A.D. 273.

Palmyra, with its transitory splendour, and its total annihilation,

its association with two extraordinary men,--Longinus and Odenathus,

and perhaps a still more extraordinary woman,--Zenobia, has been the

subject of the poet’s song, the theme of the historian, and a source

of deep reflection for the statesman or the philosopher. The history

of Palmyra is a short but highly interesting episode in the annals

of mankind, illustrated, in the course of a very few years, by the

valour and ability of Odenathus, the wisdom and cultivated taste of

Longinus, and the splendid beauty, great talents, and masculine mind of

Zenobia. As it is said the sun of the glory of Thebes rose and set with

Epaminondas, so the splendour of Palmyra is so connected with the name

of Zenobia, that they seem to us to have been entirely co-existent;

we look at the nascent prosperity of Palmyra before her birth, as a

preparation for her future fortune; and we contemplate the vast ruins

of the city as so many monuments remaining undestroyed to perpetuate

her memory. No great city was ever so completely identified with a

person as Palmyra with Zenobia.

Of the siege itself, even Gibbon has given but a meagre account; and

yet, what reader would have pardoned us, if we had neglected to notice

the fall of the gorgeous capital of the Queen of the East?

Palmyra was one of those great commercial entrepôts which became

important by natural position. Before the great maritime discoveries,

an oasis in the deserts which divided the East from the West, as soon

as commerce began to flourish, or the power of the West to desire the

luxuries of the East, was certain to be wealthy if the industry of the

inhabitants responded to its natural advantages. The destruction of the

temples of Palmyra might be due to the cruel vengeance of Aurelian;

but the neglect of the commercial position is owing to the rise of

Venice and other trading nations, in the middle ages, and the great

maritime and scientific discoveries of modern times.

As we cannot hope to improve upon the great author of “The Decline and

Fall of the Roman Empire,” we shall give most of this short siege in

his own words.

“After the victories of Trajan, the little republic, grown wealthy by

its commerce, sunk peaceably into the bosom of Rome, and flourished

more than one hundred and fifty years in the subordinate, though

honourable rank of a colony. It was during that peaceful period, if

we may judge from a few remaining inscriptions, that the wealthy

Palmyrenians constructed those temples, palaces, and porticos of

Grecian architecture, whose ruins, scattered over an extent of several

miles, have deserved the curiosity of our travellers. The elevation

of Odenathus and Zenobia appeared to reflect new splendour on their

country, and Palmyra, for a while, stood forth the rival of Rome; but

the competition was fatal, and ages of prosperity were sacrificed to a

moment of glory.

“Modern Europe has produced several women who have sustained with glory

the weight of empire; but if we except the doubtful achievements of

Semiramis, Zenobia is perhaps the only female whose superior genius

broke through the servile indolence imposed on her sex by the climate

and manners of Asia. She claimed her descent from the Macedonian

kings of Egypt, equalled in beauty her ancestor Cleopatra, and far

surpassed that princess in chastity and valour. Zenobia was esteemed

the most lovely as well as the most heroic of her sex. She was of dark

complexion (for in speaking of ladies, such things are not trifles),

her teeth were of pearly whiteness, and her large black eyes sparkled

with uncommon fire, tempered with the most attractive sweetness. Her

voice was strong and harmonious; her understanding was strengthened

and adorned by study; she was not ignorant of the Latin tongue, but

possessed in equal perfection the Greek, the Syriac, and the Egyptian

languages. She had drawn up for her own use an epitome of Oriental

history, and familiarly compared the beauties of Homer and Plato, under

the tuition of the sublime Longinus.

“This accomplished woman gave her hand to Odenathus, who, from a

private station, raised himself to the dominion of the East. She soon

became the friend and companion of a hero. In the intervals of war,

Odenathus passionately delighted in the exercise of hunting; he pursued

with ardour the wild beasts of the desert--lions, panthers, and bears;

and the ardour of Zenobia in that dangerous amusement was not inferior

to his own. She had inured her constitution to fatigue, disdained

the use of a covered carriage, generally appeared on horseback in a

military habit, and sometimes marched several miles on foot at the head

of the troops. The success of Odenathus was in a great measure ascribed

to her incomparable prudence and fortitude. Their splendid victories

over the Great King, whom they twice pursued as far as the gates of

Ctesiphon, laid the foundation of their united fame and power. The

armies which they commanded, and the provinces which they had saved,

acknowledged not any other sovereigns than their invincible chiefs.

