As in the history of mankind there are some persons so remarkable
and universally known as to make a notice of them almost a work of
supererogation, so there are events, which, from the interest they have
excited, and the consequences that have attended them, demand, in a
work of this description, a much less detailed account than others of
less importance: they have created deep and widely-spread excitement
during their enactment, and have produced historians worthy to
commemorate them. And such is the siege of Gibraltar. This stupendous
rock has now remained in the hands of the British one hundred and
fifty years! We can only judge of the anomaly of this circumstance
by bringing it home by comparison. Suppose the Spaniards, in their
zeal for religion, had determined to seize upon the rocky point of
the Land’s End, in Cornwall, or the Isle of Anglesea, in Wales, to
facilitate their intercourse with Catholic Ireland, this would have
been with them quite as legitimate an object as our trade with the
Levant is to us. And yet we hold it, in spite of all the hostile
efforts of the Spaniards to retake it; and what is still more strange,
in spite of treaties of peace, at which such chance acquisitions are
generally restored to the right owner. In the same manner the British
held Calais, a French town, from the reign of Edward III., 1346, to
that of Henry II. of France and Mary of England, when it was taken by
surprise by the duke of Guise in 1557. As may be naturally supposed,
the proud Spaniards have not quietly submitted to such a disgrace
as that of having an inseparable portion of their country held by a
foreign and frequently rival power: they have made several efforts to
regain it, the most conspicuous of which comes within the scope of this
work.
But, as we said above, the history of this siege has been so well
written and is so generally known, that Drinkwater has placed it in the
same position as Homer has that of Troy;--we could not pass it by, but
yet we are not called upon to be particular in our account of it: the
world does not stand in need of our history; it has one, better than
any we could produce. Gibraltar was one of the fruits of the War of
Succession: England took up arms to keep a Bourbon from the throne of
Spain, and, during the conflict, an enterprising admiral, Sir George
Rooke, added this gem to her crown. There are politicians who think
the retention more a point of honour than a real advantage, but such
discussions are not within our limits.
The war of 1762 did not present a favourable opportunity for retaking
Gibraltar; Chatham was too vigorous a minister to allow a chance of
such a loss; but England being at war with her colonies and with
France, encouraged Spain, in 1779, to come to a rupture with her, for
the well-understood purpose of attempting the great object of the
national wish. That this was so, was rendered plain by preparations to
cut off the African supplies of provisions to the rock, before war had
actually taken place.
Gibraltar is situated in Andalusia, the most southern province of
Spain. The rock is seven miles in circumference, running out into
the sea in the form of a promontory of more than three miles in
length, and is joined to the continent by an isthmus of low sand. The
promontory, or rock, at the foot of which stands the town, is upwards
of one thousand three hundred feet in height, and appears to have been
formerly surrounded by the sea. The breadth of the isthmus at the
foot of the rock is about nine hundred yards, but grows much wider
as it approaches the country. Across this isthmus, at about a mile’s
distance from the garrison, the Spaniards have drawn up a fortified
line, extending one thousand seven hundred yards, and embracing both
shores, with a strong fort of masonry at each end. That both parties,
under such extraordinary circumstances, should exhaust art in their
means of defence, and be always on the watch against surprise, we may
readily imagine; but what gives the garrison a great advantage in this
respect is its commanding height, from which it can see everything that
approaches it, by either land or sea. Thus in the whole of this long
siege, they appear to have been able to ascertain all that was going on
in the enemy’s camp, and to descry every hostile vessel in time to be
prepared for it.
Until we come to the great _finale_, this siege was little more than
a blockade, and that imperfect. And yet, with the exception of the
“Iliad,” we know of none that is so interesting. Drinkwater’s account
has exactly the same charm as Robinson Crusoe’s journal; the events are
so minute, and brought so completely home to the apprehension of the
reader by the plain and graphic style of the author, that you forget it
is an awful reality, and enjoy it as you would a fiction. But such a
narrative we cannot adopt into our pages: to transfer it wholly would
be dishonest towards a fine work; to garble it would not redound to our
credit.
When the re-capture of this member of their own country was undertaken,
as there was much difficulty, there was proportionate glory in the
enterprise, and the eyes of all Europe were turned towards the
Herculean straits. Every exertion was made by Spain--neither labour,
money, nor blood was spared. The valour of her troops was ably directed
by her generals, and persistently exercised through length of time and
difficulties of obstacles enough to cool the ardour of the most devoted
partisans. But in addition to the immense advantage of situation,
upon a lofty impregnable rock, open to almost constant succour by
sea, the British garrison had the still further good fortune of being
commanded by a governor most admirably suited to the post. As you read
the details of this memorable siege, you cannot help being struck
with the idea that General Elliott’s government was a parental one.
Never-flinching courage, sleepless watchfulness, consummate prudence,
and far-discerning foresight, were joined in him to a kindliness of
heart and an urbanity of manners, that made all he required from the
troops and officers he was placed over a labour of love. And yet his
_bonhomie_ did not overcome his judgment; though never severe, he was
never falsely indulgent; he could punish when he was called upon to
do so for the public good, as readily, though not as willingly, as he
could encourage merit or devotedness by promotion or reward. It may be
asserted that Elliott was never so placed as to display the genius of a
great commander: but this we deny. In a difficult, isolated position,
he was in no instance at a loss; no danger approached him that he was
not prepared to meet, and no opportunity for gaining an advantage
offered itself that he did not seize.
The two points were,--for the English, the rock, town, and fortress of
Gibraltar; for the Spaniards and French, Algeziras, a town situated
on the other side of the bay, five and a half miles from Gibraltar.
