interest of society, said, "he would with all his heart _subscribe_
to a voyage intended to communicate _in general_ those benefits,
which we enjoy, to countries destitute of them in the remote parts
of the globe." This proposition being warmly adopted by the rest of
the company, Mr. Dalrymple, then present, was induced to offer to
undertake the command on such an expedition.
On mature reflection, this scheme appears the more honourable to the
national character of any which can be conceived, as it is grounded
on the noblest principle of benevolence. Good intentions are often
frustrated by letting them remain indigested; on this consideration
Mr. Dalrymple was induced to put the outlines on paper, which are
now published, that by an early communication there, may be a better
opportunity of collecting all the hints, which can conduce to execute
effectually the benevolent purpose of the expedition, in case it
should meet with general approbation.
On this scheme being shown to Dr. Franklin, he communicated his
sentiments, by way of introduction, to the following effect:
"Britain is said to have produced originally nothing but _sloes_.
What vast advantages have been communicated to her by the fruits,
seeds, roots, herbage, animals, and arts of other countries! We are
by their means become a wealthy and a mighty nation, abounding in all
good things. Does not some _duty_ hence arise from us towards other
countries, still remaining in our former state?
"Britain is now the first maritime power in the world. Her ships are
innumerable, capable by their form, size, and strength, of sailing
all seas. Our seamen are equally bold, skilful, and hardy; dexterous
in exploring the remotest regions, and ready to engage in voyages
to unknown countries, though attended with the greatest dangers.
The inhabitants of those countries, our _fellow men_, have canoes
only; not knowing iron, they cannot build ships; they have little
astronomy, and no knowledge of the compass to guide them; they cannot
therefore come to us, or obtain any of our advantages. From these
circumstances, does not some duty seem to arise from us to them? Does
not Providence, by these distinguishing favours, seem to call on us,
to do something ourselves for the common interest of humanity!
"Those who think it their duty, to ask bread and other blessings
daily from heaven, would they not think it equally a duty, to
communicate of those blessings when they have received them, and show
their gratitude to their great Benefactor by the only means in their
power, promoting the happiness of his other children?
"Ceres is said to have made a journey through many countries to teach
the use of corn, and the art of raising it. For this single benefit
the grateful nations deified her. How much more may Englishmen
deserve such honour, by communicating the knowledge and use not of
corn only, but of all the other enjoyments earth can produce, and
which they are now in possession of. _Communiter bona profundere,
Deum est._
"Many voyages have been undertaken with views of profit or of
plunder, or to gratify resentment; to procure some advantage to
ourselves, or do some mischief to others: but a voyage is now
proposed, to visit a distant people on the other side the globe; not
to cheat them, not to rob them, not to seize their lands, or enslave
their persons; but merely to do them good, and make them, as far as
in our power lies, to live as comfortably as ourselves.
"It seems a laudable wish, that all the nations of the earth were
connected by a knowledge of each other, and a mutual exchange of
benefits: but a commercial nation particularly should wish for a
general civilization of mankind, since trade is always carried on to
much greater extent with people who have the arts and conveniences
of life, than it can be with naked savages. We may therefore hope,
in this undertaking, to be of, some service to our country, as well
as to those poor people, who, however distant from us, are in truth
related to us, and whose interests do, in some degree, concern every
one who can say, _Homo sum, &c._"
_Scheme of a voyage, by subscription_, to convey the conveniences of
life, as fowls, hogs, goats, cattle, corn, iron, &c., to those remote
regions, which are destitute of them, and to bring from thence such
productions, as can be cultivated in this kingdom to the advantage of
society, in a ship under the command of Alexander Dalrymple.
Catt or bark, from the coal trade, £
of 350 tons, estimated at about 2000
Extra expences, stores, boats, &c. 3000
----
To be manned with 60 men at
4 per man per month
----
240
12
----
2880 per annum
3
----
Wages and 8640 for three years 8640
provisions -----
13640
-----
Cargo included, supposed 15000
The expences of this expedition are calculated for _three_ years: but
the greatest part of the amount of wages will not be wanted till the
ship returns, and a great part of the expence of provisions will be
saved by what is obtained in the course of the voyage, by barter, or
otherwise, though it is proper to make provision for contingencies.
