of Speke Gulf, and touched at Ukerewe, where

our guide had many friends, who told us, for the exceeding comfort of my

crew, that it would take years to sail around their sea; and who, at

that time, would be left alive to tell the tale? On its shores dwelt a

people with long tails; there was a tribe which trained big dogs for

purposes of war; there were people, also, who preferred to feed on human

beings, rather than on cattle or goats. My young sailors were

exceedingly credulous. Our mop-headed guide and pilot grunted his

terror, and sought every opportunity to escape the doom which we were

hurrying to meet.

From Ukerewe we sailed by the picturesque shores of Wye; thence along

the coast of populous Ururi, whence the fishermen, hailed by us as we

glided by, bawled out to us that we should be eight years on the voyage.

We were frequently chased by hippopotami; crocodiles suddenly rose

alongside, and floated for a moment side by side, as though to take the

measure of our boat’s length. As we sailed by the coast of Irirui, large

herds of cattle were seen browsing on green herbage; the natives of

Utiri fell into convulsions of laughter as they looked on the novel

method of rowing adopted by us. When we hoisted the sail, they ceased

mocking us and ran away in terror. Then we laughed at them!

Beyond Utiri loomed the dark mountainous mass of Ugeyeya; to the west of

it, grim and lofty, frowned the island of Uguigo. Grey rocky islets

studded the coast. By swelling and uneven lines of hills, gentle slopes

all agreen with young grass, on which many herds and flocks

industriously fed, past many a dark headland, and cliffy walls of rock,

and lovely bays, edged by verdure and forest, and cosy lake-ports, the

boat sailed day after day, some curious adventure marking each day’s

voyage, until the boat’s head was turned westward.

While close to the shore of Ugamba, a war-canoe manned by forty paddlers

drew near to us. When within fifty yards, most of them dropped their

paddles and flourished tufted lances and shields. We sat still; they

wheeled round us, defyingly shaking their spears; they edged nearer, and

ranged their canoe alongside. Lamb-like, we gazed on them; they bullied

us, and laid their hands on everything within reach. We smiled placidly,

for resentment we had none. We even permitted them to handle our persons

freely. Tired with that, they seized their slings and tried to terrify

us with the whiz of the stones, which flew by our heads dangerously

near. They then chanted a war-song, and one, cheered by the sound,

became bolder, and whirled a rock at my head. I fired a revolver into

the water, and the warriors at once sprang into the lake and dived, as

though in search of the bullet. Not finding it, I suppose, they swam

away, and left the fine canoe in our hands!

We were delighted, of course, at the fun; we begged them to come back.

After much coaxing, they returned and got into their canoe. We

spoke--oh, so blandly!--to them. They were respectful, but laughed as

they thought of the boom, boom, boom, of the pistol. They gave me a

bunch of bananas, and we mutually admired one another. At last we

parted.

Another gale visited us at Usuguru, blowing as though from above. Its

force seemed to compress the water; repelled by the weightier element,

it brushed its face into millions of tiny ripples. Suddenly, the

temperature fell 20°; hailstones as large as filberts pelted us; and,

for fully ten minutes, we cowered under the icy shower. Then such

tropical torrents of rain poured, that every utensil was employed to

bale the boat to prevent foundering. The deluge lasted for hours, but

near night we uncovered, baled the boat dry, and crept for refuge,

through the twilight, into a wild arbour on an island, there to sleep.

A few days later, we coasted by the island of Wavuma. Five piratical

craft came up, and we behaving, as we always did, in that lackadaisical,

so fatally-encouraging manner, they became rude, insolent, and, finally,

belligerent. Of course, it resulted in a violent rupture; there was an

explosion, one of their canoes sank, and then we had peace, and sailed

away. We were on the Equator now. We cut across the Napoleon Channel,

through which the superfluous waters of the lake flow. At the northern

end they abruptly fall about eight feet, and then rush northward as the

Victoria Nile.

On the western side of the channel is Uganda, dominated by a prince,

entitled Kabaka, or Emperor. He is supreme over about three millions of

people, not quite so degraded or barbarous as those we had hitherto

viewed. He soon heard of the presence of my boat on the lake, and

despatched a flotilla to meet me. Strangely enough, the Emperor’s mother

had dreamed the night before that she had seen a boat sailing, sailing,

like a fish-eagle, over the Nyanza. In the stern of the boat was a white

man gazing wistfully towards Uganda.

The dream of the Imperial lady is no sooner told, than a breathless

messenger appears at the palace gate and informs the astonished Court

that he had seen a boat, with white wings like those of the fish-eagle,

skimming along the shores, and at the after-end of the boat there was a

white man, scrutinizing the land!

Such a man as this, who sends visions to warn an Empress of his

approach, must needs be great! Let worthy preparations be made at once,

and send a flotilla to greet him!

Hence, the commodore of the flotilla, on meeting with me, uses words

which astonish me by their courtly sound; and, following in the wake of

the canoes, we sail towards Usavara, where, I am told, the Emperor of

Uganda awaits me.

We see thousands of people arranging themselves in order, as we come in

view of the immense camp. The crews in the canoes fire volleys of

musketry, which are answered by volleys from shore. Kettle and

bass-drums thunder out a welcome, flags and banners are waved, and the

people vent a great shout.

The boat’s keel grided on the beach; I leapt out, to meet several

deeply-bowing officials; they escorted me to a young man standing under

an enormous crimson flag, and clad like an Arab gentleman, the Katekiro,

or Prime Minister, Ah. I bowed profoundly; he imitated the bow, but

added to it a courteous wave of the hand. Then the courtiers came

forward and greeted me in the Zanzibar language. ‘A welcome, a thousand

welcomes to the Kabaka’s guest!’ was cried on all sides.

I was escorted to my quarters. Hosts of questions were fired off at me,

about my health, journey, Zanzibar, Europe and its nations, the oceans,

and the heavens, the sun, moon, and stars, angels, demons, doctors and

priests, and craftsmen in general. I answered to the best of my power,

and, in one hour and ten minutes, it was declared unanimously that I had

passed!

In the afternoon, after receiving a present of fourteen oxen, sixteen

goats and sheep, a hundred bunches of bananas, three dozen fowls, four

jars of milk, four baskets of sweet potatoes, a basket of rice, twenty

fresh eggs, and ten pots full of banana wine,--which you must admit was

an imperial gift for a boat’s crew and one white man,--and after I had

bathed and brushed, I was introduced to the foremost man of Equatorial

Africa. Preceded by pages in white cotton robes, I was ushered into the

Imperial Presence through a multitude of chiefs, ranked in kneeling or

seated lines, drummers, guards, executioners, and pages.

The tall, clean-faced, and large-lustrous-eyed Mtesa rose, advanced, and

shook hands. I was invited to be seated; and then there followed a

mutual inspection. We talked about many things, principally about Europe

and Heaven. The inhabitants of the latter place he was very anxious

about, and was specially interested in the nature of angels. Ideas of

those celestial spirits, picked up from the Bible, Paradise Lost,

Michael Angelo, and Gustave Doré, enabled me to describe them in bright

and warm colours. Led away by my enthusiasm, I may have exaggerated

somewhat! However, I was rewarded with earnest attention, and, I do

believe, implicit faith!

Every day while I stayed, the ‘barzah’ was kept up with ceremony. One

afternoon Mtesa said, ‘Stamlee, I want you to show my women how white

men can shoot.’ (There were about nine hundred of them.)

We adjourned the barzah, and proceeded to the lake shore. The ladies

formed a crescent line, Mtesa in the midst, and amused themselves by

criticising my personal appearance--not unfavourably, I hope! It was,

‘Stamlee is this,’ and ‘Stamlee is that,’ from nine hundred pairs of

lips. There was at first a buzz, then it grew into a rippling murmur;

hundreds of lips covered and uncovered, alternately, dazzling white

teeth; the Equatorial stars were not half so brilliant as the beautiful

and lustrous jet-black eyes that reflected the merriness of the hearts.

An admiral with a fleet of canoes searched for a crocodile, at which I

might take aim. They discovered a small specimen, sleeping on a rock at

the distance of a hundred yards.

To represent all the sons of Japhet was a great responsibility; but I am

happy to say that my good luck did not desert me. The head of the young

reptile was nearly severed from the body by a three-ounce ball, and this

feat was accepted as a conclusive and undeniable proof that all white

men were dead shots!

In person, Mtesa is slender and tall, probably six feet one inch in

height. He has very intelligent and agreeable features, which remind me

of some of the faces of the great stone images at Thebes, and of the

statues in the Museum at Cairo. He has the same fulness of lips, but

their grossness is relieved by the general expression of amiability,

blended with dignity, that pervades his face, and the large, lustrous,

lambent eyes that lend it a strange beauty, and are typical of the race

from which I believe him to have sprung. His face is of a wonderfully

smooth surface.

When not engaged in council, he throws off, unreservedly, the bearing

that distinguishes him when on the throne, and gives rein to his humour,

indulging in hearty peals of laughter. He seems to be interested in the

discussion of the manners and customs of European courts, and to be

enamoured of hearing of the wonders of civilisation. He is ambitious to

imitate, as much as lies in his power, the ways of the European. When

any piece of information is given him, he takes upon himself the task of

translating it to his wives and chiefs, though many of the latter

understand the language of the East Coast as well as he does himself.

Though at this period I only stayed with him about twelve days, as I was

anxious about my camp at Kagehyi, yet the interest I conceived for the

Emperor and his people at this early stage was very great. He himself

was probably the main cause of this. The facility with which he

comprehended what was alluded to in conversation, the eagerness of his

manner, the enthusiasm he displayed when the wonders of civilisation

were broached to him, tempted me to introduce the subject of

Christianity, and I delayed my departure from Uganda much longer than

prudence counselled, to impress the first rudimentary lessons on his

mind.

I did not attempt to confuse him with any particular doctrine, nor did I

broach abtruse theological subjects, which I knew would only perplex

him. The simple story of the Creation as related by Moses, the

revelation of God’s power to the Israelites, their delivery from the

Egyptians, the wonderful miracles He wrought in behalf of the children

of Abraham, the appearance of prophets at various times foretelling the

coming of Christ; the humble birth of the Messiah, His wonderful life,

woeful death, and the triumphant resurrection,--were themes so

captivating to the intelligent pagan, that little public business was

transacted, and the seat of justice was converted into an alcove where

only the religious and moral law was discussed.

But I must leave my friend Mtesa, and his wonderful court, and the

imperial capital, Rubaga, for other scenes.

Ten days after we left the genial court, I came upon the scene of a

tragedy, which was commented upon in Parliament. We were coasting the

eastern side of a large island, looking for a port where we could put in

to purchase provisions. We had already been thirty-six hours without

food, and though the people on the neighbouring main were churlish, I

hoped the islanders would be more amenable to reason and kindly largesse

of cloth. Herds of cattle grazed on the summit and slopes of the island

hills; plantations of bananas, here and there, indicated abundance. As

we rowed along the shore, a few figures emerged from the shades of the

frondent groves. They saw us rowing, and raised the war-cry in

long-drawn, melodious notes. It drew numbers out of the villages; they

were seen gathering from summit, hollow, and slope. Besides the fierce

shouting, their manner was not reassuring. But hungry as we were, and

not knowing whither to turn to obtain supplies, this manifest hostility

we thought would moderate after a closer acquaintance.

We pulled gently round a point to a baylet. The natives followed our

movements, poising their spears, stringing their bows, picking out the

best rocks for their slings. Observing them persistent in hostile

preparations, we ceased rowing about fifty yards from the shore. The

interpreter with the mop head was requested to speak to the natives. You

can imagine how he pleaded, hunger inspiring his eloquence! The poised

spears were lowered, the ready rocks were dropped, and they invited us

by signs with open palms to advance without fear. We were thirteen

souls, including myself; they between three and four hundred. Prudence

advised retreat, hunger impelled us on; the islanders also invited us.

Wisdom is a thing of exceedingly slow growth; had we been wise, we

should have listened to the counsels of prudence.

‘It is almost always the case, master,’ said Safeni, the coxswain.

‘These savages cry out and threaten, and talk big; but, you will see,

these people will become fast friends with us. Besides, if we leave here

without food, where shall we get any?’ At the same time, without waiting

for orders, four men nearest the bow dipped their oars into the water,

and gently moved the boat nearer.

Seeing the boat advance, the natives urged us to be without fear. They

smiled, entered the water up to their hips, held out inviting hands.

They called us ‘brothers,’ ‘friends,’ ‘good fellows.’ This conquered our

reluctance; the crew shot the boat towards the natives; their hands

closed on her firmly; they ran with her to the shore; as many as could

lay hold assisted, and dragged her high and dry about twenty yards from

the lake.

Then ensued a scene of rampant wildness and hideous ferocity of action

beyond description. The boat was surrounded by a forest of spears, over

fifty bows were bent nearly double, with levelled arrows, over two

hundred swart demons contended as to who should deliver the first blow.

When this outbreak first took place, I had sprung up to kill and be

killed, a revolver in each hand; but, as I rose to my feet, the utter

hopelessness of our situation was revealed to me--a couple of

mitrailleuses only could have quenched their ferocious fury. We resigned

ourselves to the tempest of shrieking rage with apparent indifference.

This demeanour was not without its effect; the delirious fury subsided.

Our interpreter spoke, our coxswain pleaded with excellent pantomime,

and, with Kiganda words, explained; but the arrival of fifty newcomers

kindled anew the tumult; it increased to the perilous verge of murder.

The coxswain was pushed headlong into the boat; Kirango’s head received

a sounding thwack from a lance-staff; a club came down heartily on the

back of my mop-headed guide. I grinned fiendishly, I fear, because they

deserved it for urging me to such a hell.

I had presently to grin another way, for a gang paid their attentions to

me. They mistook my hair for a wig, and attempted to pull it off. They

gave it a wrench until the scalp tingled. Unresisting, I submitted to

their abuse. But, though I was silent, I thought a great deal, and

blessed them in my heart.

After a little while they seized our oars--our legs, as they called

them. The boat would lie helpless in their power, they thought. The

natives took position on a small eminence about two hundred yards away,

to hold a palaver. It was a slow affair. They lunched and drank wine. At

3 P.M., drums were beaten for muster. A long line of natives appeared in

war costume. All had smeared their faces with black and white pigments.

The most dull-witted amongst us knew what it portended!

A tall young fellow came bounding down the hill and pounced upon our

Kiganda drum. It was only a curio we had picked up; we let them have it.

Before going away he said, ‘If you are men, prepare to fight.’

‘Good,’ I said; ‘the sentence is given, suspense is over. Boys,’ I said,

‘if I try to save you, will you give me absolute submission, unwavering

obedience?--no arguing or reasoning, but prompt, unhesitating

compliance?’

‘Yes, we will; we swear!’

‘Do you think you can push this boat into the water?’

‘Yes.’

‘Just as she is, with all her goods in her, before those men can reach

us?’

‘Yes, certainly.’

‘Stand by, then. Range yourselves on both sides of the boat, carelessly.

Each of you find out exactly where you shall lay hold. I will load my

guns. Safeni, take these cloths on your arm, walk up towards the men on

the hill; open out the cloths one by one, you know, as though you were

admiring the pattern. But keep your ears open. When I call out to you,

throw the cloths away and fly to us, or your death will lie on your own

head! Do you understand?’

‘Perfectly, master.’

‘Then go.’

Meantime, I loaded my guns, my elephant-rifle, double-barrelled

shot-gun, Winchester repeater, and two or three Sniders belonging to the

men.

‘Lay hold firmly, boys; break the boat rather than stop. It is life or

death.’

Safeni was about fifty yards off; the natives’ eyes were fastened on

him, wondering why he came.

‘Now, boys, ready?’

‘Ready! please God, master!’

‘Push! push, Saramba, Kirango! Push, you villain, Baraka.’

‘Aye, aye, sir! push it is.’

The boat moved, the crew drove her sternward, her keel ploughing through

the gravel, and crunching through the stony beach. We were nearing the

lake.

‘Hurrah, boys! Push, you scoundrels! Ha! the natives see you! They are

coming! Safeni! Safeni! Safeni! Push, boys, the natives are on you!’

Safeni heard, and came racing towards us. The boat glided into the

water, and carried the crew with her far out with the impetus with which

she was launched. ‘Swim away with her, boys, don’t stop!’

Alas for Safeni!

A tall native who bounds over the ground like a springbok, poises his

spear for a cast. The balanced spear was about to fly--I could not lose

my man--I fired. The bullet perforated him, and flew through a second

man.

‘Jump, Safeni, head first into the lake!’ The bowmen came to the lake,

and drew their bows; the Winchester repeater dropped them steadily. The

arrows pierced the boat and mast, and quivered in the stern behind me.

One only drew blood from me. When we had got one hundred yards from the

shore, the arrows were harmless. I lifted a man into the boat, he

assisted the rest. We stopped for Safeni, and drew him safely in.

The natives manned four canoes. My crew were told to tear the

bottom-boards of the boat up for paddles. The canoes advancing fiercely

on us, we desisted from paddling. I loaded my elephant-rifle with

explosive bullets, and when the foremost canoe was about eighty yards

off, took deliberate aim at a spot in it between wind and water. The

shell struck, and tore a large fragment from the brittle wood. The canoe

sank. Another canoe soon after met the same fate; the others returned.

