Within a very few years, the friends of Emancipation in the North and
West, as well as all opposed to the increase of 'Southern power' in our
national policy, have been from time to time interested by rumors of a
secret association termed that of the _Knights of the Golden Circle_, or
as it is familiarly described, 'the K.G.C.' It was understood to be a
secret society, instituted for the purpose of extending, by the most
desperate means and measures, the institution of slavery, and with it,
of Southern Secession and all those social and political principles
which have been of late years so unscrupulously advocated by Southern
statesmen. It is, however, only of late that any thing definite relative
to this order has been published.
In July, 1861, the Louisville _Journal_ gave a full _exposé_ of the
order, which has been recently republished in a pamphlet, by 'the U.S.
National U.C.,' a copy of which now lies before us. 'Of the authenticity
of this exposition,' says the introduction, 'there can be no doubt.'
George D. Prentice, Esq., the editor of the _Journal_, gives his solemn
assurance, as an editor and as a man, that the documents from which he
derived his information are authentic. He asserts, moreover, that he
received them from a prominent Knight of the Third Degree. The
genuineness of these documents has never yet been denied by any man
whose word can be regarded as valid testimony in the case. Corroborative
testimony was furnished in a violent newspaper quarrel which occurred
soon after the first publication was made, in which several 'Knights of
the Third Degree' were participants, the question in dispute being as to
the authorship of the revelations made to Mr. Prentice. After the
warfare had subsided, he informed them that they were all mistaken, and
that each one of the parties implicated was equally guiltless.
On the first page of the introduction referred to, the editor, after a
succinct statement that the K.G.C. is the direct descendant of the order
of the Lone Star and other secret fillibustering societies, and that
many of the 'old landmarks' of those unions may be traced in its
organization, quotes from an article in the CONTINENTAL MONTHLY for
January, 1862, as follows:
'This organization, which was instituted by John C. Calhoun,
William L. Porcher, and others, as far back as 1835, had for its
sole object the dissolution of the Union and the establishment of
Southern Empire--Empire is the word, not Confederacy or
Republic--and it was solely by means of its secret but powerful
machinery, that the Southern States were plunged into revolution,
in defiance of the will of a majority of their voting population.
Nearly every man of influence at the South, (and many a pretended
Union man at the North,) is a member of this organization, and
sworn, _under the penalty of assassination_, to labor, 'in season
and out of season, by fair means and by foul, at all times and on
all occasions, for the accomplishment of its object.'
The editor of the pamphlet in question declares that he knows not upon
what evidence the above statement from the CONTINENTAL is based, but
admits that there can be no reasonable doubt that these men and their
associates _did_ resort to secret and powerful means for the spread of
their views and for the instruction of the Southern mind in the
doctrines of disunion and treason which they originated.
As regards our source of information, let it suffice to say that we
derived it from a gentleman who was himself a K.G.C., who was familiar
with its history, and of whose character for honor and veracity strict
inquiries made by us of men of high standing in the community left no
shadow of room for doubt. From his statements, it was transferred by one
of our establishment to the author of the article in question.
To the eye of the student of history, who has closely traced in many
ages and countries the vast action of secret societies in events, the
whole Southern movement bears, however, intrinsic evidence of that
peculiar form of hidden political power. The prompt and vigorous action
of the whole Secession movement, by which States with a majority
attached to the Union were hurled, scarce knowing how, into rebellion,
would never have been accomplished save by a long established and
perfectly drilled organization. It is not enough to sway millions that
the leaders simply know what they wish to do, or that they have the
power to do it. There must be _organization_ and _subordination_, if
only to control the independent action of demagogues and of selfish
politicians, who abound in the South as elsewhere. Had the existence of
the K.G.C. never been revealed, the historian would have detected it by
its results, and been compelled in fairness to admit that it was
admirably instituted to fulfill its ends--evil as they were--and that
its work was well done.