* * * * *
FOOTNOTE:
[82] These proposals were printed upon a sheet of paper some two or
three years ago, and distributed. The parts written by Dr. Franklin
and Mr. Dalrymple are easily distinguished. B. V.
TO DR. PERCIVAL.
_Concerning the Provision made in China against Famine._
I have somewhere read, that in China an account is yearly taken of
the number of people, and the quantities of provision produced. This
account is transmitted to the emperor, whose ministers can thence
foresee a scarcity, likely to happen in any province, and from what
province it can best be supplied in good time. To facilitate the
collecting of this account, and prevent the necessity of entering
houses and spending time in asking and answering questions, each
house is furnished with a little board, to be hung without the door
during a certain time each year; on which board are marked certain
words, against which the inhabitant is to mark number and quantity,
somewhat in this manner:
-----------------
| Men, |
| Women, |
| Children, |
| Rice, or Wheat, |
| Flesh, &c. |
-----------------
All under sixteen are accounted children, and all above, men
and women. Any other particulars, which the government desires
information of, are occasionally marked on the same boards. Thus the
officers, appointed to collect the accounts in each district, have
only to pass before the doors, and enter into their book what they
find marked on the board, without giving the least trouble to the
family. There is a penalty on marking falsely, and as neighbours must
know nearly the truth of each others account, they dare not expose
themselves, by a false one, to each others accusation. Perhaps such a
regulation is scarcely practicable with us[83].
FOOTNOTE:
[83] The above passage is taken from Dr. Percival's Essays, Vol.
III. p. 25, being an extract from a letter written to him, by
Dr. Franklin, on the subject of his observations on the state of
population in Manchester and other adjacent places. B. V.
_Positions to be examined, concerning national Wealth[84]._
1. All food or subsistence for mankind arise from the earth or waters.
2. Necessaries of life, that are not foods, and all other
conveniences, have their values estimated by the proportion of food
consumed while we are employed in procuring them.
3. A small people, with a large territory, may subsist on the
productions of nature, with no other labour than that of gathering
the vegetables and catching the animals.
4. A large people, with a small territory, finds these insufficient,
and, to subsist, must labour the earth, to make it produce greater
quantities of vegetable food, suitable for the nourishment of men,
and of the animals they intend to eat.
5. From this labour arises a _great increase_ of vegetable and
animal food, and of materials for clothing, as flax, wool, silk,
&c. The superfluity of these is wealth. With this wealth we pay for
the labour employed in building our houses, cities, &c. which are
therefore only subsistence thus metamorphosed.
6. _Manufactures_ are only _another shape_ into which so much
provisions and subsistence are turned, as were equal in value to the
manufactures produced. This appears from hence, that the manufacturer
does not, in fact, obtain from the employer, for his labour, _more_
than a mere subsistence, including raiment, fuel, and shelter: all
which derive their value from the provisions consumed in procuring
them.
7. The produce of the earth, thus converted into manufactures, may be
more easily carried to distant markets than before such conversion.
8. _Fair commerce_ is, where equal values are exchanged for equal,
the expence of transport included. Thus, if it costs A in England
as much labour and charge to raise a bushel of wheat, as it costs B
in France to produce four gallons of wine, then are four gallons of
wine the fair exchange for a bushel of wheat, A and B meeting at half
distance with their commodities to make the exchange. The advantage
of this fair commerce is, that each party increases the number of his
enjoyments, having, instead of wheat alone, or wine alone, the use of
both wheat and wine.
9. Where the labour and expence of producing both commodities are
known to both parties, bargains will generally be fair and equal.
Where they are known to one party only, bargains will often be
unequal, knowledge taking its advantage of ignorance.
10. Thus he, that carries one thousand bushels of wheat abroad to
sell, may not probably obtain so great a profit thereon, as if he had
first turned the wheat into manufactures, by subsisting therewith
the workmen while producing those manufactures: since there are many
expediting and facilitating methods of working, not generally known;
and strangers to the manufactures, though they know pretty well the
expence of raising wheat, are unacquainted with those short methods
of working, and thence, being apt to suppose more labour employed
in the manufactures than there really is, are more easily imposed
on in their value, and induced to allow more for them than they are
honestly worth.