We were saved!

After being seventy-six hours without food, we reached Refuge Island. We

shot some ducks, and discovered some wild fruit. Delicious evening,--how

we enjoyed it! The next day we made new oars; and, finally, after

fifty-seven days’ absence from our camp, relieved our anxious people.

‘But where is Barker?’ I asked Frank Pocock.

‘He died twelve days ago, sir, and lies there,’ pointing to a new mound

of earth near the landing-place.

I must pass briefly over many months, replete with adventures, sorrow,

suffering, perils by flood and field. Within a few weeks, the King of

Ukerewe having furnished me with canoes, I transported the expedition

across the lake from its south-eastern to its north-western extremity,

with a view to explore Lake Albert. In passing by the pirate island of

Bumbireh, the natives again challenged us to pass by them without their

permission; and as that permission would not be given, I attacked the

island, capturing the King and two of the principal chiefs, and passed

on to Uganda.

Before I could obtain any assistance from Mtesa, I had to visit him once

again. Being at war with the Wavuma, he detained me several months.

The good work I had commenced was resumed. I translated for him

sufficient out of the Bible to form an abridged sacred history, wherein

the Gospel of St. Luke was given entire.

When my work of translation was complete, Mtesa mustered all his

principal chiefs and officers, and after a long discourse, in which he

explained his state of mind prior to my arrival, he said:--

‘Now I want you, my chiefs and soldiers, to tell me what we shall do.

Shall we believe in Jesus, or in Mohammed?’

One chief said, ‘Let us take that which is the best.’ The Prime

Minister, with a doubtful manner, replied, ‘We know not which is the

best. The Arabs say their book is the best, while the white man claims

that his book is the best. How can we know which speaks the truth?’ The

courtly steward of the palace said, ‘When Mtesa became a son of Islam,

he taught me, and I became one. If my master says he taught me wrong,

now, having more knowledge, he can teach me right.’

Mtesa then proceeded to unfold his reasons for his belief that the white

man’s book must be the true book, basing them principally upon the

difference of conduct he had observed between the Arabs and the whites.

The comparisons he so eloquently drew for them were in all points so

favourable to the whites, that the chiefs unanimously gave their promise

to accept the Christians’ Bible, and to conform, as they were taught, to

the Christian religion.

To establish them in the new faith which they had embraced, it only

rested with me to release Darlington, my young assistant-translator,

from my service, that he might keep the words of the Holy Book green in

their hearts, until the arrival of a Christian mission from England.

Seldom was an appeal of this nature so promptly acceded to, as Mtesa’s

appeal that pastors and teachers should be sent to his country; for

£14,000 was subscribed in a short time for the equipment of a Missionary

expedition, under the auspices of the Church Missionary Society. Three

months before we reached the Atlantic Ocean, the missionaries for Uganda

arrived at Zanzibar, the island we had left nineteen months

previously.[25]

On the conclusion of peace, Mtesa gave me two thousand three hundred men

for an escort. With these we travelled west from the north-west corner

of Lake Victoria and discovered the giant mountain Gordon Bennett, in

the country of Gambaragara, and halted near Lake Muta-Nzige. But as the

Wanyoro gathered in such numbers as to make it impossible to resist

them, we retreated back to Lake Victoria. We then bade adieu to the

Waganda, and travelled south until we came to Lake Tanganyika. We

launched our boat on that lake, and, circumnavigating it, discovered

that there was only a periodical outlet to it. It is, at this present

time, steadily flowing out by the Lukuga River, westward to the Lualaba,

until, at some other period of drought, the Tanganyika shall again be

reduced, and the Lukuga bed be filled with vegetation.

Thus, by the circumnavigation of the two lakes, two of the geographical

problems I had undertaken to solve were settled. The Victoria Nyanza I

found to be one lake, covering a superficial area of 21,500 square

miles. The Tanganyika had no connection with the Albert Nyanza; and, at

present, it had no outlet. Should it continue to rise, as there was

sufficient evidence to prove that for at least thirty years it had been

steadily doing, its surplus waters would be discharged by the Lukuga

River into the Lualaba.

There now remained the grandest task of all, in attempting to settle

which Livingstone had sacrificed himself. Is the Lualaba, which he had

traced along a course of nearly thirteen hundred miles, the Nile, the

Niger, or the Congo? He himself believed it to be the Nile, though a

suspicion would sometimes intrude itself that it was the Congo. But he

resisted the idea. ‘Anything for the Nile,’ he said, ‘but I will not be

made black man’s meat for the Congo!’

I crossed Lake Tanganyika with my expedition, lifted once more my

gallant boat on our shoulders, and after a march of nearly two hundred

and twenty miles arrived at the superb river on the banks of which

Livingstone had died.

Where I first sighted it, the Lualaba was fourteen hundred yards wide--a

noble breadth, pale grey in colour, winding slowly from south and by

east. In the centre rose two or three small islets, green with the

foliage of trees and the verdure of sedge. It was my duty to follow it

to the ocean, whatever might hap during the venture.

We pressed on along the river to the Arab colony of Mwana-Mamba, the

chief of which was Tippu-Tib, a rich Arab, who possessed hundreds of

armed slaves. He had given considerable assistance to Cameron. A heavy

fee, I thought, would bribe him to escort me some distance, until the

seductions of Nyangwe would be left far behind.

‘I suppose, Tippu-Tib, you would have no objections to help me, for a

good sum?’

‘I don’t know about that,’ he said, with a smile; ‘I have not many men

with me now. Many are at Imbarri, others are trading in Manyuema.’

‘How many men have you?’

‘Perhaps three hundred,--say two hundred and fifty.’

‘They are enough.’

‘Yes, added to your people, but not enough to return alone after you

would leave me, through such a country as lies beyond Nyangwe.’

‘But, my friend, think how it would be with me, with half a continent

before me.’

‘Ah, well, if you white people are fools enough to throw away your

lives, that is no reason why Arabs should! We travel little by little,

to get ivory and slaves, and are years about it. It is now nine years

since I left Zanzibar.’

After a while, he called a man named Abed, son of Friday, who had

penetrated further than any man, westward and northward.

‘Speak, Abed; tell us what you know of this river.’

‘Yes, I know all about the river. Praise be to God!’

‘In which direction does it flow, my friend?’

‘It flows north.’

‘And then?’

‘It flows north.’

‘And then?’

‘Still north. I tell you, sir, it flows north, and north, and north, and

there is no end to it. I think it reaches the Salt Sea; at least, my

friends say that it must.’

‘Well, point out in which direction this Salt Sea is.’

‘God only knows.’

‘What kind of a country is it to the north, along the river?’

‘Monstrous bad! There are fearfully large boa-constrictors, in the

forest of Uregga, suspended by their tails, waiting to gobble up

travellers and stray animals. The ants in that forest are not to be

despised. You cannot travel without being covered by them, and they

sting like wasps. There are leopards in countless numbers. Every native

wears a leopard-skin cap. Gorillas haunt the woods in legions, and woe

befall the man or woman they meet; they run and fasten their fangs in

the hands, and bite off the fingers one by one, and spit them out one

after another. The people are man-eaters. It is nothing but constant

fighting. A party of three hundred guns started for Uregga; only sixty

returned. If we go by river, there are falls after falls. Ah, sir, the

country is bad, and we have given up trying to trade in that direction.’

But, despite the terrible news of Abed, the son of Friday, Tippu-Tib

was not averse to earning a decent fee. Pending his definite acceptance

of a proffered sum of a thousand pounds, I consulted my remaining

companion, Frank Pocock.

While my little ebon page Mabruki poured out the evening’s coffee, I

described the difficulty we were in. I said, ‘These Arabs have told such

frightful tales about the lands north of here, that unless Tippu-Tib

accepts my offer, the expedition will be broken up, for our men are

demoralized through fear of cannibals and pythons, leopards and

gorillas, and all sorts of horrible things. Canoes we cannot get; both

Livingstone and Cameron failed. Now, what do you say, Frank, shall we go

south to Lake Lincoln, Lake Kamalondo, Lake Bemba, and down to the

Zambezi?’

‘Ah, that’s a fine trip, sir.’

‘Or shall we explore north-east of here until we strike the Muta Nzige,

then strike across to Uganda, and back to Zanzibar?’

‘Ah, that would be a fine job, sir, if we could do it.’

‘Or shall we follow this great river, which for all these thousands of

years has been flowing northward through hundreds, possibly thousands of

miles, of which no one has ever heard a word? Fancy, by and by, after

building or buying canoes, floating down the river, day by day, to the

Nile, or to some vast lake in the far north, or to the Congo and the

Atlantic Ocean! Think of steamers from the mouth of the Congo to Lake

Bemba!’

‘I say, sir, let us toss up, best two out of three to decide it!’

‘Toss away, Frank; here is a rupee. Heads for the north and the Lualaba;

tails for the south and Katanga.’

Frank, with beaming face, tossed the coin high up. It showed tails!

He tossed again, and tails won six times running! But despite the omen

of the coin, and the long and short straws, I resolved to cling to the

north and to the Lualaba.

Frank replied, ‘Sir, have no fear of me! I shall stand by you. The last

words of my dear old father were, “Stick by your master,” and there is

my hand, sir; you shall never have cause to doubt me.’ And poor Frank

kept his word like a true man.

Tippu-Tib eventually agreed, and signed a contract, and I gave him a

promissory note for one thousand pounds.

On the 5th of November, 1876, a force of about seven hundred people,

consisting of Tippu-Tib’s slaves and my expedition, departed from the

town of Nyangwe and entered the dismal forest-land north. A straight

line from this point to the Atlantic Ocean would measure one thousand

and seventy miles; another to the Indian Ocean would measure only nine

hundred and twenty miles; we had not reached the centre of the continent

by seventy-five miles.

Outside the woods blazed a blinding sunshine; underneath that immense

and everlasting roof-foliage were a solemn twilight and the humid warmth

of a Turkish bath. The trees shed continual showers of tropic dew. Down

the boles and branches, massive creepers and slender vegetable cords,

the warm moisture trickled and fell in great globes. The wet earth

exhaled the moisture back in vapour, which, touching the cold, damp

foliage overhung high above our heads, became distilled into showers. As

we struggled on through the mud, the perspiration exuded from every

pore. Our clothes were soon wet and heavy, with sweat and the fine

vapoury rain. Every few minutes we crossed ditches filled with water,

overhung by depths of leafage. Our usual orderly line was therefore soon

broken; the column was miles in length. Every man required room to

sprawl, and crawl, and scramble as he best could, and every fibre and

muscle was required for that purpose.

Sometimes prostrate forest-giants barred the road with a mountain of

twigs and branches. The pioneers had to carve a passage through for the

caravan and the boat sections. If I was so fortunate as to gain the

summit of a hill, I inhaled long draughts of the pure air, and looked

out over a sea of foliage stretching to all points of the compass. I had

certainly seen forests before, but all others, compared to this, were

mere faggots. It appalled the stoutest heart; it disgusted me with its

slush and reek, its gloom and monotony.

For ten days we endured it; then the Arabs declared they could go no

further. As they were obstinate in this determination, I had recourse to

another arrangement. I promised them five hundred pounds if they would

escort us twenty marches only. It was accepted. I proposed to strike

for the river. On our way to it, we came to a village, whose sole street

was adorned with one hundred and eighty-six skulls, laid in two parallel

lines. The natives declared them to be the skulls of gorillas, but

Professor Huxley, to whom I showed specimens, pronounced them to be

human.

Seventeen days from Nyangwe, we saw again the great river. Remembering

the toil of the forest-march, and viewing the stately breadth and calm

flow of the mighty stream, I here resolved to launch my boat for the

last time.

While we screwed the sections together, a small canoe, with two Bagenya

fishermen, appeared in front of our camp by the river.

‘Brothers!’ we hailed them, ‘we wish to cross the river. Bring your

canoes and ferry us across. We will pay you well with cowries and bright

beads.’

‘Who are you?’

‘We are from Nyangwe.’

‘Ah! you are Wasambye!’

‘No, we have a white man as chief.’

‘If he fills my canoe with shells, I will go and tell my people you wish

to go over.’

‘We will give you ten shells for the passage of every man.’

‘We want a thousand for each man.’

‘That is too much; come, we will give you twenty shells for every man.’

‘Not for ten thousand, my brother. We do not want you to cross the

river. Go back, Wasambye; you are bad. Wasambye are bad, bad, bad!’

They departed, singing the wildest, weirdest note I ever heard. I

subsequently discovered it to be a kind of savage-telegraphy, which I

came to dread, as it always preceded trouble.

About noon, the boat was launched for her final work. When we rowed

across the river, the mere sight of her long oars, striking the water

with uniform movement, alarmed the unsophisticated aborigines. They

yielded at last, and the double caravan was transported to the left

bank. We passed our first night in the Wenya land in quietness; but, in

the morning, the natives had disappeared. Placing thirty-six of the

people in the boat, we floated down the river with the current, close to

the left bank, along which the land-party marched. But the river bore us

down much faster than the land-party was able to proceed. The two

divisions lost touch of one another for three days.

Nothing could be more pacific than the solitary boat gliding down on the

face of the stream, without a movement of oar or paddle; but its

appearance, nevertheless, was hailed by the weird war-cries of the

Wenya. The villages below heard the notes, shivered with terror, and

echoed the warning cry ‘to beware of strangers afloat.’

We came to the confluence of the Ruiki with the Lualaba. I formed a camp

at the point to await our friends. I rowed up the Ruiki to search for

them. Returning two hours later, I found the camp was being attacked by

hosts of savages.

On the third day the land-column appeared, weary, haggard, sick, and

low-spirited. Nevertheless, nothing was to be gained by a halt. We were

in search of friendly savages, if such could be found, where we might

rest. But, as day after day passed on, we found the natives increasing

rather than abating in wild rancour, and unreasonable hate of strangers.

At every curve and bend they ‘telephoned’ along the river the warning

signals; the forests on either bank flung hither and thither the strange

echoes; their huge wooden drums sounded the muster for fierce

resistance; reed arrows, tipped with poison, were shot at us from the

jungle as we glided by. To add to our distress, the small-pox attacked

the caravan, and old and young victims of the pest were flung daily into

the river. What a terrible land! Both banks, shrouded in tall, primeval

forests, were filled with invisible, savage enemies; out of every bush

glared eyes flaming with hate; in the stream lurked the crocodiles to

feed upon the unfortunates; the air seemed impregnated with the seeds of

death!

On the 18th of December, our miseries culminated in a grand effort of

the savages to annihilate us. The cannibals had manned the topmost

branches of the trees above the village of Vinya Njara; they lay like

pards crouching amidst the garden-plants, or coiled like pythons in

clumps of sugar-cane. Maddened by wounds, we became deadly in our aim;

the rifle seldom failed. But, while we skirmished in the woods, the

opposite bank of the river belched flotillas, which recalled us to the

front, and the river-bank. For three days, with scarcely any rest, the

desperate fighting lasted. Finally, Tippu-Tib appeared. His men cleared

the woods; and by night I led a party across the river, and captured

thirty-six canoes belonging to those who had annoyed us on the right

bank. Then peace was made. I purchased twenty-three canoes, and

surrendered the others.

Beyond Vinya Njara, the Arabs would not proceed, and I did not need

them. We were far enough from Nyangwe. Its seductive life could no

longer tempt my people. Accordingly, we prepared to part.

I embarked my followers in the canoes and boat. Tippu-Tib ranged his

people along the bank. His Wanyamuezi chanted the mournful farewell. We

surrendered ourselves to the strong flood, which bore us along to

whatever Fate reserved in store for us.

Dense woods covered both banks and islands. Though populous settlements

met our eyes frequently, our intercourse with the aborigines was of a

fitfully fierce character. With an audacity sprung from ignorance, and

cannibal greed, they attacked us with ever fresh relays. A few weak

villages allowed our flotilla to glide by unmolested, but the majority

despatched their bravest warriors, who assailed us with blind fury.

Important tributaries, such as the Uruidi, the Loweva, the Leopold, and

the Lufu, opened wide gaps in the dark banks, and lazy creeks oozed from

amid low flats and swamps.

Armies of parrots screamed overhead as they flew across the river;

aquatic birds whirred by us to less disturbed districts; legions of

monkeys sported in the branchy depths; howling baboons alarmed the

solitudes; crocodiles haunted the sandy points and islets; herds of

hippopotami grunted thunderously at our approach; elephants bathed their

sides by the margin of the river; there was unceasing vibration from

millions of insects throughout the livelong day. The sky was an azure

dome, out of which the sun shone large and warm; the river was calm, and

broad, and brown. While we floated past the wilderness, we were cheered

by its calm and restful aspect, but the haunts of the wild men became

positively hateful.

Such were my experiences until I arrived at what is now known as the

Stanley Falls. The savages gathered about us on the river, and lined the

shore to witness the catastrophe, but I faced the left bank, drove the

natives away, and landed. For twenty-two days I toiled to get past the

seven cataracts--my left flank attacked by the ruthless and untiring

natives, my right protected by the boiling and raging flood. On the 28th

of January, my boats were safe below the Falls.