Algeziras had been a city of great importance, and in the middle of the
fourteenth century was wrested by Alonzo XI., king of Castile, from
the hands of the Moors. This appears to have been a kind of crusade,
and one in which the English chivalry took a prominent part; John of
Gaunt, and the earls of Derby, Leicester, Salisbury, and Lincoln, all
being present. It is likewise said that cannon were first used by the
Moors in this siege against their assailants, and were adopted by
the English, two years after, at the battle of Crecy, from observing
the powerful effects of them. The Spaniards had the great advantage
of being masters of the country behind and around them; and though
the English had a small naval force in their port, they never had
sufficient to prevent constant annoyances from the gun and bomb-boats
of Algeziras. Many an anticipated succour, in a vessel which was viewed
with delight from the rock, was cut off by the Spanish boats, and
carried into Algeziras before the eyes of the disappointed garrison.
With the commencement of the war in 1779, the siege of Gibraltar may be
said to have begun. It was, in truth, but an imperfect blockade, but it
subjected the garrison to all the watchfulness, labour, and preparation
of a real siege. The Spaniards were actively employed in fortifying
all their best points; they encamped before the garrison, and erected
additional batteries in their lines, but still did not fire upon the
town or fort. General Elliott, however, found their proceedings so
unmistakable in their purpose, and knowing that war had been declared,
he saluted them at their works with a few rounds of shot.
This took place on the 5th of July, 1779; and from that date to the
26th of November, 1781, the siege or blockade was one continuance of
mutual attempts at annoyance, interspersed with occasional want of
provisions and attacks of the scurvy on the part of the garrison,
frequent boat-assaults, always attended with repulses, on the side of
the allies; with a strange but perpetual desertion of individuals from
both garrison and army. But at the last-named period the enemy had
constructed such formidable batteries, and appeared to be approaching
so inconveniently near, that General Elliott determined upon the bold
expedient of a sortie. This was effected with his usual prudence,
foresight, and spirit. As soon as the gates were shut, and the
evening gun fired, a considerable detachment was ordered to assemble
on the Red Sands, at midnight, with devils, fire-fagots, and working
implements, to make a sortie on the enemy’s batteries; the general
and other officers to be employed were in the mean time convened,
_and, lest some matters might have escaped him in the multiplicity of
arrangements, the governor desired every person to propose, without
restraint, whatever would, in his or their opinion, further promote the
success of the enterprise_. We place the last passage in italics, as a
lesson to self-sufficient commanders: no captain ever more completely
performed the duties intrusted to him by his country, and yet he was
never averse to receiving advice from the lowest of his staff. On a
subsequent occasion an important use of red-hot shot was suggested to
him, by Lieutenant-General Boyd, his second in command, and, without
the least of the paltry jealousy some superiors would have felt, he not
only openly adopted the idea, but intrusted the execution of it to his
friend who had thought of it.
“The detachment being formed in three lines, the right column in the
rear and the left in front, tools for demolishing the works were
delivered to the workmen, and the following directions for their
destination were communicated to the principal officers:--‘The right
column to lead and march through Forbes’s barrier for the extremity
of the parallel, keeping the eastern fence of the gardens close
on their left. The centre immediately to follow, marching through
Bay-side barrier, and directing their route through the gardens for
the mortar-batteries. The left column to bring up the rear, marching
along the strand for the gun-batteries. No person to advance before the
front unless ordered by the officer commanding the column: and the most
profound silence to be observed, as the success of the enterprise may
depend thereon. The 12th and Hardenberg’s regiments to form in front
of the works, as assaulting corps, and are to detach to the right and
left, as occasion may require. The reserve to take post on the furthest
gardens. When the works are carried, the attacking troops are to take
up their ground in the following manner:--The grenadiers of Reden’s
and La Motte’s behind the parallel; the 39th and 73rd flank companies
along the front of the fourth branch; and the 72nd grenadiers and light
infantry with their right to the fourth branch and left to the beach.’
“The force consisted of ninety-nine officers, one hundred and
forty-seven subalterns, and two thousand and thirty-four rank and file.
“By the time the destination of the columns was made known to the
different officers, and other arrangements had taken place, the morning
of the 27th was far advanced; and as the moon had then nearly finished
her nightly course, the detachment, about a quarter before three
o’clock, began its march by files from the right of the rear line to
the attack. Although nothing could exceed the silence and attention of
the troops, the enemy’s advanced sentries discovered the right column
before they passed Forbes’s barrier, and after challenging fired upon
them. Lieutenant-Colonel Hugo, commanding this column, finding they
were alarmed, immediately formed the attacking corps, and pushed on
at a brisk pace for the extremity of the parallel; there, finding no
opposition, he took possession, and the pioneers began to dismantle
the works. Part of Hardenberg’s regiment, which was attached to this
column, mistook the route of the grenadiers, owing to the darkness
of the morning; and in pursuing their own, found themselves, before
they discovered their error, in front of the St. Carlos battery. In
this dilemma no other alternative offered but pressing forward, which
they gallantly did, after receiving the enemy’s fire. Upon mounting
the parapet, the enemy precipitately retreated, and with great
difficulty they descended the stupendous work, forming with their
left to the tower. They were thus situated, when Lieutenant-Colonel
Duchenhausen, at the head of the 39th flank companies, entered the
St. Carlos battery, and naturally mistaking them for his opponents,
fired, and wounded several. Further mischief was, however, prevented
by the countersign; and the Hanoverians joined the remainder of the
corps, which now formed _en potence_ in front of the parallel. The
73rd flank companies were equally successful in their attacks, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Trigge, with the grenadiers and light company of
the 72nd regiment, carried the gun-batteries with great gallantry. The
ardour of the assailants was irresistible. The enemy on every side gave
way, abandoning in an instant, and with the utmost precipitation, those
works which had cost them so much expense, and employed so many months
to perfect.