11. Thus the advantage of having manufactures in a country does not
consist, as is commonly supposed, in their highly advancing the
value of rough materials, of which they are formed; since, though
six-pennyworth of flax may be worth twenty shillings when worked into
lace, yet the very cause of its being worth twenty shillings, is,
that, besides the flax, it has cost nineteen shillings and sixpence
in subsistence to the manufacturer. But the advantage of manufactures
is, that under their shape provisions may be more easily carried to a
foreign market; and by their means our traders may more easily cheat
strangers. Few, where it is not made, are judges of the value of
lace. The importer may demand forty, and perhaps get thirty shillings
for that, which cost him but twenty.
12. Finally, there seem to be but three ways for a nation to
acquire wealth. The first is by _war_, as the Romans did, in
plundering their conquered neighbours. This is _robbery_.--The
second by _commerce_, which is generally _cheating_.--The third by
_agriculture_, the only _honest way_, wherein man receives a real
increase of the seed thrown into the ground, in a kind of continual
miracle wrought by the hand of God in his favour, as a reward for his
innocent life, and his virtuous industry.
B. FRANKLIN.
_April 4, 1769._
FOOTNOTE:
[84] This article has been inserted in The Repository for select
Papers on Agriculture, Arts, and Manufactures. Vol. I, p. 350. B. V.
_Political Fragments, supposed either to be written by Dr.
Franklin, or to contain Sentiments nearly allied to his own[85]._
[§ 1. _Of the Employment of Time, and of Indolence: particularly as
respecting the State._]
All that live must be subsisted. Subsistence costs something. He,
that is industrious, produces, by his industry, something that is an
equivalent, and pays for his subsistence: he is therefore no charge
or burden to society. The indolent are an expence uncompensated.
There can be no doubt but all kinds of employment, that can be
followed without prejudice from interruptions; work, that can be
taken up, and laid down, often in a day, without damage; (such
as spinning, knitting, weaving, &c.) are highly advantageous to
a community; because in them may be collected all the produce of
those fragments of time, that occur in family-business, between the
constant and necessary parts of it, that usually occupy females;
as the time between rising and preparing for breakfast, between
breakfast and preparing for dinner, &c. &c. The amount of all these
fragments is, in the course of a year, very considerable to a single
family; to a state proportionably. Highly profitable therefore it is,
in this case also, to follow that divine direction, _gather up the
fragments that nothing be lost_. Lost time is lost subsistence; it is
therefore lost treasure.
Hereby, in several families, many yards of linen have been produced,
from the employment of those fragments only, in one year, though such
families were just the same in number as when not so employed.
It was an excellent saying of a certain Chinese emperor, _I will, if
possible, have no idleness in my dominions; for if there be one man
idle, some man must suffer cold or hunger_. We take this emperor's
meaning to be, that the labour due to the public by each individual,
not being performed by the indolent, must naturally fall to the share
of others, who must thereby suffer.
[§ 2. _Of Embargoes upon Corn, and of the Poor._]
In inland high countries, remote from the sea, and whose rivers
are small, running _from_ the country, and not _to_ it, as is the
case of Switzerland, great distress may arise from a course of
bad harvests, if public granaries are not provided, and kept well
stored. Anciently too, before navigation was so general, ships so
plenty, and commercial connections so well established, even maritime
countries might be occasionally distressed by bad crops. But such is
now the facility of communication between those countries, that an
unrestrained commerce can scarce ever fail of procuring a sufficiency
for any of them. If indeed any government is so imprudent, as to lay
its hands on imported corn, forbid its exportation, or compel its
sale at limited prices, there the people may suffer some famine from
merchants avoiding their ports. But wherever commerce is known to be
always free, and the merchant absolute master of his commodity, as in
Holland, there will always be a reasonable supply.