I was just twenty miles north of the Equator. Since I first sighted the

mysterious Lualaba, I had only made about sixty miles of westing in a

journey of nearly four hundred miles. Therefore its course had been

mainly northward and Nileward, almost parallel with the trend of the

Tanganyika.

I myself was still in doubt as to what river-system it belonged to. But

below the Falls, the Lualaba, nearly a mile wide, curved northwest. ‘Ha!

it is the Niger, or the Congo,’ I said. I had not much time to

speculate, however. Every hour was replete with incidents. The varied

animal life on the shores, the effervescing face of the turbid flood,

the subtle rising and sinking of the greedy crocodile, the rampant

plunge and trumpet snort of the hippos, the unearthly, flesh-curdling

cry of the relentless cannibal--had it not been for these, which gave

tone to our life, there was every disposition to brood, and dream, and

glide on insensibly to eternal forgetfulness. Looked I ahead, I viewed

the stern river streaming away--far away into a tremulous, vaporous

ocean. If you followed that broad band of living waters, quick and alert

as the senses might be at first, you soon became conscious that you were

subsiding into drowsiness as the eyes rested on the trembling vapours

exhaled by river and forest, which covered the distance as with silver

gauze; then the unknown lands loomed up in the imagination, with most

fantastic features, the fancy roamed through pleasing medleys,--

‘And balmy dreams calmed all our pains,

And softly hushed our woes.’

But see! we have arrived at the confluence of the Lualaba with a river

which rivals it in breadth. Down the latter, a frantic host of feathered

warriors urge a fleet of monstrous canoes. They lift their voices in a

vengeful chorus, the dense forest repeats it, until it flies pealing

from bank to bank. The war-horns are blown with deafening blasts, the

great drums boom out a sound which fills our ears and deafens our sense

of hearing. For a moment, we are aghast at the terrific view! The

instinct of most of our party is to fly. Fly from that infuriate rush!

Impossible! The rifles of our boat are directed against the fugitives.

They are bidden to return, to form a line, to drop anchor. The shields

which have been our booty from many a fight are lifted to bulwark the

non-combatants, the women and the children; and every rifleman takes

aim, waiting for the word. It is ‘neck or nothing’! I have no time to

pray, or take sentimental looks around, or to breathe a savage farewell

to the savage world!

There are fifty-four canoes. The foremost is a Leviathan among native

craft. It has eighty paddlers, standing in two rows, with spears poised

for stabbing, their paddles knobbed with ivory, and the blades carved.

There are eight steersmen at the stern, a group of prime young warriors

at the bow, capering gleefully, with shield and spear; every arm is

ringed with broad ivory bracelets, their heads gay with parrot-feathers.

The Leviathan bears down on us with racing speed, its consorts on either

flank spurting up the water into foam, and shooting up jets with their

sharp prows; a thrilling chant from two thousand throats rises louder

and louder on our hearing.

Presently, the poised spears are launched, and a second later my rifles

respond with a ripping, crackling explosion, and the dark bodies of the

canoes and paddlers rush past us. For a short time, the savages are

paralyzed; but they soon recover. They find there is death in those

flaming tubes in the hands of the strangers, and, with possibly greater

energy than they advanced, they retreat, the pursued becoming the

pursuers in hot chase.

My blood is up. It is a murderous world, and I have begun to hate the

filthy, vulturous shoals who inhabit it. I pursue them up-stream, up to

their villages; I skirmish in their streets, drive them pell-mell into

the woods beyond, and level their ivory temples; with frantic haste I

fire the huts, and end the scene by towing the canoes into mid-stream

and setting them adrift!

Now, suspecting everything with the semblance of man, like hard-pressed

stags, wearied with fighting, our nerves had become unstrung. We were

still only in the middle of the continent, and yet we were being weeded

out of existence, day by day, by twos and threes. The hour of utter

exhaustion was near, when we should lie down like lambs, and offer our

throats to the cannibal butchers.

But relief and rest were near. The last great affluent had expanded the

breadth of the Lualaba to four miles. A series of islands were formed in

mid-river, lengthy and narrow, lapping one another; and between each

series there were broad channels. I sheered off the mainland, entered

these channels, and was shut out from view.

‘Allah,’ as I cried out to my despairing people, ‘has provided these

liquid solitudes for us. Bismillah, men, and forward.’

But, every two or three days, the channels, flowing diagonally, floated

us in view of the wild men of the mainland. With drumming and

horn-blowing, these ruthless people came on, ignoring the fact that

their intended victims might hold their lives dear, might fight

strenuously for their existence. The silly charms and absurd fetishes

inspired the credulous natives with a belief in their invulnerability.

They advanced with a bearing which, by implication, I understood to

mean, ‘It is useless to struggle, you know. You cannot evade the fate in

store for you! Ha, ha; meat, meat, we shall have meat to-day!’ and they

dashed forward with the blind fury of crocodiles in sight of their prey,

and the ferocious valour of savages who believe themselves invincible.

What then? Why, I answered them with the energy of despair, and tore

through them with blazing rifles, leaving them wondering and lamenting.

I sought the mid-channel again, and wandered on with the current,

flanked by untenanted islets, which were buried in tropical shade by

clustered palms and the vivid leafage of paradise. Ostracised by savage

humanity, the wilds embraced us, and gave us peace and rest. In the

voiceless depths of the watery wilderness we encountered neither

treachery nor guile. Therefore we clung to them as long as we could, and

floated down, down, hundreds of miles.

The river curved westward, then south-westward. Ah, straight for the

mouth of the Congo! It widened daily; the channels became numerous.

Sometimes in crossing from one to another there was an open view of

water from side to side. It might have been a sea for all we knew,

excepting that there was a current, and the islands glided by us.

After forty days, I saw hills; the river contracted, gathered its

channels one by one, until at last we floated down a united and powerful

river, banked by mountains. Four days later we emerged out of this on a

circular expanse. The white cliffs of Albion were duplicated by white

sand-cliffs on our right, at the entrance, capped by grassy downs.

Cheered at the sight, Frank Pocock cried out, ‘Why, here are the cliffs

of Dover, and this singular expanse we shall call Stanley Pool!’

The stretch of uninterrupted navigation I had just descended measured

one thousand and seventy statute miles. At the lower end of Stanley

Pool, the river contracted again, and presently launched itself down a

terraced steep, in a series of furious rapids.

Resolved to cling to the river, we dragged our canoes by land past the

rapids, lowered them again into the river, paddled down a few miles with

great rock-precipices on either hand. We encountered another rapid, and

again we drew our canoes overland. It grew to be a protracted and fatal

task. At Kalulu Falls six of my men were drowned. Accidents occurred

almost every day. Casualties became frequent. Twice myself and crew were

precipitated down the rapids. Frank Pocock, unwarned by the almost

every-day calamity, insisted that his crew should shoot the Massassa

Falls. The whirlpool below sucked all down to the soundless depths, out

of which Frank and two young Zanzibaris never emerged alive.

But still resolute to persevere, I continued the desperate task, and

toiled on and on, now in danger of cataracts, then besieged by famine,

until, on the 31st of July, I arrived at a point on the Lower Congo,

last seen by Captain Tuckey, an English Naval officer, in 1816. I knew

then, beyond dispute of the most captious critic, that the Lualaba,

whose mystery had wooed Livingstone to his death, was no other than the

‘lucid, long-winding Zaire,’ as sung by Camoens, or the mighty Congo.

Now, farewell, brave boat! seven thousand miles, up and down broad

Africa, thou hast accompanied me! For over five thousand miles thou hast

been my home! Now lift her up tenderly, boys, so tenderly, and let her

rest!

Wayworn and feeble, we began our overland march, through a miserable

country inhabited by a sordid people. They would not sell me food,

unless for gin, they said. Gin! and from me! ‘Why, men, two and a half

years ago I left the Indian Sea, and can I have gin? Give us food that

we may live, or beware of hungry men!’ They gave us refuse of their

huts, some pea-nuts, and stunted bananas. We tottered on our way to the

Atlantic, a scattered column of long and lean bodies, dysentery, ulcers,

and scurvy, fast absorbing the remnant of life left by famine.

I despatched couriers ahead. Two days from Boma, they returned with

abundance. We revived, and, staggering, arrived at Boma on the 9th of

August, 1877, and an international gathering of European merchants met

me, and, smiling a warm welcome, told me kindly that I ‘had done right

well.’

Three days later, I gazed upon the Atlantic Ocean, and I saw the

puissant river flowing into the bosom of that boundless, endless sea.

But, grateful as I felt to Him who had enabled me to pierce the Dark

Continent from east to west, my heart was charged with grief, and my

eyes with tears, at the thought of the many comrades and friends I had

lost.

The unparalleled fidelity of my people to me demanded that I should

return them to their homes. Accordingly, I accompanied them round the

Cape of Good Hope to Zanzibar, where, in good time, we arrived, to the

great joy of their friends and relatives, when father embraced son, and

brother brother, and mothers their daughters, and kinsmen hailed as

heroes the men who had crossed the continent.

* * * * *

Only the inevitable limitations of space prevent a citation from the

fuller account of this expedition in Stanley’s book, ‘Through the Dark

Continent,’ of some passages illustrating the loyal and tender relations

between him and his black followers. Nothing in the story exceeds in

human interest the final scene, his conveying of his surviving force,

from the mouth of the Congo, around the Cape, to their homes in

Zanzibar, so removing their depression arising from the fear that,

having found again his own people, he may leave them; their gladness at

the re-assurance he gives; the arrival at

[Illustration: HENRY M. STANLEY AND HIS MEN AT ZANZIBAR, 1877]

Zanzibar, after three weeks’ voyage; the astonishment and delight of the

reunion with relatives and friends; the sorrowful parting with their

master. When he went on board the steamer to sail for Europe, a

deputation of the best followed him on board, to offer their help in

reaching his home, if he needed it, and to declare that they would start

for no new adventure on the continent until they heard that he had

safely reached his own land.

* * * * *

The second pay-day was devoted to hearing the claims for wages due to

the faithful dead. Poor, faithful souls! With an ardour and a fidelity

unexpected, and an immeasurable confidence, they had followed me to the

very death! True, negro nature had often asserted itself; but it was,

after all, but human nature. They had never boasted that they were

heroes, but they exhibited truly heroic stuff while coping with the

varied terrors of the hitherto untrodden, and apparently endless, wilds

of broad Africa.

They were sweet and sad moments, those of parting. What a long, long and

true friendship was here sundered! Through what strange vicissitudes of

life had they not followed me! What wild and varied scenes had we not

seen together! What a noble fidelity these untutored souls had

exhibited! The chiefs were those who had followed me to Ujiji in 1871:

they had been witnesses of the joy of Livingstone at the sight of me;

they were the men to whom I entrusted the safe-guard of Livingstone on

his last and fatal journey; who had mourned by his corpse at Muilla, and

borne the illustrious dead to the Indian Ocean.

In a flood of sudden recollection, all the stormy period, here ended,

rushed in upon my mind; the whole panorama of danger and tempest through

which these gallant fellows had so staunchly stood by me--these gallant

fellows now parting from me! Rapidly, as in some apocalyptic trance,

every vision, every scene of strife with Man and Nature, through which

these poor men and women had borne me company, and solaced me by the

simple sympathy of common suffering, came hurrying across my memory; for

each face before me was associated with some adventure, or some peril;

reminded me of some triumph, or of some loss.

What a wild, weird retrospect it was, that mind’s flash over the

troubled past! So like a troublous dream!

And for years and years to come, in many homes in Zanzibar, there will

be told the great story of our journey, and the actors in it will be

heroes among their kith and kin. For me, too, they are heroes, these

poor ignorant children of Africa; for, from the first deadly struggle in

savage Ituru, to the last struggling rush into Embomma, they had rallied

to my voice like veterans; and in the hour of need they had never failed

me. And thus, aided by their willing hands and by their loyal hearts,

the expedition had been successful, and the three great problems of the

Dark Continent’s geography had been fairly solved. LAUS DEO.

* * * * *

CHAPTER XVI

FOUNDING THE CONGO STATE

The first work, exploration, was done. Now for the harder task,

civilisation. That was henceforth the main purpose and passion of

Stanley’s life. For him, the quest of wider knowledge meant a stage

towards the betterment of mankind. He had laid open a tract comparable

in extent and resources to the basin of the Amazon, or the Mississippi.

What his vision saw, what his supreme effort was given to, was the

transformation of its millions of people from barbarism, oppressed by

all the ills of ignorance, superstition, and cruelty, into happy and

virtuous men and women. His aim was as pure and high as Livingstone’s.

But, as a means, he looked not alone to the efforts of isolated

missionaries, but to the influx of great tides of beneficent activities.

He sought to pour the civilisation of Europe into the barbarism of

Africa, and the prime force to which he looked was the natural,

legitimate desire for gain, by ways of traffic; the African and the

European both eager for the exchanges which should be for the good of

both. With this, he counted on the scientific curiosity, and the

philanthropic zeal, of the civilised world to assist the work.

The curse of interior Africa had been its isolation. Its only contact

with the outer world had been through the ferocious slave-trade, carried

on by Europeans on its western shore through four centuries, until

suppressed under English leadership, but still maintained by Arabs,

working wholesale ruin from the east.

A natural channel, and an invitation to legitimate and wholesome

commerce, was the vast waterway of the Upper Congo, which Stanley had

just discovered. The obstacle which had prevented its employment was a

strip of two hundred miles next the sea, where a succession of cataracts

and rapids, through rough and sterile hills, made navigation impossible.

This strip must be pierced, first by a wagon-road, later by a railroad.

Its human obstacles, principally the rapacious African traders, or

‘middle-men,’ shrewd, greedy, and jealous of the white man’s intrusion,

must be propitiated. Then, from mouth to source of the river, stations

must be established as centres of trade and of friendly intercourse.

That was Stanley’s plan; and for fit and adequate support he looked

first to the English people and the English Government.

Before he touched English soil, on his return at the end of 1877, his

letters in the ‘Telegraph’ had hinted at the vast and inviting political

possibilities which the new country offered to England.

With scarcely a breathing-space, he threw himself into the work of

persuading, preaching, imploring, the ruling powers in English Commerce

and in public affairs to seize this grand opportunity.

He spoke in all the commercial centres, especially in Manchester and

Liverpool, setting forth the immense advantages to trade of such an

enterprise. He had audience with such public men as would listen, or

seem to listen. But the Government and the people of England turned a

deaf ear.

Stanley was, by some, called ‘Quixotic’; by others, an ‘adventurer,’ or

‘a buccaneer.’ Others professed to be shocked, and said he put Commerce

before Religion!! So he received no help or encouragement from Britain.

But, in Belgium, King Leopold was already keenly interested in African

possibilities. In the summer of 1877, he had convened a company of

geographers and scientific men, who had organised the ‘International

African Association’ for exploration, and, perhaps, something further.

Their first essays were mostly on the eastern coast.

On Stanley’s return, at the end of 1877, he was met at Marseilles by

messengers of King Leopold, to urge him to come to Brussels for a

conference, and for the initiation of further African enterprise.

He excused himself on the plea of physical exhaustion and unfitness for

further undertakings. But he had other reasons, in his strong preference

for England as his supporting power. After half a year of ill-success in

that quarter, in August, he met King Leopold’s Commissioners in Paris.

In the discussion there, the vague purpose to do something scientific or

commercial in the basin of the Congo crystallised into Stanley’s plan as

given above. There was close study, analysis, and detail; the papers

were transmitted to the King, and Stanley kept in touch with the

project. _But again he urged upon England that she should take the lead;

and, again, in vain._

Thereupon, he accepted an invitation to the Royal Palace at Brussels in

November, and there met ‘various persons of more or less note in the

commercial and monetary world, from England, Germany, France, Belgium,

and Holland.’ An organisation was made, under the name, ‘Comité d’Étude

du Haut Congo’ (which afterward became practically identified with the

‘International’). Plans were adopted on a modest scale; the sum of

twenty thousand pounds was subscribed for immediate use; and Stanley was

put in charge of the work. Colonel Strauch, of the Belgian Army, was

chosen President of the Society; and he, and his associates, selected

Stanley’s European assistants, and acted as his base of supplies during

the five and a half years--January, 1879, to June, 1884--which he spent

in the work.

The story of that work is told at large in Stanley’s book, ‘The Congo,

and the Founding of its Free State.’ Less full of adventure and wonder

than his preceding and following works, it is rich in material for

whoever studies the relations, actual and possible, between civilised

and savage men. The merest outline of it is given here, with quotations

chosen mainly to illustrate the character of its leader. For the nucleus

of his working force, he went back to Zanzibar, and chose seventy men,

forty of whom had before gone with him through Africa, and who, as a

body, now served him with a like fidelity and devotion. He took them

around the continent, by Suez and Gibraltar, and reached the mouth of

the Congo in August, 1879.

* * * * *

August 15, 1879. Arrived off the mouth of the Congo. Two years have

passed since I was here before, after my descent of the great River, in

1877. Now, having been the first to explore it, I am to be the first who

shall prove its utility to the world. I now debark my seventy Zanzibaris

and Somalis for the purpose of beginning to civilise the Congo Basin.