“When our troops had taken possession, the attacking corps formed
agreeably to their orders, to repel any attack which the enemy might
make to prevent the destruction of the works, whilst the 12th regiment
took post in front of the St. Carlos battery, to sustain the western
attack; and the reserve, under Major Maxwell, drew up in the further
gardens. The exertions of the workmen and artillery were wonderful.
The batteries were soon in a state for the fire-fagots to operate,
and the flames spread with astonishing rapidity into every part. The
columns of fire and smoke which rolled from the works beautifully
illuminated the troops and neighbouring objects, forming altogether a
_coup d’œil_ from the rock, not possible to be described.
“In an hour, the object of the sortie was fully effected; and trains
being laid to the magazines, Brigadier Ross ordered the advanced corps
to withdraw, and the sustaining regiments to cover their retreat; but
by some oversight, the barrier at Forbes’s was locked after the flank
companies had returned; which might have proved of serious consequence
to Hardenberg’s regiment, as they were from that circumstance under the
necessity of following the 12th regiment through Bay-side barrier.
“Several small quantities of powder took fire whilst the detachment
was on its retreat; and just as the rear had got within the garrison,
the principal magazine blew up with a tremendous explosion, throwing
up vast pieces of timber, which, falling into the flames, added to the
general conflagration. Although the enemy must have been early alarmed,
not the smallest effort was made to save or avenge their works. The
fugitives seemed to communicate a panic to the whole; and instead of
annoying the English troops from the flanking forts, their artillery
directed a ridiculous fire towards the town and our upper batteries,
whence we continued a warm and well-served discharge of round shot on
their forts and barrier. Only two officers and sixteen privates were
taken prisoners, and, so little opposition being made, very few were
killed in the works.
“Thus was this important attack executed beyond the most sanguine
expectations of every one. The event challenges greater admiration,
when we reflect that the batteries were distant near three-quarters
of a mile from the garrison, and only within a few hundred yards of a
besieging enemy’s lines, mounting one hundred and thirty-five pieces
of heavy artillery. The detachment had only four privates killed, and
one officer and twenty-four privates wounded. The ordnance spiked in
the enemy’s works amounted to ten thirteen-inch mortars and eighteen
twenty-six pounders. Although subject to the little derangements
naturally attending on a night attack, not one musket, working-tool, or
other instrument, was left behind.”
Such is Captain Drinkwater’s account of a spirited and successful
action of which he was an eye-witness. The French historians of
the siege say that the British could not stand against the fire
of the batteries, and retreated. This is one of the innumerable
contradictions to truth offered by French authors whenever the military
honour of their country is concerned. They always forget that their
contemporaries and posterity will judge which party was victor in
a conflict, by the results. Victor Hugo _poetically_ said, that
Buonaparte was never conquered: _at Moscow it was fire--at Waterloo it
was fate_. Headers of history are nevertheless convinced of the reality
of the two defeats, by the events which followed them.
The affair had now been so prolonged, and had excited so much attention
throughout Europe, that the Spaniards and French began to think it
a point of honour to subdue this general on his rock; and the duke
de Crillon, accompanied by the eminent French engineer D’Arçon,
and followed by an army of thirty thousand men, came to Algeziras.
Immediately upon his arrival, D’Arçon changed the mode of attack: it
had been previously mostly confined to the land side of the rock; he,
most unfortunately for the cause he served, directed almost all his
offensive efforts from the sea, and yet by no means neglecting his
fortifications. General Elliott’s principal _extraordinary_ preparation
consisted in grates and various apparatus for heating shot, as he found
red-hot balls by far the most efficient instrument of destruction he
could employ. But he was too watchful and prudent a commander to let
this engross all his attention: in addition to constant labours at the
works, he ordered holes to be blasted in the rocks, nearly on a level
with the water, from which he could pour showers of stones and other
missiles upon his assailants. He likewise had a number of gun-boats
built; and, having received supplies and reinforcements from the
British fleet under Lord Hood, he felt himself in a condition to cope
with his powerful enemies. Determined to have no idle hands, even the
serjeants and drummers were armed with muskets; and musicians, who had
before been exempted from duty, had to exchange their instruments for
firelocks and shovels. The strength of the garrison with the marine
brigade, including officers, amounted to seven thousand five hundred
men.
The comte d’Artois and the duke de Bourbon joined the Spanish and
French armies; after whose arrival many civilities passed between the
besieging camp and the garrison. The French general sent presents of
game, fruit, vegetables, and ice, to the governor, accompanied by a
letter breathing the highest respect and admiration for his courage,
talents, and firmness. Here again is the beautiful simplicity, combined
with military virtues, displayed in the character of Elliott; he might
be imagined an ancient Roman rather than a modern soldier of fortune.
He accepts the presents with a courtesy due to the kindness with which
they were offered; but requests they may not be repeated, as it is his
pride and pleasure to live as plainly as the humblest soldier in his
army.
After a good deal of sharp preliminary sparring on both sides, the
awful conflict came on. In our account of this, we shall mostly adhere
to the very words of the historian of the siege, convinced that no
other can lay it so plainly and yet so interestingly before our readers.
“In the evening of the 7th of September, a little before midnight, two
large lights appeared on the shore of the Orange-grove battery, and
at the same time, two similar fires were seen behind Fort St. Philip;
whence, if a line was produced, it would to appearance have intersected
the former about eight hundred or nine hundred yards to the north-west
of the old mole head. These unusual signals made many conjecture that
the enemy were sounding in that quarter. A few rounds were accordingly
fired at intervals in that direction from the north bastion.