The senate and people of Rome revered a stranger who had avenged their

captive emperor; and even the insensible son of Valerian accepted

Odenathus for his legitimate colleague.

“After a successful expedition against the Gothic plunderers of

Asia, the Palmyrenian prince returned to the city Emessa, in Syria.

Invincible in war, he was there cut off by domestic treason, and his

favourite amusement of hunting was the cause, or at least the occasion,

of his death. His nephew Mæonius presumed to dart his javelin before

that of his uncle; and, though admonished of his error, repeated the

same freedom. As a monarch, and as a sportsman, Odenathus was provoked,

took away his horse, a mark of ignominy, and chastised the rash youth

by a short confinement.

“The offence was soon forgotten, but the punishment was remembered; and

Mæonius, with a few daring associates, assassinated his uncle in the

midst of a great entertainment. Herod, the son of Odenathus, though not

of Zenobia, a young man of a soft and effeminate temper, was killed

with his father. But Mæonius obtained only the pleasure of revenge by

this bloody deed. He had scarcely time to assume the title of Augustus,

before he was sacrificed by Zenobia to the memory of her husband.

“With the assistance of his most faithful friends, she immediately

filled the vacant throne, and governed with manly counsels, Palmyra,

Syria, and the East, above five years. By the death of Odenathus,

the authority was at an end which the senate had granted him only as

a personal distinction; but his martial widow, disdaining both the

senate and Gallienus, obliged one of the Roman generals who was sent

against her, to retreat into Europe, with the loss of his army and his

reputation. Instead of the petty passions which so frequently perplex

a female reign, the steady administration of Zenobia was guided by the

most judicious maxims of policy. If it was expedient to pardon, she

could calm her resentment; if it was necessary to punish, she could

impose silence on the voice of pity. Her strict economy was accused of

avarice; yet, on every proper occasion, she appeared magnificent and

liberal. The neighbouring states of Arabia, Armenia, and Persia dreaded

her enmity and solicited her alliance. To the dominions of Odenathus,

which extended from the Euphrates to the frontiers of Bithynia, his

widow added the inheritance of her ancestors, the populous and fertile

kingdom of Egypt. The emperor Claudius acknowledged her merit, and was

content that, while _he_ pursued the Gothic war, _she_ should assert

the dignity of the empire in the East. The conduct, however, of Zenobia

was attended with some ambiguity; nor is it unlikely that she had

conceived the design of erecting an independent and hostile monarchy.

She blended with the popular manners of Roman princes the stately pomp

of the courts of Asia, and exacted from her subjects the same adoration

that was paid to the successors of Cyrus. She bestowed on her three

sons a Latin education, and often showed them to the troops adorned

with the imperial purple. For herself she reserved the diadem, with the

splendid but doubtful title of Queen of the East.

“When Aurelian passed over into Asia, against an adversary whose sex

alone could render her an object of contempt, his presence restored

obedience to the provinces of Bithynia, already shaken by the arms

and intrigues of Zenobia. Advancing at the head of his legions, he

accepted the submission of Aucyra, and was admitted into Tyana, after

an obstinate siege, by the help of a treacherous citizen. The generous

though fierce temper of Aurelian abandoned the traitor to the rage

of the soldiers: a superstitious reverence induced him to treat with

lenity the countrymen of Apollonius, the philosopher. Antioch was

deserted on his approach, till the emperor, by his salutary edicts,

recalled the fugitives, and granted a general pardon to all who, from

necessity rather than choice, had been engaged in the service of the

Palmyrenian queen. The unexpected mildness of such a conduct reconciled

the minds of the Syrians, and, as far as the gates of Emessa, the

wishes of the people seconded the terror of his arms.