When an exportation of corn takes place, occasioned by a higher price
in some foreign countries, it is common to raise a clamour, on the
supposition, that we shall thereby produce a domestic famine. Then
follows a prohibition, founded on the imaginary distress of the poor.
The poor, to be sure, if in distress, should be relieved; but if the
farmer could have a high price for his corn from the foreign demand,
must he, by a prohibition of exportation, be compelled to take a
low price, not of the poor only, but of every one that eats bread,
even the richest? the duty of relieving the poor is incumbent on the
rich; but by this operation the whole burden of it is laid on the
farmer, who is to relieve the rich at the same time. Of the poor too,
those, who are maintained by the parishes, have no right to claim
this sacrifice of the farmer; as, while they have their allowance,
it makes no difference to them, whether bread be cheap or dear.
Those working poor, who now mind business only _five_ or _four_
days in the week, if bread should be so dear, as to oblige them to
work the whole _six_ required by the commandment, do not seem to be
aggrieved, so as to have a right to public redress. There will then
remain, comparatively, only a few families in every district, who,
from sickness, or a great number of children, will be so distressed
by a high price of corn, as to need relief; and these should be taken
care of by particular benefactions, without restraining the farmer's
profit.
Those, who fear, that exportation may so far drain the country of
corn, as to starve ourselves, fear what never did, nor ever can
happen. They may as well, when they view the tide ebbing towards
the sea, fear, that all the water will leave the river. The price
of corn, like water, will find its own level. The more we export,
the dearer it becomes at home; the more is received abroad, the
cheaper it becomes there; and as soon as these prices are equal,
the exportation stops of course. As the seasons vary in different
countries, the calamity of a bad harvest is never universal. If then,
all ports were always open, and all commerce free, every maritime
country would generally eat bread at the medium price, or average
of all the harvests; which would probably be more equal than we can
make it by out artificial regulations, and therefore a more steady
encouragement to agriculture. The nation would all have bread at this
middle price; and that nation, which at any time inhumanely refuses
to relieve the distresses of another nation, deserves no compassion
when in distress itself.
[§ 3. _Of the Effect of Dearness of Provisions upon Working, and upon
Manufactures._]
The common people do not work for pleasure generally, but from
necessity. Cheapness of provisions makes them more idle; less work is
then done, it is then more in demand proportionally, and of course
the price rises. Dearness of provisions obliges the manufacturer to
work more days and more hours; thus more work is done than equals the
usual demand; of course it becomes cheaper, and the manufactures in
consequence.
[§ 4. _Of an open Trade._]
Perhaps, in general, it would be better if government meddled no
farther with trade, than to protect it, and let it take its course.
Most of the statutes or acts, edicts, arrets, and placarts of
parliaments, princes, and states, for regulating, directing, or
restraining of trade, have, we think, been either political blunders,
or jobs obtained by artful men, for private advantage, under pretence
of public good. When Colbert assembled some wise old merchants of
France, and desired their advice and opinion, how he could serve and
promote commerce: their answer, after consultation, was in three
words only, _Laissez nous faire_; "Let us alone."--It is said, by a
very solid writer of the same nation, that he is well advanced in
the science of politics, who knows the full force of that maxim,
_Pas trop gouverner_, "Not to govern too much;" which, perhaps,
would be of more use when applied to trade, than in any other public
concern. It were therefore to be wished, that commerce were as free
between all the nations of the world, as it is between the several
counties of England; so would all, by mutual communication, obtain
more enjoyments. Those counties do not ruin each other by trade,
neither would the nations. No nation was ever ruined by trade, even,
seemingly, the most disadvantageous.
Wherever desirable superfluities are imported, industry is excited,
and thereby plenty is produced. Were only necessaries permitted to be
purchased, men would work no more than was necessary for that purpose.