“By the morning of the 8th, the preparations in the department of the
artillery, under General Boyd’s direction, were completed, and the
success of the attack in a great measure depending upon embracing the
favourable moment, it was no longer deferred. At seven o’clock, the
town-guards being relieved, the firing commenced from all the northern
batteries which bore upon the western part of the parallel, and was
supported through the day with admirable precision and vivacity. The
effect of the red-hot shot and carcases exceeded our most sanguine
expectations. In a few hours, the Mahon battery of six guns, with the
battery of two guns on its flank, and great part of the adjoining
parallel, were on fire, and the flames, notwithstanding the enemy’s
exertions to extinguish them, burnt so rapidly, that the whole of
these works before night were consumed. The St. Carlos and St. Martin
batteries, however, on this occasion, escaped the fate they had
formerly experienced, but they were so much damaged, that the greater
part was taken down.
“For near an hour, the enemy continued silent spectators of our
cannonade. About eight, they fired a few guns from the St. Martin
battery, and between nine and ten returned our fire from Fort St.
Philip and Barbara, with the seven-gun battery in the lines, and soon
after, from eight new mortar-batteries in the parallel. This tardiness
in returning our fire in some degree we attributed to the works being
confused with materials, and some of the batteries being deficient
in ammunition. It might, however, be owing to want of discretionary
orders, as an officer of rank was observed to enter the lines about the
time when their cannonade became general; a reinforcement also marched
down from the camp.
“The astonishing bravery displayed by the enemy in their repeated
attempts to extinguish the flames, could not fail to attract the
particular notice and admiration of the besieged. Urged on most
probably by emulation, they performed prodigies of valour, so that
their loss, under so well-directed a fire, must have been very
considerable. The French brigade had one hundred and forty killed
and wounded, and the Spanish casualties most likely bore an equal
proportion. About four o’clock in the afternoon the cannonade abated on
both sides, and the enemy soon after were totally silent, though the
garrison continued its usual fire. The British had two or three killed
and several wounded. Lieutenant Boag, of the artillery, and Ensign
Gordon, of the 58th regiment, were of the latter number. The former
officer had been wounded before; on this occasion, he was pointing
a gun from Hanover battery in the lines, when a shell fell in the
battery. He had scarcely time to throw himself down in an embrasure,
when the shell burst, and fired the gun under the muzzle of which
he lay. The report immediately deprived him of hearing, and it was
some time before he recovered a tolerable use of that faculty. Major
Martin, of the same corps, had likewise a very fortunate escape from a
twenty-six pounder, which shot away the cock of his hat close to the
crown. This anecdote is inserted because it is commonly believed that
if a cannon-ball of large diameter passes so near the head of a person,
the wind of it is generally fatal. The major was considerably stunned
by the passage of the shot, but experienced little further injury. In
the forenoon of the 8th, two more ships of the line removed to the
Orange-grove, followed some time afterwards by twenty-two gun and
mortar boats; and in the evening, one of the French men-of-war joined
them from Algeziras. In the course of the day, a number of troops were
embarked on board such of the battering-ships as were finished; and at
night, the garrison artillery replaced the ammunition in the expense
magazines, which had been used to such good purpose in the morning.
“This unexpected insult undoubtedly precipitated the duke’s measures;
and, by provoking him to the attack before the preparations in the
other departments were ready to combine with him in a general and
powerful effort against the garrison, served greatly to frustrate the
enterprise. Apprehensive probably, that, elated by their good fortune,
they might renew their attempts finally to destroy the land-works
which had escaped, the duke determined to avoid the blow, which might
be so dangerous in its consequences, by opening his batteries, even
in their unfinished state. Actuated most probably by these motives,
the embrasures of the new batteries were unmasked during the night of
the 8th; and the succeeding morning at daybreak, the garrison were
surprised to find every appearance in their works for firing upon
them. Two rockets from the forts in the lines were the signals to
begin; and the cannonade commenced at half-past five o’clock, with a
volley of about sixty shells from all their mortar batteries in the
parallel, succeeded by a general discharge of their cannon, amounting
in the whole to about one hundred and seventy pieces of ordnance, all
of large calibre. Their firing was powerful, and entirely directed
against the works of the besieged, but was not, after the first round,
altogether so tremendous and destructive as might have been expected
from such a train of artillery. At intervals, from ten to twenty shells
were in the air at the same moment, but their effects were not equal
to the numbers expended. The town, southward of the King’s bastion,
was little affected; but the northern front, and line-wall, leading
from the Grand Parade to the North bastion, were exceedingly warm; and
the lines and Landport were greatly annoyed by the shells from the
howitzers, which were distributed in various parts of their parallel;
Montague’s and Orange’s bastions seemed to be the centre of the enemy’s
cross-fire, whilst the line-wall in their vicinity and to the southward
was taken _à revers_ by the shot which passed over the lines from the
sixty-four-gun battery.
“Not imagining, from the rough appearance of the enemy’s works, that
they could possibly retaliate so soon, the guards and pickets of
the north end of the garrison were for some time exposed, and some
casualties occurred; but they soon discovered whence they were chiefly
annoyed, and consequently became more cautious. Lieutenant Wharton, of
the 73rd regiment, was dangerously wounded at Landport.