“Zenobia would have ill deserved her reputation, had she indolently

permitted the emperor of the West to approach within a hundred miles of

her capital. The fate of the East was decided in two great battles; so

similar in almost every circumstance, that we can scarcely distinguish

them from each other, except by observing that the first was fought

near Antioch, and the second near Emessa. In both, the queen of Palmyra

animated the armies by her presence, and devolved the execution of

her orders on Zabdas, who had already signalized his military talents

by the conquest of Egypt. The numerous forces of Zenobia consisted,

for the most part, of light archers and of heavy cavalry, clothed in

complete steel. The Moorish and Illyrian horse of Aurelian were unable

to sustain the ponderous charge of their antagonists. They fled in

real or affected disorder, engaged the Palmyrenians in a laborious

pursuit, harassed them by a desultory combat, and at length discomfited

this impenetrable but unwieldy body of cavalry. The light infantry,

in the mean time, when they had exhausted their quivers, remaining

without protection against a closer onset, exposed their naked sides to

the swords of the legions. Aurelian had chosen these veteran troops,

who were usually stationed on the Upper Danube, and whose valour had

been severely tried in the Alemannic war. After the defeat of Emessa,

Zenobia found it impossible to collect another army. As far as the

frontier of Egypt, the nations subject to her empire had joined the

standard of the conqueror, who detached Probus, the bravest of his

generals, to possess himself of the Egyptian provinces. Palmyra was the

last resource of the widow of Odenathus. She retired within the walls

of her capital, made every preparation for a vigorous resistance, and

declared with the intrepidity of a heroine, that the last moment of her

reign and her life should be the same.

“In his march over the sandy desert between Emessa and Palmyra, the

emperor Aurelian was perpetually harassed by the Arabs; nor could

he always defend his army, and especially his baggage, from those

flying troops of active and daring robbers, who watched the moment

of surprise, and eluded the slow pursuit of the legions. The siege

of Palmyra was an object far more difficult and important, and the

emperor, who with incessant vigour pressed the attacks in person, was

himself wounded with a dart. ‘The Roman people,’ says Aurelian, in an

original letter, speak ‘with contempt of the war which I am waging

against a woman. They are ignorant both of the character and the power

of Zenobia. It is impossible to enumerate her warlike preparations,

of stones, of arrows, and of every species of missile weapons. Every

part of the walls is provided with two or three balistæ, and artificial

fires are thrown from her military engines. The fear of punishment

has armed her with a desperate courage. Yet still I trust in the

protecting deities of Rome, who have hitherto been favourable to all my

undertakings.’ Doubtful, however, of the protection of the gods and of

the events of the siege, Aurelian judged it more prudent to offer terms

of an advantageous capitulation; to the queen, a splendid retreat; to

the citizens, their ancient privileges. His proposals were obstinately

rejected, and the refusal was accompanied with insult.

“The firmness of Zenobia was supported by the hope that famine would

soon compel the emperor to repass the desert; and by the reasonable

expectation that the kings of the East, and particularly the Persian

monarch, would arm in defence of their most natural ally. But fortune,

and the perseverance of Aurelian, overcame every obstacle. The death

of Sapor, which happened about this time, distracted the councils of

Persia, and the inconsiderable succours that attempted to relieve

Palmyra, were easily intercepted, either by the arms or the liberality

of the emperor. From every part of Syria, a succession of convoys

safely arrived in the camp, which was increased by the return of

Probus, with his victorious troops, from the conquest of Egypt. It

was then that Zenobia resolved to fly. She mounted the fleetest of

her dromedaries, and had already reached the banks of the Euphrates,

about sixty miles from Palmyra, when she was overtaken by the pursuit

of Aurelian’s light horse, seized, and brought back a captive to the

feet of the emperor. Her capital soon after surrendered, and was

treated with unexpected lenity. The arms, horses, and camels, with an

immense treasure of gold, silver, silk, and precious stones, were all

delivered to the conqueror, who, leaving only a garrison of six hundred

archers, returned to Emessa, and employed some time in the distribution

of rewards and punishments at the end of so memorable a war, which

restored to the obedience of Rome those provinces that had renounced

their allegiance since the captivity of Valerian.