The editor of the pamphlet has good grounds for asserting that the
K.G.C. embraces among its members thousands of secretly disloyal men in
the North, and that these are of all grades of society. Let it, however,
be remembered that previous to the breaking out of this war there were
many who did not see Disunion as they now view it, and that their ties
with the South were often of the most brotherly kind. Indeed, when
Secession was first openly agitated, and until Sumter fired the Northern
heart, myriads who would now gladly disown those words were wont to say:
'Well, if they are determined to go, I suppose we must lose them.' Would
Fernando Wood have ever _dared_ at that time to publish a proclamation
recommending the secession of New-York as a free city had there not then
existed a singular apathy, or rather a strange blindness, to the
horrible results which must flow from disunion? In those days the
country _was_ blind--it has seen many an old error and delusion
dispelled since then--unfortunately too many among us have still much to
learn! Let those who still oppose _Emancipation_ remember that a day
will come when they, too, will unavoidably appear as the tories of the
great Revolution now in progress!
Our informant declared that should he write an exposition of the K.G.C.,
it would differ in many respects from that given in the _Journal_,
forgetting apparently, that Mr. Prentice had already explicitly stated
that since the great question of Disunion sprung up, the K.G.C. had
materially changed its character, and must unavoidably, from its very
nature, continue to change and modify details to suit new exigencies.
The whole history of _secret society_, whether in its forms Masonic,
Templar, Illuminée, Carbonari, Philadelphian, or Marianne; whether
universal, political, social, military, or revolutionary, is a history
of modifications of mere detail, compelled by circumstances. The mere
forms of initiation, the Ritual of the Order, pass-words, grips, and
signs, are of comparatively small importance, in fact, they appear
supremely silly; and were it not undoubtedly true that the mass of the
initiated were correspondingly silly, though very wicked, fellows, we
might almost wonder that such rococo nonsense should be deemed essential
to the management of a powerful political organization. The weaker
brethren, unable to penetrate by the strong will and by 'spontaneous
secresy,' to coöperation with the leaders and to the arcana, have always
required the tomfoolery of ceremony, and among the K.G.C. it has not
been spared. Those desirous of learning what the forms were or are in
which the action of the Order has been enveloped, we refer to pamphlet
itself, premising that, of its kind, it is quite curious, ingenious, and
interesting. The formula of the Obligation of the First Degree, as given
by Mr. Prentice, shows that the first field of operation, as originally
intended, was Mexico, but that it is also held to be a duty to offer
service to any Southern State to aid in repelling a Northern army.
'Whether the Union is reconstructed or not, the Southern States must
foster any scheme having for its object the Americanization and
Southernization of Mexico, so that, in either case, our success will be
certain.' The initiation of the Second Degree is unimportant, save that
it declares that the head-quarters of the Organization are at Monterey.
From the Third Degree we learn that 'candidates must be familiar with
the work of the two former degrees; must have been born in '58,'
(meaning a slave State,) or if in 59, (a free State,) he must be a
citizen; 60, (a Protestant,) and 61, (a slaveholder.) A candidate who
was born in 58, (a slave State,) need not be 61, (a slaveholder,)
provided he can give 62, (evidence of character as a Southern man.)' The
'object' of it all is 'to form a council for the K.G.C., and organize a
government for Mexico.' It is to be remarked that a stanch '57,' or
knight of the Golden Circle, is made to swear that he will never
dishonor the wife or daughter of a brother K.G.C., _knowing them to be
such_, that he be made to kneel and say his prayers to God, and
immediately after is requested to pay ten dollars, and to declare that
he will to the utmost of his ability oppose the admission of any
confirmed drunkard, professional gambler, rowdy, convict, felon,
abolitionist, negro, Indian, minor, or foreigner to membership in any
department of the Circle.