“Whilst the land-batteries were thus pouring forth their vengeance
upon the northern front, nine line-of-battle ships, including those
under the French flag, got under way from the Orange-grove, and passing
along the sea-line, discharged several broadsides at the garrison, and
particularly at a settee which had just arrived under their guns from
Algiers. When this squadron had got round Europa Point, they suddenly
wore, and returning along the Europa, Rosia, and New Mole battery,
commenced a regular and heavy fire upon the garrison. The marine
brigade and artillery returned the salute till they passed, when the
men-of-war wore and returned to the eastward. About the same time that
the enemy were thus amusing the garrison at the southward, fifteen gun
and mortar boats approached the town, and continued their fire for some
time; but the artillery giving them a warm reception from the King’s
bastion, two of them were towed off with precipitation, and the rest
retired in great disorder. One was thought to be very considerably
damaged, and some imagined that her gun was thrown overboard to save
her from sinking.
“This mode of attacking on all sides exactly corresponded with what
the garrison had heard was the plan of M. d’Arçon. He hoped, probably,
to confound and overwhelm them, by presenting destruction under such
various forms, and by the enormous quantity of fire which he poured
in upon the garrison. The governor, however, did not approve of his
troops being thus subjected to be harassed at his pleasure, and
resolved, if possible, to put a stop to the sea attacks. For this
purpose the furnaces and grates for heating shot, at the New Mole,
were ordered to be lighted, and some new arrangements took place in
the ordnance upon Windmill-hill. Towards dusk the enemy abated in the
fire from their cannon, increasing, however, in the expenditure of
shells, which being generally fired with short fuses, broke in the
air. This practice seemed well calculated for the purposes in view.
In the day they could observe with greater certainty the effect of
their shot, and alter as circumstances directed; the firing at night
must unavoidably be less depended upon: shells were therefore burst
over the heads of the workmen of the besieged, to prevent them, if
possible, from repairing at night the damage received in the day.
Nevertheless it did not obstruct the duties in the department of the
engineers, and the artillery were not hindered from further completing
the expense magazine with ammunition. The 97th regiment[19] was now
so far recovered as for some time to assist in the fatigue duties of
the garrison; and this day the officers, with one hundred men, were
added to the general roster. The town guards were likewise ordered to
assemble in Southport ditch.
“The enemy’s men-of-war, as General Elliott had expected, repeated
their attack very early in the morning of the 10th. Each ship carried a
light at her mizen-peak; but they did not appear near enough to produce
much effect. They were received with a well-supported fire, and the
next morning one of them was to be observed at Algeziras, with her
bowsprit unshipped. The remaining eight renewed their cannonade about
nine in the forenoon, and killed two of the marine brigade, and wounded
a serjeant of artillery and two other men. After they had passed as
before, they wore ship, apparently with an intention of continuing
their visits; but suddenly put about, hauled their wind, and anchored
off the Orange-grove. The governor was afterwards informed that the
discovery of a red-hot shot on board one of the ships was the immediate
cause of this hasty manœuvre.
“The enemy continued their firing from the isthmus, recommencing
at morning gun-fire on the 10th from their gun-batteries. At seven
o’clock, including the expenditure on the eighth, they had discharged
5,227 shot and 2,302 shells, exclusive of the number fired by the
men-of-war and mortar-boats. The garrison, on the contrary, took no
further notice of them than to return a few rounds from the terrace
batteries at their working parties, who were repairing the damage
done on the 8th, and completing the rest of the works. In the course
of the day the _Brilliant_ and _Porcupine_ frigates were scuttled by
the navy in the New Mole; and at night the engineers, with a working
party, cleared the lines of rubbish, and restored those traverses which
had been demolished. At night the enemy’s fire was under the same
regulation as the preceding evening.
“The next morning, when the garrison guards were being relieved, a
signal was made at the town, near the quarry, under the Queen of
Spain’s Chair, and the enemy’s cannonade became excessively brisk:
fortunately few casualties occurred. Their firing, when this object
ceased to engage them, seemed to be principally directed against the
obstructions at Landport, and in that part of the garrison. Many of the
palisades in the covered way were destroyed, and the _chevaux-de-frise_
considerably injured; artificers were, however, constantly detached to
repair those breaches, so that the whole were kept in a better state
than might be expected. In the afternoon the garrison began to conclude
that the attack with the battering-ships was no longer to be deferred.
Several detachments of soldiers embarked from the camp, and others were
standing on the neighbouring eminences, which, with the appearance in
the evening of signals like those which had been observed on the night
of the 7th, led the besieged to believe that every preparation was
complete; and the wind at that time blowing gently in the bay, from the
north-west, favoured the conjecture. Landport and Waterport guards
were immediately reinforced, the furnaces and grates for heating shot
were lighted, and the artillery ordered to man the batteries.
“Thus prepared, the garrison waited their approach, for it seemed to
be the general opinion that the battering-ships would advance and be
moored in the night, that they might be less exposed to annoyance
in this duty, and open together, with greater effect, at daybreak.
Attention was, however, called off from the bay to the land side,
where the enemy had set fire to the barriers of Bay-side and Forbes’s,
and the whole of those palisades to the water’s edge were instantly
involved in flames. The northern guards and pickets were immediately
under arms, and a smart discharge of musketry was directed upon
several parties, which, by the light of the fire, were discovered
in the meadows. The enemy increasing their bombardment, and nothing
new happening in consequence of the conflagration, the pickets and
guards were remanded under cover, but the artillery continued upon the
batteries. The garrison had scarcely recovered from this alarm, before
the gun and mortar boats, with the bomb-ketches, began to bombard the
northern front, taking their station off the King’s bastion, extending
towards Fort St. Philip. They commenced about an hour after midnight,
and their fire, added to that of the land-batteries, exceedingly
annoyed Waterport and the vicinity. The out-pickets were again under
arms, but providentially the British loss was trifling. The garrison
returned a few rounds from the sea-line, but still disregarded the
batteries on the isthmus, excepting when their workmen appeared, or
were thought to be employed. Major Lewis, commandant of the artillery,
was unfortunately amongst the wounded; but, however meritorious an
officer, his second supplied his place admirably during his confinement.