“When the Syrian queen was brought into the presence of Aurelian,

he sternly asked her how she had presumed to rise in arms against

the emperors of Rome? The answer of Zenobia was a prudent mixture

of respect and firmness. ‘Because I disdained to consider as Roman

emperors an Aureolus or a Gallienus. You alone I acknowledge as my

conqueror and my sovereign.’ But as female fortitude is commonly

artificial, so it is seldom steady or consistent. The courage of

Zenobia deserted her in the hour of trial; she trembled at the angry

clamours of the soldiers, who called aloud for her immediate execution;

she forgot the generous despair of Cleopatra, which she had proposed

as her model; and ignominiously purchased life by the sacrifice of

her fame and her friends. It was to their counsels, which governed

the weakness of her sex, that she imputed the guilt of her obstinate

resistance; it was on their heads she directed the vengeance of the

cruel Aurelian. The fame of Longinus, who was included amongst the

perhaps innocent victims of her fear, will survive that of the queen

who betrayed, or the tyrant who condemned him. Genius and learning

were incapable of moving a fierce unlettered soldier, but they had

served to elevate and harmonize the soul of Longinus. Without uttering

a complaint, he calmly followed the executioner, pitying his unhappy

mistress and bestowing comfort on his afflicted friends.

“Returning from the conquest of the East, Aurelian had already crossed

the straits which divide Europe from Asia, when he was provoked by

the intelligence that the Palmyrenians had massacred the governor and

garrison which he had left among them, and again erected the standard

of revolt. Without a moment’s deliberation, he once more turned

his face towards Syria. Antioch was alarmed by his rapid approach,

and the helpless city of Palmyra felt the irresistible weight of

his resentment. We have a letter of Aurelian himself, in which he

acknowledges that old men, women, children, and peasants had been

involved in that dreadful execution, which should have been confined

to armed rebellion; and although his principal concern seems directed

to the re-establishment of a temple of the Sun, he discovers some pity

for the Palmyrenians, to whom he grants the permission of rebuilding

and inhabiting their city. But it is easier to destroy than to restore.

The seat of commerce, of arts, and of Zenobia, gradually sunk into an

obscure town, a trifling fortress, and at length a miserable village.

The present citizens of Palmyra, consisting of thirty or forty

families, have erected their mud cottages within the spacious court of

a magnificent temple.

“Since the foundation of Rome, no general had more nobly deserved a

triumph than Aurelian, nor was a triumph ever celebrated with superior

pride and magnificence. The pomp was opened by twenty elephants,

four royal tigers, and above two hundred of the most curious animals

from every climate of the North, the East, and the South. They were

followed by sixteen hundred gladiators, devoted to the cruel amusements

of the amphitheatre. The wealth of Asia, the arms and ensigns of so

many conquered nations, and the magnificent plate and wardrobe of

the Syrian queen, were exposed in exact symmetry or artful disorder.

The ambassadors of the most remote parts of the earth,--of Ethiopia,

Arabia, Persia, Bactriana, India, and China, all remarkable by their

rich or singular dresses, displayed the fame and power of the Roman

emperor, who exposed likewise to the public view the presents that

he had received, and particularly a great number of crowns of gold,

the offerings of grateful cities. The victories of Aurelian were

attested by the long train of captives who reluctantly attended

his triumph,--Goths, Vandals, Sarmatians, Alemanni, Franks, Gauls,

Syrians, and Egyptians. Each people was distinguished by its peculiar

inscription, and the title of Amazons was bestowed on ten martial

heroines of the Gothic nation who had been taken in arms. But every

eye, disregarding the crowds of captives, was fixed upon the Queen

of the East and the emperor Tetricus. The latter, as well as his

son, whom he had created Augustus, was dressed in Gallic trousers, a

saffron tunic, and a robe of purple. The beauteous figure of Zenobia

was confined by fetters of gold; a slave supported the gold chain

which encircled her neck, and she almost fainted under the intolerable

weight of jewels. She preceded, on foot, the magnificent chariot in

which she once hoped to enter the gates of Rome. It was followed by two

other chariots, still more sumptuous, of Odenathus and of the Persian

monarch. The triumphal car of Aurelian (it had formerly been used by a

Gothic king) was drawn on this memorable occasion either by four stags

or by four elephants. The most illustrious of the senate, the people,

and the army closed the solemn procession. Unfeigned joy, wonder,

and gratitude swelled the acclamations of the multitude; but the

satisfaction of the senate was clouded by the appearance of Tetricus;

nor could they suppress a rising murmur that the haughty emperor should

thus expose to public ignominy the person of a Roman and a magistrate.

“The triumph over, Aurelian behaved generously to his beautiful and

royal captive. He presented Zenobia with an elegant villa at Tibur

or Tivoli, above twenty miles from the capital; the Syrian queen

insensibly sunk into a Roman matron, her daughters married into noble

families, and her race was not extinct in the fifth century.”

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