Abolitionists are to be found out, and reported to George Bickley, a
miserable quack and 'confidence man,' a person long familiarly spoken of
by the press as a mere Jeremy Diddler, but who has been a useful tool to
shrewder men in managing for them this precious Order. The member is to
do all in his power to 'build up a public sentiment in his State
favorable to the K.G.C., and to aid in the expulsion of free negroes
from the South, that they may be sent to Mexico.' Roman Catholics,
foreigners, abolitionists, and Yankee teachers are all to be watched and
reported. In ease of success in conquering Mexico, every thing possible
is to be done in order to prevent any Roman Catholic from being
appointed to any office of profit or trust. 'I will endeavor to cause to
be opened to the public all nunneries, monasteries, or convents. Any
minister, holding any place under government, must be Protestant.' When
we reflect on the fact that the Southern system aims at a perfectly
oligarchic unity and consolidation of power, this dread of any external
possible influence, whether religious or civic, will appear natural
enough. Mexico is, however, to be the great field of future action, and
Mexico must be cleared of its priests. The _peon_ system is to be
reduced to '89,' (perpetual slavery.) The successor of 'quack and
confidence Bickley' has a most unenviable task. For this Coming Man--the
present incumbent being occupied with other duties--is expected to
extend slavery over the whole of Central America, with the judicious
saving clause, 'if it be in his power;' to, acquire Cuba, and to control
the Gulf of Mexico. Having sworn himself to all this, and much other
nonsense, and last--not by any means least--also taken oath to forward
to Confidence Bickley all the fees of every candidate whom he may
initiate, the new Knight listens to the following specimen of elegant
oratory from the Secretary:
'You had better hear the whole degree, and then sign; for unless
we have your entire approbation, we do not wish to commit you to
any thing. I am well aware that this whole scheme is a bold and
daring one, that can but surprise you at first, as it did me, and
for this reason I beg to state a few facts for your consideration.
In the rise and progress of democracy in America, we have seen its
highest attainment. In the very outset it was based on high
religious principles, and adopted as a refuge from despotism. In
the North, Puritanism molded it, and went so far as to leave out
the natural conservative element of all democracies--domestic
slavery. As a result, we have presented now social, religious, and
domestic anarchy. From Millerism, and Spiritualism, every Utopian
idea has numerous advocates. The manufacturer is an aristocrat,
while the working-man is a serf. The latter class, constantly
goaded by poverty, seek a change--they care not what it may be.
Democracy unrestrained by domestic slavery, multiplies the
laboring classes indefinitely, but it debases the mechanic.
Whoever knew a practical shoemaker, or a maker of pin-heads, to
have a _man's_ ambition? They own neither land nor property, and
have no ties to the institutions of the country. The Irishman
emigrates, and the Frenchman stays at home. The one hates his
country, the other adores his. The Frenchman, is a slaveholder and
a _man_--the Irishman is a serf and an outcast. The South is
naturally agricultural; and the farmer being most of the time in
the midst of his growing crops, seeing the open operation of
nature, his mind expands, he grows proud and ambitious of all
around, and feels himself a man. He wants no change, either in
civil, religious, or political affairs. He cultivates the soil,
and it yields him means to purchase labor. He becomes attached to
home and its associations, and remains forever a restrained
Democrat, restrained by moral and civil laws from any and all
overt acts. He needs and makes a centralized government, because
his property is at stake when anarchy prevails.'