“When the gun-boats retired, nothing new occurred till the morning of
the 12th: the enemy’s fire continued to be supported at the average
of four thousand rounds in the twenty-four hours. About eight o’clock
reports were received from Europa guard that a large fleet had appeared
in the Straits from the westward. The wind was brisk, and there was
scarcely time to form any opinion concerning them ere they approached
the bay, and proved to be the combined fleets of France and Spain;
consisting of seven three-deckers, and thirty-one ships of two decks;
with three frigates, and a number of xebeques, bomb-ketches, and
hospital-ships, the whole under the command of ten admirals and a broad
pendant. In the afternoon they were at anchor in the bay, between the
Orange-grove and Algeziras.
“This great accumulation of force could not fail to surprise, if not
alarm the garrison. It appeared as if the enemy meant, previous to
their final efforts, to strike, if possible, a terror through their
opponents, by displaying before them a more powerful armament than had
probably ever been brought against any fortress. Forty-seven sail of
the line, including three inferior two-deckers, ten battering-ships,
deemed perfect in design and esteemed invincible, carrying two hundred
and twelve guns; innumerable frigates, xebeques, bomb-ketches,
cutters, gun and mortar boats, and smaller craft for disembarking
men: these were assembled in the bay. On the land side were most
stupendous and strong batteries and works, mounting two hundred
pieces of heavy ordnance, and protected by an army of near 40,000
men, commanded by a victorious and active general, of the highest
reputation, and animated with the immediate presence of two princes
of the royal blood of France, with other dignified personages, and
many of their own nobility. Such a naval and military spectacle is
scarcely to be equalled in the annals of war. From such a combination
of power, and favourable concurrent circumstances, it was natural
enough that the Spanish nation should anticipate the most glorious
consequences. Indeed, their confidence in the effect to be produced by
the battering-ships passed all bounds; and, in the enthusiasm excited
by the magnitude of their preparations, it was thought highly criminal
even to whisper a doubt of success.
“In drawing these flattering conclusions, the enemy, however, seemed
entirely to have overlooked the nature of that force which was opposed
to them; for though the garrison scarcely consisted of 7,000 effective
men, including the marine brigade, they forgot that they were now
veterans in this service, had been a long time habituated to the
effects of artillery, and were prepared by degrees for the arduous
conflict that awaited them. They were, at the same time, commanded by
officers of approved courage, prudence, and ability, eminent for all
the accomplishments of their profession, and in whom they had unbounded
confidence. Their spirits, too, were not a little elevated by the
success attending the recent practice of firing red-hot shell, which,
in this attack, they hoped would enable them to bring their labours
to a period, and relieve them from the tedious cruelty of another
vexatious blockade.
“In the morning of the 12th the governor reinforced the pickets of the
line; nine of which, in future, were stationed in town, and distributed
as follows: two at Waterport, two at Landport, two in the lines, and
the remaining three in the picket-yard, with the field officer of
the town district. The other picket of the line was continued at the
southward.
“In the evening, about dusk, a number of men were observed to embark
from the Orange-grove, on board the battering-ships; which, with the
presence of the combined fleet, and the wind blowing favourably,
induced the garrison to conclude that the important and long-meditated
attack was not now to be deferred.
“The enemy’s cannonade was continued, almost on the same scale as the
preceding days, during the night of the 12th. The next morning it was
observed the combined fleet had made some new arrangements in their
position or moorings, and that the remaining two battering-ships had
joined the others at the Orange-grove, where their whole attacking
force seemed to be now assembled. About a quarter before seven o’clock
some motions were observed amongst their shipping; and soon after
the battering-ships got under way, with a gentle breeze from the
north-west, standing to the southward, to clear the men-of-war, and
were attended by a number of boats. As the English naval officers
were of opinion that the battering-ships would be brought before the
garrison in the night, few suspected that their present manœuvres were
preparatory to their commencing the attack; but, observing a crowd of
spectators on the beach, near Point Mala, and upon the neighbouring
eminences, and the ships edging down towards the garrison, the
governor thought it would be imprudent any longer to doubt it. The
town-batteries were accordingly manned, and the grates and furnaces for
heating shot ordered to be lighted.
“Thus prepared for their reception, the garrison had leisure to notice
the enemy’s evolutions. The ten battering-ships, after leaving the
men-of-war, wore to the north, and a little past nine o’clock bore
down in admirable order for their several stations; the admiral, in a
two-decker, mooring about 900 yards off the King’s bastion, the others
successively taking their places to the right and left of the flag-ship
in a masterly manner, the most distant being about 1,100 or 1,200
yards from the garrison. The British artillery allowed the enemy every
reasonable advantage, in permitting them without molestation to choose
their distance; but as soon as the first ship dropped her anchors,
which was about a quarter before ten o’clock, that instant the British
fire commenced. The enemy were completely moored in a little more
than ten minutes, and their cannonade then became, in a high degree,
tremendous. The showers of shot and shells which were now directed from
their land-batteries, the battering-ships, and, on the other hand, from
the various works of the garrison, exhibited a scene of which perhaps
neither the pen nor the pencil can furnish a competent idea. It is
sufficient to say that _upwards of four hundred_ pieces of the heaviest
artillery were playing at the same moment: an instance which has
scarcely occurred in any siege since the invention of those wonderful
engines of destruction.
“After some hours’ cannonade, the battering-ships were found to be no
less formidable than they had been represented. The heaviest shells
often rebounded from their tops, whilst the thirty-two-pound shot
seemed incapable of making any visible impression upon their hulls.