[§ 5. _Of Prohibitions, with Respect to the Exportation of Gold and
Silver._]
Could Spain and Portugal have succeeded in executing their foolish
laws for _hedging in the cuckoo_, as Locke calls it, and have kept
at home all their gold and silver, those metals would by this time
have been of little more value than so much lead or iron. Their
plenty would have lessened their value. We see the folly of these
edicts: but are not our own prohibitory and restrictive laws, that
are professedly made with intention to bring a balance in our favour
from our trade with foreign nations to be paid in money, and laws
to prevent the necessity of exporting that money, which if they
could be thoroughly executed, would make money as plenty, and of as
little value; I say, are not such laws a kin to those Spanish edicts,
follies of the same family?
[§ 6. _Of the Returns for foreign Articles._]
In fact, the _produce of other countries_ can hardly be obtained,
unless by fraud and rapine, without giving the _produce of our land
or our industry_ in exchange for them. If we have mines of gold and
silver, gold and silver may then be called the produce of our land:
if we have not, we can only fairly obtain those metals by giving for
them the produce of our land or industry. When we have them, they are
then only that produce or industry in another shape; which we may
give, if the trade requires it, and our other produce will not suit,
in exchange for the produce of some other country, that furnishes
what we have more occasion for, or more desire. When we have, to an
inconvenient degree, parted with our gold and silver, our industry
is stimulated afresh to procure more; that, by its means, we may
contrive to procure the same advantage.
[§ 7. _Of Restraints upon Commerce in Time of War._]
When princes make war by prohibiting commerce, each may hurt himself
as much as his enemy. Traders, who by their business are promoting
the common good of mankind, as well as farmers and fishermen, who
labour for the subsistence of all, should never be interrupted, or
molested in their business, but enjoy the protection of all in the
time of war, as well as in time of peace.
This policy, those, whom we are pleased to call Barbarians, have in
a great measure adopted; for the trading subjects of any power with
whom the emperor of Morocco may be at war, are not liable to capture,
when within sight of his land, going or coming; and have otherwise
free liberty to trade and reside in his dominions.
As a maritime power, we presume it is not thought right, that Great
Britain should grant such freedom, except partially; as in the case
of war with France, when tobacco is allowed to be sent thither under
the sanction of passports.
[§ 8. _Exchanges in Trade may be gainful to each Party._]
In transactions of trade, it is not to be supposed, that, like
gaming, what one party _gains_ the other must necessarily _lose_. The
gain to each may be equal. If A has more corn than he can consume,
but wants cattle; and B has more cattle, but wants corn, exchange
is gain to each: hereby the common stock of comforts in life is
increased.
[§9. _Of Paper Credit._]
It is impossible for government to circumscribe, or fix the extent of
paper credit, which must of course fluctuate. Government may as well
pretend to lay down rules for the operations, or the confidence of
every individual in the course of his trade. Any seeming temporary
evil arising, must naturally work its own cure.
FOOTNOTE:
[85] The political fragments, which are here presented to the reader,
were gathered up from the notes, annexed to a pamphlet called The
Principles of Trade, printed for Brotherton and Sewel, London, 1774,
second edition.--The writer of this work speaks of assistance lent to
him, in the following passage in his preface: "Some very respectable
friends have indulged me with their ideas and opinions. It is with
the greatest pleasure we, in this second edition, most gratefully
acknowledge the favour; and must add, that should the public hold
this performance in any estimation, no small share belongs to those
friends." Our author is one of the respectable friends here alluded
to. B. V.
_On the Price of Corn, and Management of the Poor[86]._
TO MESSIEURS THE PUBLIC.
I am one of that class of people, that feeds you all, and at present
is abused by you all;--in short, I am a _farmer_.
By your news-papers we are told, that God had sent a very short
harvest to some other countries of Europe. I thought this might be in
favour of Old England; and that now we should get a good price for
our grain, which would bring millions among us, and make us flow in
money: that to be sure is scarce enough.
But the wisdom of government forbad the exportation[87].
Well, says I, then we must be content with the market-price at home.
No, say my lords the mob, you sha'n't have that. Bring your corn to
market if your dare;--we'll sell it for you, for less money, or take
it for nothing.
Being thus attacked by both ends _of the constitution_, the head and
tail _of government_, what am I to do?
Must I keep my corn in the barn, to feed and increase
the breed of rats?--be it so;--they cannot be less thankful than
those I have been used to feed.