The reader is doubtless by this time well weary of this vulgar trash of
the K.G.C., which is only not absolutely ridiculous, because so nearly
connected with most sanguinary aims. Be it borne in mind that the
Southern character has always been eminently receptive of the puerile
and nonsensical, while the vast proportion of semi-savage,
semi-sophomorical minds in Dixie, half-educated and altogether idle and
debauched, has made their land a fertile field for quack Bickleys,
brutal and arrogant Pikes, and other petty tools of greater and more
powerful knaves. The Order becomes, however, a matter for more serious
consideration, when we reflect on the number of Northern men who, to
testify their Southern principles, have become 'Knights,' 'There is
ample and positive proof that the order of K.G.C. is thoroughly
organized in every Northern State as auxiliary to the Southern
rebellion.' It has acted here, as is well known, directly or indirectly,
under different names, such as the Peace Society, the Union Party, the
Constitutional Party, the Democratic Society, Club, or Association, the
Mutual Protection and Self Protection. For much information relative to
these traitors among us, who, whether sworn to the K.G.C. or not, are
working continually to further its aims, we refer our readers to the
pamphlet itself. There can be little doubt that those self-styled
democrats who continually inveigh against Emancipation in every form,
even to the condemning of the moderate and judicious Message of
President Lincoln, are all either the foolish dupes or allies of this
widespread Southern league, many being desirous of directly reinstating
the old Southern tyranny, while the mass simply hope to keep their
record clear of accusation as Abolitionists, in case Secession should
succeed. 'I was a K.G.C. during the war,' would in such case be a most
valuable evidence of fidelity for these bat-like birds-among-birds and
beasts-among-beasts. Deluded by the hope of being all right, no matter
which side may conquer, thousands have sought to pay the initiation fee,
and we need not state have been most gladly received. It is at least
safe to beware of all men who, in times like these, impudently avow
principles identically the same with those which constitute the _real_
basis of Secession. We refer to all who continually inveigh against
_Abolition_ as though that were the great cause of all our troubles, who
cry out that Abolitionists must be put down ere the war can come to an
end, and clamor for the immediate imprisonment of all who are opposed to
slavery.
And while on this subject, we venture to speak a few words on this
oft-reiterated accusation, that the Abolitionists have directly caused
this war, and from which they themselves by no means shrink. Whatever
influence or aid they may have given, it is now becoming clear as day
that no opposition to slavery was ever half so conducive to Secession
and rebellion as _Slavery itself_. Had there never been an Abolitionist
in the North, the self-generated arrogance of the 'institution' must
have spontaneously impelled the Southern party to treason. The exuberant
insolence which induced the most biting expressions of contempt for
labor and serfs, was fully developed in the South long before the days
of Garrison; long even before the Quakers of Pennsylvania put forth
their protest against slavery, a full century ago. The North was accused
by the Southern wolf of troubling the stream, though its course was
directly toward the wished-for victim. It is time that the absurd cry
ceased, and that the South be made to bear its own load of guilt. Ever
arrogant, chafing at the intellectual supremacy of the North, envious of
its prosperity, despising with all the rancor of a lawless 'chivalry'
our regard for the rights of persons, prone to dissipation, and densely
ignorant of the great tendencies to progress which characterize the
civilization of the nineteenth century, the Southerner has ever felt the
same tendency to break away, and be off, which a raw, fiery, conceited
youth feels to sunder wholesome domestic ties. The stimulus was within,
not from without.
It is to be regretted that the editor of this, in so many respects
valuable, pamphlet, in speaking of Northern men of influence who belong
to the K.G.C., or its other aids, should have cited under the vague
heading of 'said to be,' the New-York _Herald, Journal of Commerce,
Express_, 'and a French newspaper' in New-York City, the Boston _Courier
and Post_, the Hartford _Times_, the Albany _Atlas and Argus_, the
Rochester _Union_, the Buffalo _Courier_, the Cincinnati _Enquirer_, the
Detroit _Free Press_, the Chicago _Times_, and the Milwaukee _News_.
While we entertain no doubt that among the editors of these newspapers
are men who are at heart as traitorous and as Southern as their
colleagues of any Richmond journal, [we have ourself seen a small
Secession flag paraded on the desk of an editor of one of the
above-mentioned publications,] we must still protest against any other
than _definite_ charges, even against men whose daily deeds and
utterances of treason have been of more real service to the South than
all the trash and trickery of Quack Bickley himself. It is indeed
charged that 'these are the principal names on the lists of traveling
messengers for those States,' but it should be remembered that such
accusation requires clear proof. With this single exception, we commend
the pamphlet in question as a document well worth perusal and
investigation. The subject, as it stands, appears trashy and
melodramatic; but be it remembered the Southern mind is prone to trash
and romance, and quacks and adventurers would be more likely to be found
actively working to aid treason founded on folly than would men of real
ability.
* * * * *