* * * * *

With a force recruited up to two hundred and ten negroes, and fourteen

Europeans, and with four tiny steamers, he set out for the mastery of

the river. A few miles’ steaming away from the trading establishments at

the mouth, up to the head of navigation, and the first station, Vivi, is

planted; wooden huts brought from England are set up, and wagon-roads

are made. Then, a Labour of Hercules, transport must be found for

steamers and goods through a long stretch of rugged hills. After

exploration, the route must be chosen; then the stubborn, dogged labour

of road-building, over mountains and along precipices; the Chief, hammer

and drill in hand, showing his men how to use their tools; endless

marching and hauling; and, at last, a whole year’s work (1880) is done;

forward and backward, they had travelled two thousand five hundred and

thirty-two miles, and, as a result, they had won a practicable way of

fifty-two miles--‘not a holiday affair,’ this! Strenuous toil, a diet of

beans, goat’s meat, and sodden bananas; the muggy atmosphere of the

Congo Cañon, with fierce heat from the rocks, and bleak winds through

the gorges! Six European and twenty-two native lives, and thirteen

whites invalided and retired, were part of the price.

Now, a second station, Isangila, is built; here, as at Vivi, a treaty is

made with the natives, and land for the station fairly bought.

Next, we have eighty-eight miles of waterway, and, then, another station

at Manyanga. Here came a plague of fever, and the force was further

weakened by garrisons left for the three stations. Stanley was

desperately ill; after ten days’ fight with the fever, the end seemed at

hand; he prescribed for himself sixty grains of quinine, and a few

minims of hydrobromic acid, in an ounce of Madeira wine; under this

overpowering dose his senses reeled; he summoned his European comrades

for a farewell, while Death loomed before him, and a vision of a lonely

grave. Grasping the hand of his faithful Albert, he struggled long and

vainly to speak the words of a parting charge; and when, at last, he

uttered an intelligible sentence,--that success brought a rush of

relief, and he cried, ‘I am saved!’ Then came unconsciousness for

twenty-four hours; and, afterwards, just life enough to feel hungry; and

thus he reached convalescence and recovery.

A push of eight days further, to Stanley Pool, where begins the

uninterrupted navigation of the Upper Congo. Here he finds that M. de

Brazza, in the pay of France, though _aided by funds from the Comité

International of Belgium_, having heard of Stanley’s doings, has raced

across from the sea, and bargained with the natives for a great strip on

the north bank of the river. So, for this region, Stanley secured the

south bank. At last, greatly to his encouragement and help, came a

re-enforcement of the good Zanzibaris.

Early in 1882, he planted a fine station, named Leopoldville, in honour

of the monarch whom Stanley heartily admired, and relied on. On this

settlement, when he had finished it to his mind, Stanley looked with

special pride and complacency: the block-house, impregnable against fire

or musketry; the broad-streeted village for his natives; their gardens

of young bananas and vegetables; the plentiful water and fuel; the

smooth promenade, where he imagined his Europeans strolling on Sundays,

to survey the noble prospect of river, cataract, forests, and mountain.

Stanley, however, saw more than met the eye. He dwelt on the possible

future of that magnificent country, with its well-watered soil, now

neglected, but richer than any in the whole Mississippi Valley. ‘It is

like looking at the intelligent face of a promising child: though we

find nought in it but innocence, we fondly imagine that we see the germs

of a future great genius,--perhaps a legislator, a savant, warrior, or a

poet.’

Soon after, a violent fever so disabled him that he was obliged to

return to Europe, in 1882. He made his report to the Comité de

l’Association Internationale du Congo, which had assumed the authority

and duties of the Comité d’Étude. He showed them that he had

accomplished all, and more than all, his original commission aimed at,

and urged them to complete the work by building a railroad along the

lower river, extending the chain of stations, and obtaining concessions

of authority from the chiefs along the whole course of the Congo.

To all this the Committee assented, but they were urgent that Stanley

should return to take charge. He consented, in spite of impaired health,

and started back, after only six weeks in Europe; making condition only,

and that with all the persuasiveness at his command, that they should

send him able assistants, instead of the irresponsible, flighty-headed

youngsters on whom he had been obliged so largely to rely. He dreaded

what they might have done, or undone, in his absence. His fears were

justified; his journey up the river lay through a mournful succession of

neglected and blighted stations; and Leopoldville, of which he had hoped

so much, was a grass-grown hungry waste! He did his best to repair the

mischief,

[Illustration: HENRY M. STANLEY 1882]

and pushed on up the river, the one dominating idea being to establish a

succession of stations for a thousand miles along the Upper Congo, as

far as Stanley Falls.

Briefly, his route from the ocean covered 110 miles of steaming; then a

land march of 235 miles to Stanley Pool, whence the Upper Congo gives

clear navigation, for 1070 miles, to Stanley Falls. Numerous tributaries

multiply the navigable waterways to about 6000 miles. The district thus

watered Stanley estimated as a square of 757 miles either way, a

superficies of 57,400 square miles, nearly the dimensions of the future

Free State. He found the Lower Congo region unproductive, yielding at

first only ground-nuts, palm-oil, and feed-cake for cattle, and, further

up-stream, some production of rubber, gum-copal, and ivory. But the

Upper Congo was rich in valuable forests and in fertile soil; woods for

building, for furniture, and dyes; gums, ivory of elephant and

hippopotamus; india-rubber, coffee, gum-copal, and much besides. All

this potentiality of ‘wealth, beyond the dreams of avarice,’ could only

be actualised through the perfection of communication: already Stanley

was eagerly planning for a railway that should link the Upper Congo with

the sea.

Now, for a year and a half, his principal care was to negotiate treaties

with the chiefs, which should give political jurisdiction over the

territory. Throughout the enterprise, amiable relations with the natives

were most successfully cultivated; friction was overcome by patience and

tact; firmness, combined with gentleness, in almost every instance

averted actual strife. The chiefs were willing enough to cede their

political sovereignty, receiving in each case some substantial

recompense; foreign intrusion was barred; and the private rights and

property of the natives were respected.

Over four hundred chiefs were thus dealt with, and so the foundations of

the Free State were established. On his journey up the river he was

constantly meeting tribes who were his old acquaintances of six years

before. Old _friends_ they could scarcely be called, but new friends

they readily became. A halo of wonder hung round his first advent; the

curiosity born of that memory was heightened by the marvel of the

steamboats; the offer of barter was always welcome, and the bales of

cloth, the brass rods, the trinkets,--first as a present, then in

trade,--were the beginnings of familiar intercourse. Stanley’s

diplomacies, his peace-makings between hostile tribes, his winning of

good-will and enforcement of respect, make a story that should be

studied in his full narrative.

The summer of 1884 found the work of founding the State virtually

finished, and Stanley nearly finished, too. There had been difficulties

of all kinds, in which almost the entire responsibility had rested on

his shoulders, and he had reached the limit of his strength; could he

but hand over his work to a fit successor! He writes:--

* * * * *

There was a man at that time in retreat, near Mount Carmel. If he but

emerged from his seclusion, he had all the elements in him of the man

that was needed: indefatigable industry; that magnetism which commands

affection, obedience, and perfect trust; that power of reconciling men,

no matter of what colour, to their duties; that cheerful promise that in

him lay security and peace; that loving solicitude which betokens the

kindly chief. That man was General Gordon. For six months I waited his

coming; finally, letters came announcing his departure for the Soudan;

and, soon after, arrived Lieutenant-colonel Sir Francis de Winton, of

the Royal Artillery, in his place.

* * * * *

General Gordon had arranged to take the Governorship of the Lower Congo,

under Stanley, who was to govern the Upper Congo; and, together, they

were to destroy the slave-trade at its roots. General Gordon wrote a

letter to Stanley in which he said that he should be happy to serve

under him, and work according to Stanley’s ideas. When Sir Francis de

Winton went out, Stanley transferred to him the Government of the Congo,

and returned to England.

This same year, 1884, saw the recognition of the new State by the

civilised powers. England’s contribution was mainly indirect. She had

previously made a treaty with Portugal, allowing her a strip of African

coast, as the result of which she could now have excluded everyone else

from the Congo. Manchester, Liverpool, and Glasgow, through their

Chambers of Commerce, had remonstrated in vain.

The United States, meanwhile, had been the first to recognise the new

State of the Congo. Spurred by General Sandford, formerly Minister to

Belgium, who appealed, on the one hand, to American interest in

Livingstone and Stanley, and, on the other hand, to commercial

possibilities, the American Senate, on April 10, 1884, authorised

President Arthur to recognise the International African Association as a

governing power on the Congo River. This action, says Stanley, was the

birth to new life of the Association.

In view of the menace to the world’s trade by the Anglo-Portuguese

treaty, Bismarck’s strong personality now came to the front, somewhat

prompted by King Leopold. Stanley admired the straightforward vigor of

the German as much as he admired the philanthropy of the Belgian rule.

Bismarck summoned a Conference at Berlin, to which the leading European

powers sent delegates. There were also delegates from the United States,

and with these Stanley was present as their ‘technical adviser,’ and,

naturally, had a good hearing.

The Conference was mainly interested to secure the commercial freedom of

the Niger and the Congo. It gave definite recognition to the Congo Free

State. It did map-making with a free hand, marking out European

dominions in Africa, with especial profit to France and Portugal,

through the adroitness of the French Ambassador, says Stanley, and with

the concurrence of Prince Bismarck. Also, quite incidentally, so to

speak, the Conference proceeded to lay down the formalities by which a

European power was to establish itself on virgin African soil, which

consisted, virtually, in putting up a sign-board ‘to whom it may

concern.’ By this simple process, and with no trouble of exploration,

purchase, or settlement, Bismarck then calmly proceeded to appropriate a

large slice of Eastern Africa, which had been opened up by the British.

The future course of African affairs, including the vesting of the Congo

sovereignty in King Leopold, has no place in this story. In this whole

chapter of Stanley’s work, perhaps the most significant feature, as to

his character, and, also, as a lesson in the art of civilisation, is his

manner of dealing with the natives. As a concrete instance may be given

the story of Ngalyema and the fetish.

* * * * *

Ngalyema, chief of Stanley Pool district, had demanded and received four

thousand five hundred dollars’ worth of cotton, silk, and velvet goods

for granting me the privilege of establishing a station in a wilderness

of a place at the commencement of up-river navigation. Owing to this, I

had advanced with my wagons to within ten miles of the Pool. I had

toiled at this work the best part of two years, and whenever I cast a

retrospective glance at what the task had cost me, I felt that it was no

joke, and such that no money would bribe me to do over again. Such a

long time had elapsed since Ngalyema had received his supplies, that he

affected to forget that he had received any; and, as I still continued

to advance towards him after the warnings of his messengers, he

collected a band of doughty warriors, painted their bodies with diagonal

stripes of ochre, soot, chalk, and yellow, and issued fiercely to meet

me.

Meantime, the true owners of the soil had enlightened me respecting

Ngalyema’s antecedents. He was only an enterprising native trader in

ivory and slaves, who had fled from the north bank; but, though he had

obtained so much money from me by pretences, I was not so indignant at

this as at the audacity with which he chose to forget the transaction,

and the impudent demand for another supply which underlay this.

Ngalyema, having failed to draw any promise by sending messengers,

thought he could extort it by appearing with a warlike company.

Meantime, duly warned, I had prepared a surprise for him.

I had hung a great Chinese gong conspicuously near the principal tent.

Ngalyema’s curiosity would be roused. All my men were hidden, some in

the steamboat on top of the wagon, and in its shadow was a cool place

where the warriors would gladly rest after a ten-mile march; other of my

men lay still as death under tarpaulins, under bundles of grass, and in

the bush round about the camp. By the time the drum-taps and horns

announced Ngalyema’s arrival, the camp seemed abandoned except by myself

and a few small boys. I was indolently seated in a chair, reading a

book, and appeared too lazy to notice anyone; but, suddenly looking up,

and seeing my ‘brother Ngalyema,’ and his warriors, scowlingly regarding

me, I sprang up, and seized his hands, and affectionately bade him

welcome, in the name of sacred fraternity, and offered him my own chair.

He was strangely cold, and apparently disgruntled, and said:--

‘Has not my brother forgotten his road? What does he mean by coming to

this country?’

‘Nay, it is Ngalyema who has forgotten the blood-bond which exists

between us. It is Ngalyema who has forgotten the mountains of goods

which I paid him. What words are these of my brother?’

‘Be warned, Rock-Breaker. Go back before it is too late. My elders and

people all cry out against allowing the white man to come into our

country. Therefore, go back before it be too late. Go back, I say, the

way you came.’

Speech and counter-speech followed. Ngalyema had exhausted his

arguments; but it was not easy to break faith and be uncivil, without

plausible excuse. His eyes were reaching round seeking to discover an

excuse to fight, when they rested on the round, burnished face of the

Chinese gong.

‘What is that?’ he said.

‘Ah, that--that is a fetish.’

‘A fetish! A fetish for what?’

‘It is a war-fetish, Ngalyema. The slightest sound of that would fill

this empty camp with hundreds of angry warriors; they would drop from

above, they would spring up from the ground, from the forest about, from

everywhere.’

‘Sho! Tell that story to the old women, and not to a chief like

Ngalyema. My boy tells me it is a kind of a bell. Strike it and let me

hear it.’

‘Oh, Ngalyema, my brother, the consequences would be too dreadful! Do

not think of such a thing!’

‘Strike it, I say.’

‘Well, to oblige my dear brother Ngalyema, I will.’

And I struck hard and fast, and the clangorous roll rang out like

thunder in the stillness. Only for a few seconds, however, for a tempest

of human voices was heard bursting into frightful discords, and from

above, right upon the heads of the astonished warriors, leaped yelling

men; and from the tents, the huts, the forest round about, they came by

sixes, dozens, and scores, yelling like madmen, and seemingly animated

with uncontrollable rage. The painted warriors became panic-stricken;

they flung their guns and powder-kegs away, forgot their chief, and all

thoughts of loyalty, and fled on the instant, fear lifting their heels

high in the air; or, tugging at their eyeballs, and kneading the senses

confusedly, they saw, heard, and suspected nothing, save that the limbo

of fetishes had suddenly broken loose!

But Ngalyema and his son did not fly. They caught the tails of my coat,

and we began to dance from side to side, a loving triplet, myself being

foremost, to ward off the blow savagely aimed at my ‘brothers,’ and

cheerfully crying out, ‘Hold fast to me, my brothers. I will defend you

to the last drop of my blood. Come one, come all,’ etc.

Presently the order was given, ‘Fall in!’ and quickly the leaping forms

became rigid, and the men stood in two long lines in beautiful order,

with eyes front, as though ‘at attention.’ Then Ngalyema relaxed his

hold of my coat-tails, and crept from behind, breathing more freely;

and, lifting his hand to his mouth, exclaimed, in genuine surprise ‘Eh,

Mamma! where did all these people come from?’

‘Ah, Ngalyema, did I not tell you that thing was a powerful fetish? Let

me strike it again, and show you what else it can do.’

‘No! no! no!’ he shrieked. ‘I have seen enough!’

The day ended peacefully. I was invited to hasten on to Stanley Pool.

The natives engaged themselves by the score to assist me in hauling the

wagons. My progress was thenceforward steady and uninterrupted, and in

due time the wagons and goods-columns arrived at their destination.

* * * * *

But this was only one incident in what may be called the ‘education of

Ngalyema.’ Seldom has teacher had a more unpromising pupil. He was a

braggart, a liar, greedy, capricious, abjectly superstitious,

mischief-making. Stanley’s diary shows how he handled him during three

months of neighbourhood. For instance, Ngalyema begged certain articles

as presents; Stanley coupled the gift with the stipulation that his

followers were not to bring their arms into the camp. The promise was

persistently broken; finally, at the head of his armed warriors,

Ngalyema was suddenly confronted by Stanley’s rifle, and fell at his

feet, in abject panic, to be soothed, petted, and brought into a healthy

state of mind. ‘I am bound to teach this intractable “brother” of mine,’

is the comment in the diary.

Again and again he makes trouble; and, always, he is met by the same

firm, gentle hand. Slowly he improves, and at last is allowed once more

to make ‘blood-brotherhood,’ with crossing of arms, incisions, and

solemn pronouncement by the great fetish-man of the tribe, in token of

renewed fraternity and fidelity. Ngalyema might fairly be pronounced a

reformed character, and the friendship between him and Stanley became

life-long.

* * * * *

Some of you may, perhaps, wonder at the quiet inoffensiveness of the

natives, who, on a former expedition, had worried my soul by their

ferocity and wanton attacks, night and day; but a very simple

explanation of it may be found in Livingstone’s Last Journals, dated

28th October, 1870. He says: ‘Muini Mukata, who has travelled further

than most Arabs, said to me, “If a man goes with a good-natured, civil

tongue, he may pass through the worst people in Africa unharmed.” This

is true, but time also is required; one must not run through a country,

but give the people time to become acquainted with you, and let their

worst fears subside.’