The garrison frequently flattered themselves they were on fire; but
no sooner did the smoke appear, than, with the most persevering
intrepidity, men were observed applying water from their engines within
to those places whence the smoke issued. These circumstances, with the
prodigious cannonade which they maintained, gave the garrison reason to
imagine that the attack would not be so soon decided as from the recent
success against their land-batteries had been fondly expected. Even the
artillery themselves, at this period, had their doubts of the effect
of the red-hot shot, which began to be used about twelve, but were not
general till between one and two o’clock. To show the spirit in which
the defence was carried on, the men jocularly called the supplies of
red-hot shot, obtained by making fires of wood in the corners of old
buildings, ‘batches of roasted potatoes for the dons and monsieurs.’”
“The enemy’s cannon at the commencement were too much elevated; but
about noon their firing was powerful and well-directed. The garrison
casualties then became numerous, particularly on those batteries north
of the King’s bastion, which were warmly assailed by the enemy’s
flanking and reverse fire from the land. Though so vexatiously
annoyed from the isthmus, the garrison artillery totally disregarded
their opponents in that quarter, directing their sole attention to
the battering-ships, the furious and spirited opposition of which
served to excite their people to more animated exertions. A fire more
tremendous, if possible, than ever, was therefore poured down from the
rock; incessant showers of hot balls, carcases, and shells of every
description, flew from all quarters; and, as the masts of several of
the ships were shot away and the rigging of all was in great confusion,
hopes of a favourable and speedy decision began to revive in the
garrison.
“About noon, their mortar-boats and bomb-ketches attempted to second
the attack from the battering-ships, but the wind having changed to the
south-west and blowing a smart breeze with a heavy swell, they were
prevented taking a part in the action. The same reason also hindered
the British gun-boats from flanking the battering-ships from the
southward.
“For some hours the attack and defence were so equally well supported,
as scarcely to admit any appearance of superiority in the cannonade
on either side. The wonderful construction of the ships seemed to bid
defiance to the powers of the heaviest ordnance. In the afternoon,
however, the face of things began to change considerably: the smoke
which had been observed to issue from the upper part of the flag-ship
appeared to prevail, notwithstanding the constant application of water,
and the admiral’s second was perceived to be in the same condition.
Confusion was now apparent on board several of the vessels, and by the
evening their cannonade was considerably abated: about seven or eight
o’clock it almost totally ceased, excepting from one or two ships to
the northward, which from their distance had suffered little injury.
“When their firing began to slacken, various signals were made from
the southernmost ships, and as the evening advanced, many rockets were
thrown up, to inform their friends, as afterwards learned, of their
extreme danger and distress. These signals were immediately answered,
and several boats were seen to row round the disabled ships. The
garrison artillery at this period caused dreadful havoc amongst them.
An indistinct clamour with lamentable cries and groans proceeded,
during the short intervals of cessation, from all quarters; and a
little before midnight, a wreck floated in under the townline-wall,
upon which were twelve men, who only, out of threescore which were on
board their launch, had escaped. These circumstances convinced the
garrison that they had gained an advantage over the enemy; yet they did
not conceive that the victory was so complete as the succeeding morning
evinced. The British firing therefore was continued, though with less
vivacity; but as the artillery from such a hard-fought day, exposed to
the intense heat of a warm sun, in addition to the harassing duties
of the preceding night, were much fatigued, and as it was impossible
to foresee what new objects might demand their service the following
day, the governor, about six in the evening, when the enemy’s fire
abated, permitted the majority of the officers and men to be relieved
by a picket of a hundred men from the marine brigade, under the command
of Lieutenant Trentham; and officers and non-commissioned officers of
the artillery were stationed in the different batteries, to direct the
sailors in the mode of firing the hot shot.
“About an hour after midnight, the battering-ship which had suffered
the greatest injury, and which had been frequently on fire the
preceding day, was completely in flames, and by two o’clock in the
morning of the 14th, she appeared as one continued blaze from stem
to stern. The ship to the southward of her was also on fire, but did
not burn with so much rapidity. The light thrown out on all sides by
the flames enabled the artillery to point the guns with the utmost
precision, whilst the rock and neighbouring objects were highly
illuminated, forming with the constant flashes of the cannon, a mingled
scene of sublimity and terror. Between three and four o’clock, six
other of the battering-ships indicated the efficacy of the red-hot
shot; and the approaching day now promised the British garrison one of
the completest defensive victories on record.
“Brigadier Curtis, who was encamped with his brigade at Europa,
being informed that the enemy’s ships were in flames, and that the
calmness of the sea would permit his gun-boats to act, marched about
three o’clock A.M. with a detachment to the New Mole; and, drawing up
his twelve boats in such a manner as to flank the battering-ships,
compelled their boats to abandon them. As the day approached and the
garrison fire abated, the brigadier advanced and captured two launches
filled with men. These boats attempted to escape, but a shot killing
and wounding several men on board one of them, both surrendered, and
were conducted to Ragged Staff. The brigadier being informed by the
prisoners that many men were through necessity left by their friends on
board the ships, he generously determined to rescue them. Some of these
infatuated wretches nevertheless, it is said, refused at first the
deliverance offered to them, preferring the death before them to being
put to the sword, as they were taught to believe they should be if they
submitted to the British. Being left, however, some moments to the
horrors of their fate, they beckoned the boats to return, and resigned
themselves to the clemency of their conquerors.