Now, on the expedition across Africa I had no time to give, either to

myself or to them. The river bore my heavy canoes downward; my goods

would never have endured the dawdling required by this system of

teaching every tribe I met who I was. To save myself and my men from

certain starvation, I had to rush on and on, right through. But on this

expedition, the very necessity of making roads to haul my enormous

six-ton wagons gave time for my reputation to travel ahead of me. My

name, purpose, and liberal rewards for native help, naturally

exaggerated, prepared a welcome for me, and transformed my enemies of

the old time into workmen, friendly allies, strong porters, and firm

friends. I was greatly forbearing also; but, when a fight was

inevitable, through open violence, it was sharp and decisive.

Consequently, the natives rapidly learned that though everything was to

be gained by friendship with me, wars brought nothing but ruin.

* * * * *

So it was that he went among these fierce savages as a messenger of good

tidings, and they welcomed him. He put his superiority over them to use

in making bridges across the gulf between their minds and his. He

studied not only their languages, but their ceremonials, and adapted

himself to their forms of justice and ways of settling disputes, as in

the rite of blood-brotherhood. He brought them not only personal

good-will and kind treatment, but the practical advantages of

civilisation.

Everywhere he found eagerness to trade, and the possibility of

commercial interchange that should be profitable to both sides. Many of

them accepted training in labour, and recruited his road-making force.

In his treaties with the chiefs, he did not hesitate to purchase full

political sovereignty, usually in exchange for goods; for such

sovereignty was worthless or harmful to these tribes, compared with the

beneficent rule of a superior intelligence. But neither in the formal

treaties, nor in the actual practice, was there the least trace of

spoliation of land and goods which was practised later, when Stanley had

left the Congo. ‘It is agreed,’ says one of his typical treaties, ‘that

the term “cession of territory” does not mean the purchase of the soil

by the Association, but the purchase of the suzerainty by the

Association.’

Stanley’s whole treatment of the natives was as simple in its principle

as the Golden Rule; it was applied with infinite skill and patience; and

in a spirit of heartiest human good-will, dashed, often, with boyish

humour that went home to the savage heart. He tells with gusto of the

welcome given to frolicking races, and the gambols indulged in by his

good Danish follower, Albert:--

* * * * *

The dark faces light up with friendly gleams, and a budding of good-will

may perhaps date from this trivial scene. To such an impressionable

being as an African native, the self-involved European, with his frigid,

imperious manner, pallid white face, and dead, lustreless eyes, is a

sealed book.

* * * * *

The most tragic pages in the history relate his coming upon a series of

villages just ravaged by a ferocious slave-raid of the Arabs, and

afterwards finding a herd of the wretched captives chained and guarded.

It is a terrible picture. Over a hundred villages had been devastated,

and the five thousand carried away as slaves stood for six times as many

slain, or dying by the way-side.[26] The hot impulse rose to strike a

blow for their liberation; but it would have been hopeless and useless.

On his return journey, Stanley borrowed from the slave-traders several

of their number as his companions down the river, to give them an

object-lesson as to the impending check on their excursions. To

extirpate this slave-trade was among the prime objects of his

enterprise, and whatever else failed, this succeeded.

The furthest point he then reached was Stanley Falls, where he planted

his station in charge of a solitary white man, the plucky little Scotch

engineer, Binnie. Stanley, on his return down the river, reflects on the

influences he has planted to extend his work.

* * * * *

We had sown seeds of good-will at every place we had touched, and each

tribe would spread diffusively the report of the value and beauty of our

labours. Pure benevolence contains within itself grateful virtues. Over

natural people nothing has greater charm or such expansible power; its

influence grows without effort; its subtlety exercises itself on all who

come within hearing of it. Coming in such innocent guise, it offends

not; there is nought in it to provoke resentment. Provided patience and

good temper guides the chief of Stanley Falls station, by the period of

the return of the steamers, the influence of the seedling just planted

there will have been extended from tribe to tribe far inland, and amid

the persecuted fugitives from the slave-traders.

* * * * *

Among the brightest pages of the story are the occasional returns to

some station where a faithful and efficient subordinate, left in charge,

has made the wilderness to blossom as a rose. Such is the picture of

Equatorville, to which he returned, after a hundred days’ absence, to

find that the good-will and zeal of two young Army lieutenants had

transformed the station from a jungle of waterless scrub; had built and

furnished a commodious, tasteful, ‘hotel’; had drawn up a code of laws

for the moral government of the station, and the amelioration of the

wild Bakuti; and planned sanitary improvements worthy of a competent

Board of Public Works.

But too frequent is the opposite story; the subordinates’ indolence,

neglect, perhaps desertion; and the decadence of the station. The

painful element in the story, and ominous of future consequences, is the

failures among the men sent out from Europe as his assistants. There

were many and honourable exceptions, and these he praises warmly in the

book.[27] Such were the Scotch engineer, Binnie, who so stoutly held his

solitary post at Stanley Falls; the efficient and fine-spirited Danish

sailor, Albert Christopherson; the Scandinavian seaman, Captain

Anderson, with his genius for inspiring everyone near him to work; the

Englishman, A. B. Swinburne, with a genius for gardening and

home-making, and for winning the affection of both whites and blacks;

the Italian mechanician, François Flamini, who charmed the steam-engines

into docility. But the book tells often of the failures, and the private

note-books detail the story more plainly, and tell, too, something of

his difficulties with his native helpers.

* * * * *

All the officers, before I sent them to their posts, were instructed by

me, orally and in writing, in the very minutiæ of their duties,

especially in the mode of conduct to be adopted towards the natives.

The ridiculous inadequacy of our force as opposed to the native

population required that each officer should be more prudent than brave,

more tactful than zealous. Such conduct invariably made the native

pleasantly disposed to us. If some characters among them presumed to

think that forbearance sprang from cowardice, and were inclined to be

aggressive, the same prudence which they had practised previously would

teach them how to deal with such.

It was mainly impressed on the officers that they were to hold their

posts more by wit than by force, for the latter was out of the question,

except after forethought, and in combination with headquarters. This was

due to the fact that the young officers were as ignorant of diplomacy as

children. Their instincts were to be disciplinary and dictatorial. The

cutting tone of command is offensive to savages, and terrifying to them

as individuals.

Captain D. exceeded his instructions in assuming the responsibility of

provoking the Arabs at Stanley Falls. He studied only his own fighting

instincts, and British resentment against the slaver. At an early period

he was too brusque; this repelled confidence and roused resentment.

While he was expected to represent civil law of the most paternal

character, he regarded the thirty Houssas soldiers under his command as

qualifying him for the rôle of a military dictator; and as soon as he

appeared in that character, the Arabs became unanimous in asserting

their independence. Before a man with thirty soldiers can adopt such a

tone, he surely ought to have been prepared for the consequences. But he

seems to have done nothing except challenge the Arabs. He knew he had so

many rounds of ammunition, but his ammunition was damp, and he was not

aware of it.[28]

I know that many of my Officers were inclined to regard me as ‘hard.’ I

may now and then have deserved that character, but then it was only when

nought _but_ hardness availed. When I meet chronic stupidity, laziness,

and utter indifference to duty, expostulation ceases, and coercion or

hardness begins.

* * * * *

His associates had been the principal cause of the exhibition of this

quality, and with some of them he had been very unfortunate.

* * * * *

To describe Bracconier’s case, for example, would fill a good-sized

book. Others were equally impenetrable to reason and persuasion.

Intuitively, I felt that Braconnier, though polite and agreeable, was

not to be entrusted with any practical work. His education and character

had utterly unfitted him for work of any kind. He was asked to

superintend a little road-making. He sought a nice, shady place, and

fell asleep; and his men, of course, while they admired him for his easy

disposition, did what was most agreeable to them, and dawdled over their

work, by which we lost two days. When myself incapacitated by a sudden

stroke of fever, I requested him to supervise the descent of the

boiler-wagon down a hill; not ten minutes later the boiler and wagon

were smashed, and he was brought to me, half-dead from his injuries! He

was appointed chief of Leopoldville, but, in four months, the place

resembled a ruin. Grass encroached everywhere, the houses were falling

to pieces, the gardens choked with weeds, the steamers were lying

corroding in the port, the natives were estranged, and he and his men

were reduced to a state of siege.

He allowed a young Austrian lieutenant and six Zanzibaris to enter a

small unsuitable canoe and attempt to ascend the Congo. Within fifteen

minutes of their departure, they were all drowned!

There is always another side to these accusations, and those inclined to

believe Bracconier’s ridiculous charge of my ‘hardness’ should try,

first, how they would like to endure three years of indolence and

incapacity, before they finally dismissed the fellow; let those who

criticised me ascertain whether this man distinguished himself in other

fields and other missions; though I have no doubt that in a Brussels

drawing-room he would be found to be an agreeable companion; but not in

Africa, where work has to be done, and progress made.

Then, as regards the coloured people, good as the majority of Zanzibaris

were, some of them were indescribably, and for me most unfortunately,

dense. One man, who from his personal appearance might have been judged

to be among the most intelligent, was, after thirty months’ experience

with his musket, unable to understand how it was to be loaded! He never

could remember whether he ought to drop the powder, or the bullet, into

the musket first! Another time he was sent with a man to transport a

company of men over a river to camp. After waiting an hour, I strode to

the bank of the river and found them paddling in opposite directions,

each blaming the other for his stupidity, and, being in a passion of

excitement, unable to hear the advice of the men across the river, who

were bawling out to them how to manage their canoe.

Another man was so ludicrously stupid that he generally was saved from

punishment because his mistakes were so absurd. We were one day floating

down the Congo, and, it being near camping time, I bade him, as he

happened to be bowman on the occasion, to stand by and seize the grass

on the bank to arrest the boat, when I should call out. In a little

while we came to a fit place, and I cried, ‘Hold hard,

Kirango!’--‘Please God, Master,’ he replied, and forthwith sprang on

shore and seized the grass with both hands, while _we_, of course, were

rapidly swept down-river, leaving him alone and solitary on the bank!

The boat’s crew roared at the ridiculous sight; but, nevertheless, his

stupidity cost the tired men a hard pull to ascend again, for not every

place was available for a camp. He it was, also, who, on an occasion

when we required the branch of a species of arbutus which overhung the

river to be cut away, to allow the canoes to be brought nearer to the

bank for safety, actually went astride of the branch, and chopped away

until he fell into the water with the branch, and lost our axe. He had

seated himself on the _outer_ end of the branch!

The coloured men accepted the reproaches they deserved with such

good-nature that, however stupid they were, I could not help forgiving

and forgetting. But it was not so with the officers. Their

_amour-propre_ was so much offended that, if I ventured on a rebuke, it

was remembered with so much bitterness, that an officer who was

continually erring was also constantly in a resentful mood. I could not

discharge a man for a blunder, or even a few blunders; but, if

disobeying and making unfortunate mistakes was his chronic state, and he

always resented instruction, it can easily be imagined that life with

such a one was not pleasant. There were periods when careless acts

resulted fatally to others; or when great vexation, or pecuniary loss,

went on for months consecutively; until I really became afraid to ask

any officer to undertake any duty.

* * * * *

[Illustration: HENRY M. STANLEY, 1885]

* * * * *

Who would suppose that out of five intelligent Belgian officers bidding

a sixth _bon voyage_ not one could perceive by the size of the canoe,

the number of people in it, and the manner the departing friend was

standing in the little cockle-shell, that the voyage must end

disastrously? and yet not one had the least suspicion that the young man

was going to his doom, and about to take six fellows with him! Who would

have imagined that those five horror-struck gentlemen would have

permitted two of their companions to venture upon attempting the same

hazardous voyage the very next day? And yet they did, without so much as

a protest; and, though the two unhappy voyagers saved their lives by

springing on shore, their boat and all their effects were swept over a

cataract.

Not long after, another of these officers, who belonged to a boat-club

on a Belgian river, thought he would establish one of his own on the

Upper Congo. As a first step he purchased an elegant canoe, paying

heavily for it. He attached a keel-piece to it, made a mast and a sail,

and one day he went sailing smoothly towards the middle of the river

where it was four miles wide. Presently, having got beyond view of his

station, the wind died away, and he was carried down by the mighty

flood. He began to cry out for aid, as he had forgotten his paddles; but

his cries could not be heard, he was alone on the wide waters! Towards

midnight, his men, getting anxious, set out in search of him, and, after

many hours, found him nearly distracted with terror, and brought him to

camp, vowing he would never again trust himself alone on the Congo!

A short time after this, another officer and a French missionary were

devoured by cannibals, with eleven Zanzibaris who accompanied them. The

details of the story went to prove that, in this case again, the

military officer proved his inaptitude to learn, though in other ways

the young man was exemplary. Still, the disposition to blunder seemed so

prevalent that he who was responsible for the good management of their

affairs might well be pardoned, if, in his anxiety for the welfare of

those under him, he should exact obedience in a more peremptory tone

than formerly.

Another officer had his station burned twice, with all the property

stored in it. He was relieved of his charge, and appointed to an

honourable mission; but, after setting out, he suddenly decided to

abandon his people; leaving them to find their own way, whilst he

slipped off to the coast, ‘to buy a pair of boots,’ as he said. No one

could have appeared more astonished than he was when, after the third

glaring offence, he was told that he was no longer needed.

Another officer was supplied with a small company of choice men, and I

instructed him to build a station with a friendly tribe, which had

desired it for the opening of trade. Within a few days he began shooting

promiscuously at the natives with a revolver; and, on one of his men

expostulating with him, he turned the weapon upon his faithful servant

and shot him in the head; upon which, the remainder of the men flung

themselves upon him, and, having disarmed him, carried him, bound hand

and foot, to me. The officer was escorted to the coast; I charged him

with being a dangerous lunatic, though no one would have supposed, from

his appearance and language, that he was thus afflicted.

I could go on with pages of these extraordinary misadventures, all of

which I had to endure with some of the officers who were sent out to me.

I but cite these few instances, taken at random, to prove that there is

another view to be taken when the responsible head of an expedition, or

enterprise of this kind, is charged with being ‘hard.’ One is not likely

to be hard with persons who perform their duties; but it is difficult to

be mild, or amiable, with people who are absolutely incapable, and who

will not listen to admonition without bristling with resentment.

The only power I possessed with officers of this kind was that of

dismissal, which I forbore to use too frequently because, in doing so, I

punished the Association. It was only in extreme cases that the power

was exercised. In Europe, of course, there would be no necessity for

many words or sore feelings; but in Africa, I could not lose eighty

pounds for a solitary evidence of incapacity. I practised forbearance, I

tried to instruct, to expostulate, to admonish,--once, twice, thrice; I

made every effort to teach and train; but, at last, when nothing

availed, I was forced to have recourse to dismissal. Being of an open

temper and frank disposition, and always willing to hear what my

officers or men had to say, though as a leader of men I could not

hob-nob with my officers, they ought to have found no difficulty in

understanding me. The black man certainly was never at a loss to do so.

No man is free from imperfections; but when one is genially disposed,

and evinces good-will, a man who fastens upon _one_ imperfection, and

constantly harps upon that, shows his own narrow-mindedness and

incapacity.

I have had no friend on any expedition, no one who could possibly be my

companion, on an equal footing, except while with Livingstone.

How could any young men, fresh from their school-rooms, look with my

eyes upon any person or thing within notice? A mathematician might as

well expect sympathy from an infant busy at the alphabet, as the

much-travelled may expect to find responsive feelings in youths fresh

from home or college. How can he who has witnessed many wars hope to be

understood by one whose most shocking sight has been a nose-bleed?

I was still in that fierce period of life when a man feels himself

sufficient for himself, when he abounds in self-confidence, glories in a

blazing defiance of danger and obstacles, is most proud and masterful,

and least disposed to be angelic.

It is strange that no novelist, to my knowledge, has alluded to this

strong virility of purpose which, at a certain stage, is all-powerful in

men’s characters.

Though altogether solitary, I was never less conscious of solitude;

though as liable to be prostrated by fever as the youngest, I was never

more indifferent to its sharpest attacks, or less concerned for its

results. My only comfort was my work. To it I ever turned as to a

friend. It occupied my days, and I dwelt fondly on it at night. I rose

in the morning, welcoming the dawn, only because it assisted me to my

labour; and only those who regarded it from a similar temperament could

I consider as my friends. Though this may be poorly expressed,

neverthless, those who can comprehend what I mean will understand the

main grounds.

* * * * *

The founding of the Congo Free State was the greatest single enterprise

of Stanley’s life. Perhaps nothing else so called out and displayed his

essential qualities. Its ultimate fruit cannot be so clearly measured as

the search for Livingstone, or the first exploration of the Congo. Of

those enterprises he was himself the Alpha and the Omega; each was a

task for a single man, and the achievement was measured by the man’s

personality. But the founding of the Free State was a multiple task,

involving a host of workers. He had not made the selection of his

helpers, except the rank and file, and the rank and file did not fail

him. It was his lieutenants, selected by others, among whom the perilous

defect was found. Further, his undertaking, in its essential nature,

involved dangers which it was doubtless well he did not wholly foresee,

for they might have daunted even _his_ spirit.

He broke down the wall between a savage and a civilised people, and the

tides rushed together, as at the piercing of Suez. On either side were

both lifting and lowering forces. The faults and weakness of the savage

were plain to see; his merit and his promise not so easy of discernment.