“Whilst the navy were thus humanely relieving their distressed enemy,
the flames reached the magazine of one of the battering-ships to
the northward, and it blew up about five o’clock, with a dreadful
explosion. In a quarter of an hour after, another in the centre of the
line met with a similar fate. The wreck from the latter spread to a
vast extent, and involved the British gun-boats in the most imminent
danger; one was sunk, but the crew were saved. A hole was forced
through the bottom of the brigadier’s boat, his coxswain was killed,
and the strokesman wounded, and for some time the crew were obscured
in the cloud of smoke. After this very fortunate escape, it was deemed
prudent to withdraw towards the garrison, to avoid the peril arising
from the blowing up of the remaining ships. The brigadier, however,
visited two other ships on his return, and landed nine officers, two
priests, and three hundred and thirty-four soldiers and seamen, all
Spaniards, which, with one officer and eleven Frenchmen, who had
floated in the preceding evening, made the total number saved amount
to three hundred and fifty-seven. Many of the prisoners were severely,
and some of them dreadfully wounded. On being brought ashore, they
were instantly conveyed to the garrison hospital, and every remedy was
administered necessary for their different cases.” This is one of the
brightest pages in the history of British warfare; so striking indeed,
that even the enemies were eager to announce to the world what they
owed to the humanity of the garrison; both French and Spanish writers
are at least as warm in praise of Sir Roger Curtis’s noble exertions on
this occasion, as the English historian of the siege.
“During the time that the marine brigade were encountering every danger
in their endeavours to save an enemy from perishing, the batteries on
the isthmus, which had ceased the preceding evening, most likely from
want of ammunition, and which had opened again upon the garrison on the
morning of the 14th, maintained a warm fire upon the town, which killed
and wounded several men, and three or four shells burst in the air
over the very spot where their countrymen were landed. This ungenerous
proceeding could not escape the observation of the spectators in their
camp, and orders were probably sent to the lines for the batteries to
cease, as they were silent about ten o’clock.
“Notwithstanding the efforts of the marine brigade in relieving the
terrified victims from the burning ships, many unfortunate men could
not be saved. The scene at this time exhibited was as affecting
as that which had been presented in the act of hostility had been
terrible and tremendous. Men crying from amidst the flames for pity
and assistance; others on board those ships where the fire had made
little progress, imploring relief with the most expressive gestures
and signs of despair; whilst several, equally exposed to the dangers
of the opposite element, trusted themselves on various parts of the
wreck to the chance of paddling themselves to the shore. A filucca
belonging to the enemy approached from the Orange-grove, probably with
the intention of relieving these unfortunate persons; but, jealous of
her motives, the garrison suspected that she came to set fire to one
of the battering-ships, which appeared but little injured, and obliged
her to retire. Of the six ships which were still in flames, three blew
up before eleven o’clock; the other three burned to the water’s edge,
the magazines being wetted by the enemy before the principal officers
quitted the ships. The admiral’s flag was on board one of the latter,
and was consumed with the vessel. The remaining two battering-ships,
it was hoped, might be saved as glorious trophies; but one of them
unexpectedly burst out into flames, and in a short time blew up with a
terrible report; and Captain Gibson representing it as impracticable to
preserve the other, it was burnt in the afternoon under his direction.
Thus the navy put a finishing hand to this signal defensive victory.
“During the hottest period of the cannonade the governor was present
on the King’s bastion, whilst Lieutenant-General Boyd took his station
upon the South bastion, animating the garrison by their presence.
“Whilst the enemy were cool and their ships had received little
damage, their principal objects were the King’s bastion, and the
line-wall north of Orange’s bastion. Their largest ships, which were
about 1,400 tons burden, were stationed off the former, in order to
silence that important battery, whilst a breach was attempted by the
rest in a curtain extending from the latter to Montague’s bastion. The
prisoners informed the garrison, that if a breach had been effected,
their grenadiers were to have stormed the garrison under cover of the
combined fleets. The private men complained bitterly of their officers
for describing the battering-ships as invulnerable, and for promising
that they were to be seconded by ten sail of the line, and all the
gun and mortar boats. They further said that they had been taught to
believe that the garrison would not be able to discharge many rounds of
hot balls; their astonishment, therefore, was inconceivable when they
discovered that they fired them with the same precision and vivacity
as cold shot. The enemy’s loss, including the prisoners, could not be
less than two thousand men. The casualties of the garrison, on the
contrary, were so trifling, that it will appear almost incredible that
such a quantity of fire, in almost all its destructive modes of action,
should not have produced more effect. They amounted to one officer,
two subalterns, and thirteen privates killed, and to five officers and
sixty-three privates wounded!
“An annoying and vindictive firing was kept up occasionally by the
besiegers, and warmly responded to by the garrison, but from the 15th
of September the siege was little more than a badly-kept blockade.
On the 2nd of February the governor received a note from the duke de
Crillon, informing him that preliminaries of a general peace had been
signed in January. He had likewise the supreme satisfaction to learn
that the garrison of Gibraltar, for which he and his gallant garrison
had fought so bravely and persistently, was to remain in the hands of
Great Britain.
“General Elliott was made a knight of the Bath, the Parliament settled
a handsome pension on him for life, and on his return home in 1787, he
was raised to the British peerage by the title of Baron Heathfield, of
Gibraltar. The gallant and humane Brigadier Curtis received the most
appropriate honour of knighthood, as a reward for his truly chivalric
conduct. General Boyd was created a knight of the Bath, and General
Green distinguished by a baronetcy. The thanks of both houses of
Parliament were voted to the generals, officers, and privates who had
served on this glorious occasion.”
In our account of this most remarkable siege of modern times, we have
unhesitatingly made free with Captain Drinkwater’s admirable narrative.
Whilst compiling this work, the reading of that book has been the most
pleasing part of our labours, and on closing it we exclaimed, “This
is almost as fully entitled to a place in every military student’s
library, as Dibdin’s Songs in that of every sailor.”