But the ‘civilised’ influences, too, were extremely mixed. There was the

infectious energy of the able trader, and his material contributions;

there were the distinctly missionary workers; and there were sentiments

of humanity and justice, often obscured or perplexed, but, when

educated, powerful to compel Governments to ways of righteousness. With

these higher powers mingled blind and selfish lust of gain; the

degeneracy of philanthropy in its partnership with profit; the selfish

feuds of race and nationality, each for itself, alone; lastly, the easy,

deadly contempt of the white man for the ‘nigger.’ To cast a prosperous

horoscope for the evolution of the African race, one must hold strongly

to the higher power we call Providence.

The instrument of that power was the man who brought Europe and America

into touch with Darkest Africa. His example and his ideal shine like a

star above the continent he opened to the world’s knowledge. When the

observant savages watched him, as the rough ground of Vivi was subdued;

when, later, they saw him, as the fifty-mile roadway was bridging the

hills and chasms, and with drill and hammer he taught and led his

followers, they gave him the name BULA MATARI, ‘Breaker of Rocks.’ By

hit, or by wit, they struck his central quality--concentrated energy,

victoriously battling with the hardest that earth could offer, all to

make earth goodly and accessible to man. A Maker of Roads, a Breaker of

Rocks, was he all his life long--_Bula Matari!_

CHAPTER XVII

THE RESCUE OF EMIN

PART I. THE RELIEF

* * * * *

My fifth expedition was due to the overwhelming catastrophe which

occurred at Khartoum, on January 26th, 1885. On that date the heroic

defender of the city, General Charles George Gordon, of Chinese and

African fame, and his Egyptian garrison were massacred, the population

reduced to slavery, and all the vast Soudan submerged by barbarism. The

only Egyptian force in the Soudan which escaped from the disaster was

that which, led by Emin Pasha, had sought refuge among the savage tribes

in the neighbourhood of Wadelai on the left bank of the Nile, about 25°

north of the Albert Nyanza. Fearing that he would be unable to offer

continued resistance, Emin began writing letters to the Egyptian

Government, Mr. Mackay, the Missionary, the Anti-slavery Society, and

Sir John Kirk, imploring assistance before he should be overwhelmed.

Through the influence of Sir William Mackinnon, a relief-fund was

collected in this country, Egypt promised an equal sum, and the Emin

Relief Expedition was the consequence. When men hear a person crying out

for help, few stay to ascertain whether he merits it; but they forthwith

proceed to render what assistance is needed. It was rather harrowing to

read, day by day, in the British Press that one of Gordon’s officers, at

the head of a little army, was in danger of perishing and sharing the

remorseless fate which had overtaken the self-sacrificing chief and his

garrison at Khartoum. It is to Dr. R. W. Felkin, of Edinburgh, who, as a

casual traveller, had enjoyed Emin’s hospitality between July and

September, 1879, that I am indebted for that beautiful and inspiring

picture of a Governor at bay in the far Soudan, defying the victorious

Mahdists, and fighting bravely, inch by inch, for the land which he had

been appointed to rule by General Gordon.

This Governor was described by him as a tall, military figure, of severe

aspect, of rigid morals, inflexible will, scientific attainments--and

his name was Emin. The picture became impressed on our imaginations.

The ‘Mackinnon Clan,’ as we fondly termed Sir William Mackinnon and his

personal friends, were among the foremost to come forward. They offered

to give ten thousand pounds if the Egyptian Government would advance a

similar amount. The proposal received Egypt’s prompt assent, and as the

British Press and people strongly sympathised with the movement, the

Government, also, cordially favoured it.

My old friend Sir William had asked me, before he had appealed to his

friends, if, in the event of a fund being raised, I would lead the

expedition. I replied that I would do so gratuitously; or, if the Relief

Committee preferred another leader, as was very probable, I would put my

name down for Five hundred pounds. Without waiting the issue of his

appeal to his friends, I sailed for America to commence a

lecturing-tour. Thirteen days after my arrival in America, I was

recalled by cable; and on Christmas Eve, 1886, I was back in England.

Forthwith came appeals to me from the brave and adventurous and young,

that I would be pleased to associate them with me in the enterprise of

relief. They vowed strictest fidelity, obedience to any terms, and

utmost devotion; and from among the host of applicants, Major Barttelot,

of the 7th Fusiliers, Mr. Jameson, a rich young civilian, Lieutenant

Stairs, of the Royal Engineers, Captain Nelson, of Methuen’s Horse,

Surgeon Parke, of the Army Medical Department, Mr. Jephson, and two or

three others, were enrolled as members of the expedition to relieve Emin

Pasha, Governor of Equatoria. Had our means only been equal to our

opportunities, we might have emptied the barracks, the colleges, the

public schools,--I might almost say the nurseries,--so great was the

number of applications to join in the adventurous quest!

The route resolved upon was that from Zanzibar westward, viâ the south

end of Lake Victoria, through Karagwe and Ankori and South-west Unyoro,

to Lake Albert; but, about thirteen days before we sailed, the King of

the Belgians, through his generous offers of assistance, induced us to

change our plans. The advantages of the Congo route were about five

hundred miles shorter land-journey, and less opportunities for desertion

of the porters, who are quite unable to withstand the temptation of

deserting. It also quieted the fears of the French and Germans that,

behind this professedly humanitarian quest, we might have annexation

projects.

A native force was recruited in Zanzibar, and the expedition travelled

by sea to the mouth of the Congo, and went up the river, arriving March

21, 1887, at Stanley Pool. As far as that everything prospered. We had

started from England with the good wishes of all concerned; and even the

French Press, with one accord, were, for once, cordial and wished us

_bon voyage_. But, on reaching the Pool, the steam flotilla was found to

be only capable of carrying four-fifths of the expedition.

Fourteen hundred miles from the Atlantic, we reached the limit of Congo

navigation, and found camp at Yambuya, a large village, situated on the

edge of an unknown territory which extended as far as the Albert Nyanza.

A steamer was at once sent down-river to bring the remainder of the

force and stores left behind.

It should be remembered, that the last news from Emin was an urgent

appeal for help. The last solemn injunction to us was to hurry forward,

lest we be too late. Hitherto, we had been dependent on the fortunes of

the sea, the skill of ship captains, and safe navigation by ocean and

river. German and French jealousies had been dissipated; between our

professional deserters and their island, Zanzibar, was half a continent,

and much of it unknown. Now was the time, if ever, to prove that our

zeal had not cooled. Six weeks, probably two months, would pass before

the entire force could be collected at Yambuya. If Emin was in such

desperate straits as he had described, his total ruin might be effected

in that time, and the disaster would be attributed to that delay--just

as Gordon’s death had been attributed to Sir Charles Wilson’s delay at

Metemmeh. To avoid that charge, I had no option but to form an Advance

Column, whose duty would be to represent the steady progress of the

expedition towards its goal, while a second Column, under five

experienced officers, would convey after us, a few weeks later, the

reserve stores and baggage. If Tippu-Tib was faithful to his promise to

supply the second Column with six hundred carriers, the work of the

reserve Column would be comparatively easy. If the Arab chief was

faithless, then the officers were to do the best they could with their

own men; to follow after me, in that case, was obviously their best

course.

On the thirteenth day after arrival at Yambuya, the advance, consisting

of five Europeans and three hundred and eighty-four natives, entered the

great Equatorial Forest. The unknown country which lay between Yambuya

and the Albert Nyanza, on whose shores we hoped to meet the

‘beleaguered’ Governor, was five hundred and forty geographical miles in

length, by about three hundred and thirty in width. We were absolutely

ignorant of the character of any portion embraced within this area. The

advance force was divided into four Companies, commanded by Stairs,

Nelson, Jephson, and Parke. The pioneers consisted of select men who

were to use the bill-hook, cutlass, and axe, for clearing a passage

through the entangling underwood, without which it would have been

impossible to advance at all. They had also to resist attack from the

front, to scout, to search for fords, or to bridge the deeper creeks.

The daily routine began about six o’clock. After roll-calls, the

pioneers filed out, followed, after a little headway had been gained, by

each Company in succession. At this hour the Forest would be buried in a

cheerless twilight, the morning mist making every tree shadowy and

indistinct. After hacking, hewing, and tunnelling, and creeping slowly

for five hours, we would halt for refreshment. At one o’clock, the

journey would be resumed; and about four, we would prepare our camp for

the night.

Soon after sunset the thick darkness would cover the limitless world of

trees around; but, within our circle of green huts and sheds, a cheery

light would shine from a hundred campfires. By nine o’clock the men,

overcome by fatigue, would be asleep; silence ensued, broken only by

sputtering fire-logs, flights of night-jars, hoarse notes from great

bats, croakings of frogs, cricket-cheeps, falling of trees or branches,

a shriek from some prowling chimpanzee, a howl from a peevish monkey,

and the continual gasping cry of the lemur. But during many nights, we

would sit shivering under ceaseless torrents of rain, watching the forky

flames of the lightning, and listening to the stunning and repeated

roars of the thunder-cannonade, as it rolled through the woody vaults.

During the first month not a man fell away from his duty; the behaviour

of both officers and men was noble and faultless. Regularly as

clock-work, each morning they took to the road, and paced as fast as the

entanglements and obstacles of underwood, swamp, and oozy creeks

allowed. Each day the Forest presented the same unbroken continuity of

patriarchal woods, the same ghostly twilight at morning, the same dismal

shade at noon. Foliage, from forty to a hundred feet thick, above us, a

chaos of undergrowth around us, soft black humus, and dark soil, rich as

compost, under our feet.

At intervals of ten, fifteen, or twenty miles, we came across small

clearings, but their wild owners had fled, or stood skulking on our

flanks unseen. As no possible chance of intercourse was offered to us,

we helped ourselves to their manioc, plucked the bananas, and passed on.

At the end of the first month, there came a change. Our men had

gradually lost their splendid courage. The hard work and scanty fare

were exhausting. The absence of sunshine, and other gloomy environments,

were morally depressing. Physically and morally, they had deteriorated;

and a long rest was imperatively needed. But we could find no settlement

that could assure the necessary provisions. Now that the blood was

impoverished, too, the smallest abrasion from a thorn, a puncture from a

mosquito, or a skewer in the path, developed rapidly into a devouring

ulcer. The sick-list grew alarmingly large, and our boats and canoes

were crowded with sufferers.

We, finally, entered upon a region that had been dispeopled and cruelly

wasted by the Manyuema raiders, and it became a matter of life and death

to get quickly through and beyond it. But, already famished and outworn,

in body and spirit, by past struggles, our men were unable, and too

dejected, to travel rapidly; and the tedious lagging involved still more

penalties. Had they known how comparatively short was the distance that

lay between them and supplies, they no doubt would have made heroic

efforts to push on.

Then starvation commenced to claim its victims, and to strew the track

with the dying and dead; and this quailed the stoutest hearts.

Ever before us rose the same solemn and foodless Forest, the same jungle

to impede and thwart our progress with ooze, frequently a cubit deep,

the soil often as treacherous as ice to the barefooted carrier,

creek-beds strewn with sharp-edged oyster-shells, streams choked with

snags, chilling mist and icy rain, thunder-clatter and sleepless nights,

and a score of other horrors. To add to our desperate state, several of

our followers who had not sickened, lost heart, became mad with hunger

and wild forebodings, tossed the baggage into the bush, and fled from

us, as from a pest.

Although, when on the verge of hopelessness, our scouts would sometimes

discover a plantation, whereat we could obtain a supply of plantains,

past affliction taught them no prudence. They devoured their food

without a thought of the want of the next day; and, in a few hours, the

slow agony of hunger would be renewed.

Even the white man does not endure hunger patiently. It is a thing he

never forgives. The loss of one meal obliterates the memories of a

hundred feasts. When hunger begins to gnaw at his stomach, the nature of

the animal comes out, as a tortoise-head, projected from the shell,

discloses the animal within. Despite education and breeding, the white

man is seldom more than twenty-four hours ahead of his black brother,

and barely one hundred hours in advance of the cannibal; and ten

thousand years hence he will be just the same. He will never be so

civilised as to be independent of his stomach; so it must be understood

that we also exhibited our weakness during that trying period; but,

supported by little trifles of food, more prudent in economizing it,

subjected to less physical strain, we forced ourselves to preserve the

austerity and dignity of superiors.

On the hundred and thirty-seventh day from Yambuya we reached the first

native settlement that had been untouched by the accursed raiders to

whom we owed our miseries. It abounded with Indian corn, beans,

vegetables, bananas, and plantains, upon which the famished survivors

flung themselves, regardless of consequences. Our prolonged fast was at

an end, but during the last seventy days of it I had lost one hundred

and eighty men, through death and desertion. The place was called

Ibwiri, since known as Fort Bodo; as our sufferings had been so intense,

we halted here, and feasted for thirteen days.

The recuperation was rapid, strength had returned during the feasting,

and there rose a general demand that we should continue the journey, in

order that we might delight our eyes by the grass-land of which we now

began to hear the first rumours. On the twelfth day after quitting

Ibwiri, we emerged from the sombre twilight of the Forest into the

unclouded light of a tropic sky. A feeling of exultation immediately

possessed me, as if I had been released from Purgatory, to disport

myself in the meads of Heaven. The very air was greedily sniffed.

The first smell of it that came to my open nostrils seemed as if, in the

direction of the wind, there somewhere lay a great dairy and cattle-pen;

and, almost at once, I sighted startled game, in close consult on the

knolls and mounds, stamping and snorting in the first energy of alarm.

The first view of the green rolling plain was as of a grassy Eden, which

had been newly fashioned with a beautiful shapeliness, with a new sun,

and a brand-new sky of intense blue. It transfigured every face in an

instant, and the homeliest features were lit up by sincere emotions of

gratitude, as though some dream of bliss had been realised. By one

impulse we started to run; our exhilarated blood seemed foaming

champagne, and sent us leaping over the soft sward; and the limbs, which

had previously strained heavily through the forest thickets, danced as

freely as those of bounding kids!

On the 13th December, one hundred and sixty-nine days from Yambuya, the

expedition stood on the edge of the grassy plateau and looked down upon

the Albert Nyanza, whose waters, as reported by Emin, were constantly

navigated by his steamers, the ‘Khedive’ and ‘Nyanza.’

After sufficiently enjoying the prospect, we commenced the steep descent

of two thousand seven hundred feet, to the lake, and, early next

morning, reached the shore which had been our goal. On inquiring from

the natives as to the whereabouts of the ‘white man with the

smoke-boat,’ they declared most positively that they had not seen any

white man or steamer since Colonel Mason’s visit, ten years before.

Our position was a cruel one. The Foreign Office had furnished me with

copies of all Emin’s letters, and from their tone, character, and

numbers of statements, I had formed, what probably every one else had,

an opinion of a Military Governor, who, with two steamers and steel

boats, had been in the habit of visiting the various lake ports.

I asked again and again if a white man had been seen, and I received an

answer always in the negative. I had left my steel boat at Ipoto,

because of our depleted numbers. No food was obtainable on the alkalised

plains bordering the lake. The native canoes were only suitable for

inshore fishing and calm weather; and there was not a tree visible out

of which a sizeable canoe could be made!

After consulting with the officers, I found that they also were

surprised at the inexplicable absence of news of Emin, and a great many

guesses wide of the truth, as it appeared later, were made. But no

amount of guessing would feed two hundred hungry men, stranded on a

naked lake shore. I therefore resolved, after three days’ halt, to

retrace our steps to Ibwiri, and there erect a small fort for the

protection of the ammunition, and as a resting-place for my sick; after

which we could return once more to the lake, and, launching my boat on

its waters, sail in search of the missing Pasha.

Agreeably to this resolution, I turned my back on the lake on the 16th

December, 1887, and, twenty-one days later, arrived at Ibwiri, the site

of Fort Bodo. Without loss of time, I commenced building our fort.

Meanwhile Lieutenant Stairs was sent, with a detachment, to collect the

sick at Ipoto, under Surgeon Parke and Captain Nelson. On his return, he

was sent with an escort of twenty carriers, who were to hunt for Major

Barttelot’s Column, which I expected was following us, and to collect

all convalescents at Ugarrowas, below Ipoto.[29]

After the construction of the fort, its command was entrusted to Captain

Nelson, and, accompanied by Jephson and Parke, I departed, a second

time, to the Nyanza; but on this occasion I carried my steel boat, in

sections.

One day’s distance from the lake I heard that there was a packet

awaiting me at Kavalli, from a white man called by the natives

‘Malleju,’ or the ‘bearded man,’ who, of course, was Emin Pasha. The

packet contained a letter addressed to me by name, which showed, like

the letter of November to Dr. Felkin, that he knew all about the objects

of the expedition. It was dated March 25th, 1888,--it was now April

18th. Native rumour, according to Emin’s letter, had stated that white

men were at the south end of the lake, and he had embarked on one of his

steamers to ascertain if the report were true. It was an extraordinary

thing, that, after expecting us on the 15th December, he had required

one hundred days to make up his mind to visit the south end of the lake!

Unless we chose to wait inactively for Emin to pay Kavalli a second

visit, it was necessary to send the boat in search of him. Accordingly,

Mr. Jephson, with a picked crew, was charged with this mission.

Towards sunset of the fifth day after his departure, those looking

northward up the lake discovered a column of smoke. It rose from the

funnel of the steamer ‘Khedive.’ At dusk she dropped anchor nearly

abreast of our camp, and in a few moments our whale-boat, steered by

Jephson, brought Emin Pasha, Captain Casati, and several Egyptian

officers ashore. As may be imagined, our people were almost beside

themselves with delight, because the object of our strenuous quest was

at last amongst them.

We agreed to pitch our camps side by side. Emin and his guard of

Soudanese to the right, and we to the left, on the edge of the lake.

For several days we luxuriated in our well-earned rest and good cheer. I

was in a state of joyous ebullience; I acquiesced with all suggestions.

Few men could have acted the part of hospitable and pleasant host so

well as Emin. I quite understood now how Dr. Felkin had appreciated this

side of Emin’s character. He was cordial in manner, well-read, had seen

much, and appeared to be most likeable.

Then also my anxieties respecting provisions for the people were at an

end, for Emin had provided abundance of grain, and, as the main object

of the expedition was now within view of being achieved, my feelings all

round were those of unalloyed pleasure. Many a time afterwards, I

looked back upon this period as upon a delightful holiday.

Until the 25th of May, our respective camps were close together; and we

daily met and chatted about various things, during which, naturally, the

topic as to whether he would stay in Equatoria, or accompany me to the

coast, came up for discussion frequently. But, from the beginning to the

end of our meetings, I was only conscious that I was profoundly ignorant

of his intentions. On some days, after a friendly dinner the night

previous, he held out hopes that he might accompany me; but the day

following he would say, ‘No, if my people go, I go; if they stay, I

stay.’ For ten days I assented to this; but it became impressed on my

mind, that he had a personal objection to going to Egypt, from a fear

that he might be shelved, and his life would become wasted in a Cairene

or Stamboul coffee-house. The ideal Governor whom I had imagined, had

been altogether replaced by a man who had other views than those of his

Government. What those views were, I could never gather definitely, for,

as has been observed, the impression of one day was displaced by that of

the next; and his real opinions, upon any topic save an abstract

question, were too transient to base a conclusion upon.

Altogether, I spent twenty-five days with Emin. I then retraced my steps

to Fort Bodo. After carefully provisioning one hundred and seven men,

and serving out twenty-five days’ rations to each man, I commenced the

search for the Rear-Column on the 16th June.

I have often been asked how I dared to face that terrible and hungry

Forest alone, after such awful experiences. If I suggested admonitions

of duty and conscience as being sufficient motives, I seldom failed to

notice a furtive shrug. But, really, I fail to see what else could have

been done. The Rear-Column was as much a part of the expedition as the

Advance, and had there been only twenty blacks, it would have been as

much my duty to seek them as to find what had become of two hundred and

sixty Zanzibaris, with five white officers. As for sending any of my own

officers to perform such an important mission, well, there is a saying

which I believe in thoroughly, ‘If you want a thing _done_, you must do

it yourself.’ Besides these motives, I was too nervously anxious about

the long-absent Column, which had been instructed to follow us, and the

suspense was intolerable.

It was also, principally, this nervous anxiety about these missing

people that drove me through the Great Forest at such a rate, that what

had taken us one hundred and twenty-nine days was now performed in

sixty-two days. On August 17, 1888, the eighty-third day since quitting

the Pasha, on Lake Albert, I came in view of the village of Banalya,

ninety miles east of Yambuya.

Presently,[30] white dresses were seen, and quickly taking up my

field-glass, I discovered a red flag hoisted. A suspicion of the truth

crept into my mind. A light puff of wind unrolled the flag for an

instant, and the white crescent and star was revealed. I sprang to my

feet and cried out, ‘The Major, boys! Pull away bravely!’ A vociferous

shouting and hurrahing followed, and every canoe shot forward at racing

speed.

About two hundred yards from the village we stopped paddling, and as I

saw a great number of strangers on the shore, I asked, ‘Whose men are

you?’--‘We are Stanley’s men,’ was the answer, delivered in mainland

Swahili. But assured by this, and still more so as I recognised a

European near the gate, we paddled ashore. The European on a nearer view

turned out to be William Bonny, who had been engaged as doctor’s

assistant to the expedition.

Pressing his hand, I said,--

‘Well, Bonny, how are you? Where is the Major? Sick, I suppose?’

‘The Major is dead, sir.’

‘Dead? Good God! How dead? Fever?’

‘No, sir, he was shot.’

‘By whom?’

‘By the Manyuema--Tippu-Tib’s people.’

‘Good heavens! Well, where is Jameson?’

‘At Stanley Falls.’

‘What is he doing there, in the name of goodness?’

‘He went to obtain more carriers.’

‘Well, where are the others?’

‘Gone home invalided, some months ago.’

These queries, rapidly put and answered as we stood by the gate at the

water-side, prepared me to hear as deplorable a story as could be

rendered of one of the most remarkable series of derangements that an

organized body of men could possibly be plunged into.

If I were to record all that I saw at Banalya, in its deep intensity of

unqualified misery, it would be like stripping the bandages off a vast

sloughing ulcer, striated with bleeding arteries, to the public gaze,

with no earthly purpose than to shock and disgust.

* * * * *

I put question after question to Bonny, to each of which I received only

such answers as swelled the long list of misfortunes he gave me. The

Column had met nothing but disaster.

The bald outline of Mr. Bonny’s story was that Tippu-Tib had broken

faith with me, and that the officers had kept on delaying to start after

me, as agreed between Barttelot and myself. The Arab had fed them

continually with false hopes of his coming; finally, after seven visits

which Barttelot had paid him at Stanley Falls, and in the tenth month,

he had brought to Yambuya four hundred men and boy carriers, and a more

undisciplined and cantankerous rabble could not have been found in

Africa. The Column had then departed, and been able to march ninety

miles and reach Banalya, when, on July 19th,--or twenty-eight days

before my arrival,--Barttelot left his house at dawn to stop some

disorderly noises, and, a few minutes later, he was shot through the

heart by a Manyuema head-man. Thus, on my arrival, Mr. Bonny was the

only white man remaining. Out of two hundred and sixty coloured men who

had originally formed the Column, only one hundred and two were alive,

and forty-two of them were even then dying from the effects of eating

poisonous manioc.

In a few days, I had re-organised a force of over five hundred men; and,

hastily removing from Banalya, as from a pest-house, finished my

preparations on an island in the Aruwimi, a few miles above. When all

was ready, I started on my way to Fort Bodo, conveying all these people

as best I could. The sick folk and the goods, I had carried in canoes,

while the main body marched along my old track, parallel to the river,

and kept time to the progress of the water-party. The people were now

familiar with the route, and were no longer the funeral procession which

had slowly dragged itself through the shades of the Forest, the year

before. They knew that they were homeward-bound, and, fascinated by

memories of the pastoral plains, and unencumbered with loads, they

marched in high spirits.

About a month’s march from Fort Bodo, I cast off the canoes and struck

overland by a shorter way. Presently, I entered the land inhabited by

pigmies. This race of dwarfs has dwelt in this section of the country

since the remotest times, before history. The tallest male discovered by

me did not exceed four feet, six inches; the average specimen was about

four feet, two inches, in height, while many a child-bearing pigmy-woman

did not exceed three feet high.

In the more easterly parts of the Forest there are several tribes of

this primeval race of man. They range from the Ihuru River to the Awamba

forest at the base of Ruwenzori. I found two distinct types; one a very

degraded specimen, with ferrety eyes, close-set, and an excessive

prognathy of jaw, more nearly approaching what one might call a cousin

of the simian than was supposed to be possible, yet thoroughly human;

the other was a very handsome type, with frank, open, innocent

countenances, very prepossessing. I had considerable experience of

both.[31] They were wonderfully quick with their weapons, and wounded to

death several of my followers. The custom in the Forest is to shoot at

sight, and their craft, quick sight, correct aim, and general

expertness, added to the fatal character of the poison of their arrows,

made them no despicable antagonists. The larger natives of the Forest,

who form the clearings and plant immense groves of plantains, purchase

their favour by submitting to their depredations.

I have seen some beautiful figures among the little people, as perfect

from the knees upward as a sculptor would desire, but the lower limbs

are almost invariably weak and badly-shaped.

They are quick and intelligent, capable of deep affection and gratitude;

and those whom we trained showed remarkable industry and patience. One

old woman, four feet, two inches in height,--possibly the ugliest little

mortal that was ever in my camp,--exhibited a most wonderful endurance.

She seemed to be always loaded like a camel, as she followed the caravan

from camp to camp, and I often had to reduce a load that threatened to

bury her under her hamper. Cooking-pots, stools, porridge-paddles,

kettles, bananas, yams, flour, native rope, a treasure of ironware,

cloth, what-not, everything was placed in her hamper, as if her strength

was without limit. Towards the latter part of her acquaintance, I was

able to make her smile, but it had been terribly hard work, as she was

such an inveterate scold. By her action she seemed to say: ‘You may beat

me to pulp, you may load me until you smother me with your rubbish, you

may work my fingers to the bone, you may starve me, but, thank Goodness,

I can still scold, and scold I will, until I drop!’

I had a pigmy boy of eighteen, who worked with a zeal that I did not

think possible to find out of civilisation. Time was too precious to him

to waste in talk. On the march, he stoutly held his place near the van;

and, on reaching camp, he literally rushed to collect fuel and make his

master’s fire. His mind seemed ever concentrated on his work. When I

once stopped him to ask his name, his face seemed to say, ‘Please don’t

stop me. I must finish my task’; and I never heard his voice while he

was with me, though he was not dumb.

Another of my pigmy followers was a young woman, of whom I could

honestly say that she was virtuous and modest, though nude. It was of no

use for any stalwart young Zanzibari to be casting lover’s eyes at her.

She resolved that she had duties to perform, and she did them without

deigning to notice the love-sick swains of our camp. Her master’s tea or

coffee was far too important to be neglected. His tent required her

vigilant watchfulness, her master’s comforts were unspeakably precious

in her eyes, and the picture of the half-naked pigmy-girl, abjuring

frivolities, and rendering due fidelity, and simple devotedness,

because it was her nature to, will remain long in my mind as one of many

pleasantnesses to be remembered.

I have often been asked whether I did not think the pigmies to be a

degenerate stock of ordinary humanity. In my opinion, tribes and nations

are subject to the same influences as families. If confined strictly to

itself, even a nation must, in time, deteriorate.

Asia and Africa contain several isolated fragments of what were once

powerful nations, and yet more numerous relics of once populous tribes.

It is not difficult to judge of the effect on a race of three thousand

years’ isolation, intermarriage, and a precarious diet of fungi, wild

fruit, lean fibrous meat of animals, and dried insects. The utter

absence of sunshine, the want of gluten and saccharine bodies in their

food, scarcely tend to promote increase of stature, or strength of limb;

and, as it is said, ‘where there is no progress, there must be decay,’ I

suppose that some deterioration must have occurred since the existence

of the pigmies became known, as the result of their ancestors having

captured the five Nassamonian explorers twenty-six centuries ago, as

described by the Father of History. On every map since Hekateus’s time,

500 years B.C., they have been located in the region of the Mountains of

the Moon.

On the 20th of December, 1888, we burst out of the Great Forest, on the

edge of the plantations of Fort Bodo; and, by 9 o’clock, the volleys of

the rifles woke up the garrison at the fort to the fact that, after one

hundred and eighty-eight days’ absence, we had returned. What a

difference there was between the admirable station, with its model

farm-like appearance, and Banalya! But there was one mystery yet

remaining. The Pasha and Jephson had promised to visit Fort Bodo within

two months after my departure, say about the middle of August; it was

now past the middle of December, and nothing had been heard of them. But

the cure of all doubt, grief, misery, and mystery is action; and

therefore I could not remain passive at Fort Bodo. I allowed myself

three days’ rest only, and then set out for Lake Albert for the third

time.

On the 17th of January, 1889, when only one day’s march from the Albert

Lake, a packet of letters was placed in my hands. They were from Emin

Pasha and Mr. Jephson. There was a long account from Jephson, stating

that he and the Pasha were prisoners to the revolted troops of the

province since the 18th August, the very day after we had discovered the

foundered Rear-Column at Banalya! There were some expressions in poor

Mr. Jephson’s letters which put a very relief-less aspect on his case.

‘If I don’t see you again, commend me to my friends!’ The Pasha, also,

seemed to think that nothing could be worse than the outlook, for he

specially recommended his child to my care. Now, reading such words, a

month after they were written, was not very assuring. However, I picked

up a crumb of comfort in the fact that Mr. Jephson said he could come to

me if he were informed of my arrival, which I decided was the best thing

for him to do. Accordingly, an imperative message was sent to him, not

to debate, but to act; and, like a faithful and obedient officer, he

stepped into a canoe, and came.

After shaking hands, and congratulating him upon his narrow escape from

being a footman to the Emperor of the Soudan, I said, ‘Well, Jephson,

speak. Is the Pasha decided by this what to do now?’

‘To tell you the truth, I know no more what the Pasha intends doing now

than I did nine months ago.’

‘What, after nine months’ intercourse with him?’

‘Quite so,--not a bit.’

It was not long before the mystery that had struck me the year before

was cleared up. The Pasha had been deceived by the fair-spoken,

obsequious Egyptian and Soudanese officers; and, through his

good-natured optimism, we, also, had been deceived. They had revolted

three times, and had refused to obey any order he had given them. This

was the fourth and final revolt. As early as 1879, Gessi Pasha had drawn

General Gordon’s attention to the state of affairs in Equatoria, and had

reported that, immediately the communication with Khartoum had been

suspended by the closing of the Upper Nile by the _Sudd_, the

indiscipline had been such as to cause anxiety. In 1886, Emin Pasha had

fled from the 1st Battalion, and, until his imprudent resolve to take

Mr. Jephson among the rebels, had held no communication with them. The

2nd Battalion, also, only performed just such service as pleased them

when he condescended to use coaxing, while the Irregulars, of course,

would follow the majority of the Regulars. This much was clear from the

narrative, written and oral, of Mr. Jephson.

I resolved to try once more, and ascertain what measures agreeable to

him I should take. Did he wish an armed rescue, or was it possible for

him to do anything, such as seizing a steamer and following Jephson, or

marching out of Tunguru, where he was a prisoner, to meet me outside of

the fort? or had he quite made up his mind to remain a prisoner at

Tunguru, until the rebels would dispose of him? Anyway, and every way,

if he could only express a definite wish, we vowed we should help him to

the uttermost. I wrote to him a ceremoniously-polite letter to that

effect, for I was warned that the Pasha was extremely sensitive.

While my letter was on the lake being conveyed to Tunguru, matters were

settled in quite an inconceivable fashion at Tunguru station. The rebel

officers had sent a deputation to the Pasha to ask his pardon, and to

offer to re-instate him in his Governorship. The pardon was readily

given, but he declined yet awhile to accept the Governorship. They asked

him if he would be good enough to accompany them to pay me a visit, and

introduce them to me. The Pasha consented, embarked on board the

steamer, the refugees likewise crowded on board the ‘Khedive’ and

‘Nyanza,’ and, on the 13th February, the two steamers approached our

camp; two days later, the Pasha and rebel officers entered our camp.

According to the Pasha, the Mahdist invasion, the capture of four

stations, and the massacre of many of their numbers, had cowed the

rebels, and they were now truly penitent for their insane conduct to

him; and every soul was willing to depart, out of the Equatorial

Province, at least, if not to Egypt. The officers now only came to beg

for time to assemble their families. Agreeably to the Pasha’s request, a

reasonable time was granted, and they departed. The Governor thought

that twenty days would be sufficient; we granted a month. At the end of

thirty days the Pasha requested another extension; we allowed fourteen

days more. Finally, at the end of forty-four days, not one officer of

the rebel party having made his appearance, we broke camp, and

commenced our journey homeward with five hundred and seventy refugees,

consisting of a few Egyptian officers, clerks, and their families; but,

on the second day, an illness prostrated me, which permitted them

twenty-eight days more, and yet, after seventy-two days’ halt, only one

person had availed himself of my offer.

On the seventy-third day since my meeting with the rebel officers, four

soldiers brought a message stating that the rebels had formed themselves

into two parties, under Fadle Mulla Bey, and Selim Bey, and the party of

the first-named had seized all the ammunition from the other party, and

had fled to Makraka. Selim Bey, unable to muster resolution to follow

us, preferred to remain to curse Fadle Mulla Bey and his folly; and what

the end of these misguided and unprincipled men may be, no person knows,

outside of that unhappy region!

On the 8th May I resumed the march[32] for the Indian Ocean. The fifth

day’s march brought us to the edge of highlands, whence we looked down

into a deep valley, two thousand six hundred feet below us. In width, it

varied from six to twenty miles. To the north, we could see a bit of the

south end of Lake Albert. Southward, seventy miles off, was another

lake, to which I have given the name of Albert Edward; and the surplus

waters of the southernmost lake meandered through this valley down into

the northernmost, or Albert Lake.

Opposite to the place whence I looked upon the Semliki Valley, rose an

enormous range of mountains, whose summits and slopes, for about three

thousand feet, were covered with perpetual snow. As the snow-line near

the Equator is found at a little over fifteen thousand feet, I may then

safely estimate the height of these mountains to be between eighteen

thousand and nineteen thousand feet above the level of the sea. The

singular thing about these mountains is that so many white

travellers--Sir Samuel and Lady Baker, Gessi Pasha, Mason Bey, Emin

Pasha, and Captain Casati--should have been within observing distance

and never had an opportunity to view them.

There were also a thousand of our expedition who were for seventy-two

days, or thereabouts, within easy visual distance of the phenomenon, but

not one man saw it until suddenly it issued out from the obscurity, its

great peaks islanded in an atmosphere of beautiful translucence. And,

for three days in succession, the wonderful mountains stood aloft in

glorious majesty, with an indefinable depth of opaline sky above,

beyond, and around them, the marvel of the curious and delighted

multitude! For three days I saw them, spell-bound and wondering.

The natives generally called them the Ruwenzori Mountains. Scheabeddin,

an Arab geographer, writing about Anno Domini 1400, says, ‘In the midst

of the Isle of Mogreb, which is Africa, are the deserts of the Negroes,

which separate the country of the Negroes from that of Berbers. In this

isle is also the source of that great river which has not its equal upon

the earth. It comes from the Mountains of the Moon, which lie beyond the

Equator. Many sources come from these mountains, and unite in a great

lake. From this lake comes the Nile, the greatest, and most beautiful of

the rivers of all the earth.’ This is only one of the many early

authorities which I have quoted in my book, ‘Darkest Africa,’ to prove

that the Ruwenzori range forms the long-lost Mountains of the Moon.[33]

Still another discovery was that of the Albert Edward Nyanza--called in

ancient times the Sea of Darkness, whose waters were said to be sweeter

than honey, and more fragrant than musk. I cannot endorse this Oriental

estimation of their excellence; to many, the waters of the muddy

Missouri would be preferable!

Quitting the head-waters of the Nile, I ascended some three thousand

feet into a higher altitude, and began a journey over a rich pastoral

land, which extends to the south end of the Victoria Nyanza. In

consideration of having driven Kabba Rega’s raiders from the shores of

the Albert Edward, and freed the salt lakes from their presence, I

received hearty ovations and free rations from the various kings along a

march of five hundred miles.

At the south end of Lake Victoria, I found reserve stores, which had

been deposited there eighteen months before, awaiting us. Then, greatly

strengthened by a good rest and food, on the 16th September I left that

lake, having discovered an extension to it of six thousand square miles.

Four days from the sea, two American newspaper-correspondents arrived at

my camp. One of them, a representative of the ‘New York Herald,’

delivered to me a supply of clothes, and other very necessary articles,

besides a judicious supply of good wine, which cheered us greatly. A

little later, we met a large caravan sent by Sir William Mackinnon,

freighted with provisions and clothes for our people.

On the morning of the 4th December, 1889, Emin Pasha, Captain Casati,

and myself were escorted by Major Wissmann to Bagamoyo, the port

opposite Zanzibar; and, in the afternoon, the porters of the expedition

filed in, to lay their weary burdens of sick and moaning

fellow-creatures down for the last time. Our journey of six thousand and

thirty-two miles from the Western Ocean to the Indian Sea was now at an

end.

That night the German Imperial Commissary gave a banquet to thirty-four

persons, consisting of our travellers, German, British, and Italian

civil and military officers, and after a style that even New York could

scarcely excel. The utmost cordiality prevailed, and laudatory and

grateful speeches were delivered, and not the least graceful and

finished was that of the Pasha. But within ten minutes afterwards, while

the guests were most animated, the Pasha wandered away from the

banqueting-hall out into the balcony; and, presently, in some

unaccountable manner, fell over the low wall into the street, some

eighteen feet below. Had not a zinc shed, five feet below the balcony

which shaded the sidewalk, broken the fall, the accident would no doubt

have been fatal. As it was, he received severe contusions, and a sharp

concussion of the base of the brain. A German officer had him conveyed

to the hospital, while three doctors hastened to his assistance. In

less than a month he was sufficiently recovered to begin arranging his

entomological collections.

Up to the time of his fall, it had been a pleasant enough intercourse

since leaving Mtsora, in the middle of June. There had been no grievance

or dispute between him and any of our party. The most kindly messages

were interchanged daily; presents and choice gifts were exchanged; in

fact, our intercourse was thoroughly fraternal. But his fall suddenly

put a barrier in some strange way between us. If the British

Consul-general expressed a desire to pay a visit to him, some excuse of

a relapse was given. If I wished to go over to Bagamoyo, his condition

immediately became critical. Surgeon Parke, who attended to him for the

first three weeks, found that things were not so pleasant for him as

formerly. If I sent my black boy, Sali, to him with a note of

condolence, and some suggestion, the boy was told he would be hanged if

he went to the hospital again! To our officers, Dr. Parke and Mr.

Jephson, he freely complained of the German officers. My friendly note,

asking him to have some regard to his reputation, was at once shown by

him to Major Wissmann. It was curious, too, how the Pasha, who thought

at Equatoria that his people were so dear to him that he professed

himself ready to sacrifice his future for them, dropped his dear people

from his mind, and told them with a brutal frankness that he had nothing

further to do with them. The muster and pay-roll of the rescued

Egyptians was, therefore, not sent to Egypt; and the poor fellows waited

months for the many years’ pay due to them, inasmuch as no one knew

anything of the accounts.

Finally, in March, the secret was out: the Pasha had engaged himself to

the Germans on the 5th of February; and then it transpired that all

these strange and wholly unnecessary acts were with a view to cut

himself adrift from all connection with his old friends and employers,

before committing himself to a new employment!

However benevolent and considerate Emin’s English friends may have been

disposed to be towards him, they were not above being affronted at their

kind offices being rejected so churlishly, and from the offended tone

which the Press now assumed, may be gathered the nature of my own

feelings when I first became acquainted with his uncertain disposition,

and his capricious and eccentric nature. But, in its furious

disappointment, a large portion of the Press was unable to discriminate

between Emin and me. Day after day it lavished the foulest accusations

and the most violent abuse against me. It was stated by the newspapers

that I had captured Emin by force; that I had been tyrannical and

overbearing; that the ‘Rescue,’ always printed with quotation-marks, had

been a farce; that I had destroyed the ‘civilised edifice’ which Emin

had so laboriously built, etc., etc.; and some even hinted that it was I

who had pushed Emin over the balcony-wall. But why proceed?

As has been seen, Emin came to my camp of his own will; I had treated

him with almost superhuman patience; my appearance at Kavalli was the

means of saving his life; as for the ‘civilised edifice,’ Heaven save

the mark! Emin’s departure from that region broke up organised

slave-bands, which, since Gordon’s death, had, under the mask of

government, committed as much devastation, robbery, and slave-raiding,

as even the Manyuema had been guilty of.

Before many months had passed, the Germans in their turn began to be

enlightened as to the true character of their eccentric countryman; and

the German Commissioner, who had toiled so hard to secure Emin from the

British, affected to be seriously pained and aggrieved by his pranks.

After a few weeks’ work, establishing three military stations, he

appears to have become involved in a most unfortunate incident. The

story goes that he came across a large caravan belonging to four Arabs,

whose goods he wished to purchase at his own price. The traders were

reluctant to forfeit their hopes of gain, which had induced the venture,

and declined Emin’s terms; whereupon, it is alleged, a charge of

slave-trading was trumped up against them, their goods were seized, and

they themselves were drowned in Lake Victoria.

News of this had no sooner reached the coast, than the Commissioner,

after communicating with Berlin, received orders to recall him. Before

this order could reach him, Emin had thrown up his appointment, taken

German soldiers, in Government employ, and entered British territory

with the idea of accomplishing some project hostile to English

interests. With this view he continued his journey to Kavalli, where he

met his old rebellious officers from the Equatorial Province. They were

implored to enlist under his banner; but, with the exception of a few

slaves, who soon after deserted him, the rebels turned a deaf ear to his

appeals.

Baffled by what he called their ‘ingratitude and perverseness,’ he

headed West, dismissed his only white companion, and soon after plunged

into the Great Forest, where he came across an old acquaintance,

Ismaili, who, in 1887, had almost made an end of Nelson and Parke. This

man he succeeded in securing as guide towards the Congo. Four days’

march from Kibongi, above Stanley Falls, Emin had the ill-luck to meet

Said-bin-Abed, a kinsman of one of the Arabs alleged to have been

drowned in the Lake. The Arab turned upon his slave Ismaili, and

upbraided him savagely for guiding such an enemy into the Arab country,

and ordered Ismaili immediately to kill him; whereupon Emin was seized,

thrown upon the ground, and, while his assistants held him fast by the

arms and legs, Ismaili drew his sword, and smote his head off. What a

strange, eventful history, for this commonplace epoch of ours!

* * * * *

The unselfish joy which caused each man, black and white, to raise that

shout of exultation when we first beheld Lake Albert, and knew that the

goal was won, and that the long train of sad memories had been left

behind, deserved that I should have been able to pay Emin Pasha the

uttermost honour; but it was simply--impossible.

I console myself, however, that through this mission, I have been

supplied with a store of remarkable reminiscences; that I have explored

the heart of the great, primeval Forest; that I have had unique

experiences with its pigmies and cannibals; that I have discovered the

long-lost, snowy Mountains of the Moon, the sources of the Albertine

Nile, also Lake Albert Edward, besides an important extension of the

Victoria Nyanza; and that finally, through my instrumentality, four

European Governments (British, French, German, and Portuguese) have been

induced to agree what their several spheres of influence shall be in the

future, in the Dark Continent, with a view to exercising their

beneficent powers for its redemption from the state of darkness and woe

in which it has too long remained.

* * * * *

In England there arose bitter controversies over stories of misdoings by

some of the Rear-Column. There is no occasion to re-open these

controversies; but Stanley in a letter, cabled from America to the

‘Times,’ dealt with the imputations that cruelty to the natives was an

ordinary incident of English advance in Africa, and this expression of

his sentiments deserves permanent record.

* * * * *

TO THE EDITOR OF THE ‘TIMES.’

SIR:--Now that the storm of controversy as to the rear-guard of the Emin

Relief Expedition has somewhat cleared away, and, as an appendix, if I

may so call it, to my letter of December 3, I will ask you to allow me a

few more words, final words, on my part, as I hope, and dealing mainly

with the most serious aspect of the affair--the impression produced upon

other nations by the disclosure of certain acts done by Englishmen in

Africa.

It is hardly yet time for me to express the sorrow I truly feel at the

pain these inevitable disclosures have brought upon men and women

innocent of any fault; but no one is likely to question the earnestness

of my regret at a result so directly counter to the wishes close to my

heart. As it is, this is an opportunity given to competing nations to

cast a slur upon British enterprise in Africa. Beyond and above any

personal question whatever stands the honour of the English name. I

wish, therefore, to say, with whatever weight my long experience may

give my words, that I believe that conduct such as that above alluded to

is entirely unusual and exceptional among Englishmen engaged in

pioneering work in Africa.

I believe no nation has surpassed the English in tone, temper, and

principle, in dealing with the Negro races; on the other hand, there

have been many English explorers, from my revered master, David

Livingstone, down to my own comrades in the Advance Guard of this last

expedition, who have united, in quite a singular degree, gentleness with

valour.

For myself, I lay no claim to any exceptional fineness of nature; but I

say, beginning life as a rough, ill-educated, impatient man, I have

found my schooling in these very African experiences which are now said

by some to be in themselves detrimental to European character. I have

learnt by actual stress of imminent danger, in the first place, that

self-control is more indispensable than gunpowder, and, in the second

place, that persistent self-control under the provocation of African

travel is impossible without real, heartfelt sympathy for the natives

with whom one has to deal. If one regards these natives as mere brutes,

then the annoyances that their follies and vices inflict are indeed

intolerable.

In order to rule them, and to keep one’s life amongst them, it is

needful resolutely to regard them as children, who require, indeed,

different methods of rule from English or American citizens, but who

must be ruled in precisely the same spirit, with the same absence of

caprice and anger, the same essential respect to our fellow-men.

In proof of the fact that British explorers, as a whole, have learnt

these lessons, I would point simply to the actual state of British

influence in Africa. That influence, believe me, could neither have been

acquired, nor maintained, by physical force alone.

So long as Englishmen in Africa continue in the future the conduct which

has, on the whole, distinguished them in the past, I fear for them no

rivalry in the great work of tropical civilisation, a work which cannot

be successfully carried out in the commercial, and, still less in the

military, spirit alone.

It is only by shewing ourselves superior to the savages, not only in the

power of inflicting death, but in the whole manner of regarding life,

that we can attain that control over them which, in their present stage,

is necessary to their own welfare, even more than to ours.

Africa is inhabited not by timid Hindoos, or puny Australian aborigines,

but by millions of robust, courageous men. It is no cant or

sentimentalism, it is an obvious dictate of ordinary prudence, to say

that, if we are to hold these men in such control as shall make Africa

equal to any continent in serviceableness to mankind at large, it is by

moral superiority, first of all, that control must be won, and must be

maintained, as far as any white man can hope to maintain it.

Yours truly,

HENRY MORTON STANLEY.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 8th, 1890.

* * * * *

In judging of human achievement, we may take Browning’s view,

‘Life’s just the stuff

To test the soul on.’

Never was there an experience which more displayed and developed the

grandest qualities of manhood, than did this march through Darkest

Africa, in chief, lieutenants, and followers.

The outward results should not be under-estimated, and the net outcome

is well given in a letter of Sir George Grey, written three years

afterwards, when he was fresh from reading, not Stanley’s story, but

Parke’s.

* * * * *

AUCKLAND, February 24th, 1892.

MY DEAR STANLEY,

I have been reading the Journal of your surgeon, Mr. Parke. From it I

understood for the first time what you had accomplished. I had looked at

the whole expedition more as a matter of exploration than anything else,

and thought that scant justice had been done you. Now, I regard what you

accomplished as an heroic feat.

Let me put it to you from my point of view. Great Britain, in pursuit of

a great object, had, through the proper authorities, sent an officer to

rule a great province. He was accompanied by an Egyptian force, acting

under his orders, that is, under those of British authorities; and the

forces and civil officers were accompanied by wives, children, servants,

and followers of every kind. They formed an offshoot from Khartoum, but

very remote from it.

Disturbances arose in the country, Khartoum and its dependencies were

cut off from intercourse with the external world. Great Britain

determined to rescue her officers, and undertook to do so by the only

route used by civilised man, that is, by the line of communication which

led from the northward. She failed; Gordon fell; the attempt was

abandoned. Emin Pasha, his provinces, his forces, his civil servants,

and adherents, with all their women and children, were abandoned to

their fate; but held out. Emin Pasha naturally strove to communicate

with Europe, imploring to be extricated from his difficulties. His

strong appeals roused sympathy, and shame at his abandonment.

It was determined to rescue him. How was this to be done? The only route

by which this could be done was by reaching him from the southward. But

what a task was this--an almost hopeless one!

What a journey from the East Coast, or West Coast, before one could turn

northward and reach him! What difficult regions, in many parts unknown,

to traverse! What wilds and forests to traverse! What barbarous tribes

to confront! By what means were the requisite arms, ammunition, and

supplies, to be carried, which would enable Emin to continue to hold his

own, if he chose to remain; or enable you all to force, if necessary,

your way to some port where you could embark?

Undaunted by these evident difficulties, you undertook this task. After

truly severe exertions, you reach him. He joins you, emerges from his

difficulties with all his followers. You have saved, at great

sacrifices, portions of the arms and ammunition on which the safety of

all depends. You now find that nearly a thousand human beings,

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[Illustration:

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(_Fac-simile_]

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men, women, and children, are committed to your care. These you are to

conduct by a long perilous route to a port, where they embark for Egypt.

The whole native population along a great part of the route is hostile,

or alarmed at this great body of armed men and their families invading

their territories. They can little understand that they are returning to

their homes. If so, why do they not return by the same way by which they

left them? Naturally they view with suspicion and alarm this worn,

diseased multitude, which they are often ill able to supply with

sufficient food to save them from starvation.

Yet this body of human beings you have to supply with rations, with

arms, with medicines; without horses or carriages of any kind, the sick

and wounded had to be moved; little children and famishing mothers had

to be got along somehow; through long and exhausting marches, water had

to be found, wild beasts kept off, who, notwithstanding all precautions,

carried off several little ones in the night. You had quarrels and

animosities to compose, discipline to preserve amongst men of various

races and languages, and a multitude of other cases to meet; yet you

were in ill-health yourself, worn by great toils in previous years, and

in an unhealthy climate, which rendered men fretful, sullen, and

careless of life. Nevertheless, you accomplished your task, and led your

people--but a residue of them, indeed--to a port of safety, without

reward and without promotion, or recognition from your country.

I have thought over all history, but I cannot call to mind a greater

task than you have performed. It is not an exploration, alone, you have

accomplished; it is also a great military movement, by which those who

were in the British service were rescued from a position of great peril.

Most truly yours,

GEORGE GREY.[34]

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The autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley, G.C.B. · 第 1 / 12 章