CENTRAL IDEAS OF THE REPUBLIC

[Fragment of a speech of Abraham Lincoln at the Republican banquet in

Chicago, December 10, 1856. The rest of this speech, if it was ever

reported, is presumably no longer extant, as it is not published in

any collection of Lincoln's speeches.]

GENTLEMEN:--We have another annual presidential message. Like a

rejected lover making merry at the wedding of his rival, the President

felicitates himself hugely over the late presidential election. He

considers the result a signal triumph of good principles and good men,

and a very pointed rebuke of bad ones. He says the people did it. He

forgets that the "people," as he complacently calls only those who voted

for Buchanan, are in a minority of the whole people by about four

hundred thousand votes--one full tenth of all the votes. Remembering

this, he might perceive that the "rebuke" may not be quite as durable as

he seems to think--that the majority may not choose to remain

permanently rebuked by that minority.

The President thinks the great body of us Fremonters, being ardently

attached to liberty, in the abstract, were duped by a few wicked and

designing men. There is a slight difference of opinion on this. We think

he, being ardently attached to the hope of a second term, in the

concrete, was duped by men who hate liberty every way. He is the

cat's-paw. By much dragging of chestnuts from the fire for others to

eat, his claws are burnt off to the gristle, and he is thrown aside as

unfit for further use. As the fool said of King Lear, when his daughters

had turned him out of doors, "He's a shelled peascod."

So far as the President charges us with a desire to "change the

domestic institutions of existing States," and of "doing everything in

our power to deprive the Constitution and the laws of moral authority,"

for the whole party on belief, and for myself on knowledge, I pronounce

the charge an unmixed and unmitigated falsehood.

Our government rests in public opinion. Whoever can change public

opinion can change the government practically just so much. Public

opinion, on any subject, always has a central idea, from which all its

minor thoughts radiate. That central idea in our political public

opinion at the beginning was, and until recently has continued to be,

the equality of men. And although it has always submitted patiently to

whatever of inequality there seemed to be as matter of actual necessity,

its constant working has been a steady progress toward the practical

equality of all men. The late presidential election was a struggle by

one party to discard that central idea and to substitute for it the

opposite idea that slavery is right in the abstract, the workings of

which as a central idea may be the perpetuity of human slavery and its

extension to all countries and colors. Less than a year ago the Richmond

"Enquirer," an avowed advocate of slavery regardless of color, in order

to favor his views, invented the phrase "State equality," and now the

President, in his message, adopts the "Enquirer's" catch-phrase, telling

us the people "have asserted the constitutional equality of each and all

the States of the Union as States." The President flatters himself that

the new central idea is completely inaugurated; and so indeed it is, so

far as the mere fact of a presidential election can inaugurate it. To us

it is left to know that the majority of the people have not yet declared

for it, and to hope that they never will. All of us who did not vote for

Mr. Buchanan, taken together, are a majority of four hundred thousand.

But in the late contest we were divided between Fremont and Fillmore.

Can we not come together for the future? Let every one who really

believes, and is resolved, that free society is not and shall not be a

failure, and who can conscientiously declare that in the past contest he

has done only what he thought best--let every such one have charity to

believe that every other one can say as much. Thus let bygones be

bygones; let past differences as nothing be; and with steady eye on the

real issue, let us reinaugurate the good old central ideas of the

Republic. We can do it. The human heart is with us: God is with us. We

shall again be able not to declare that "all States as States are

equal," nor yet that "all citizens as citizens are equal," but to renew

the broader, better declaration, including both these and much more,

"that all men are created equal." [Applause.]

[Illustration: _FANEUIL HALL_

_Photogravure after a photograph_

This historic "Cradle of Liberty" yields to no building in America, save

perhaps Independence Hall, in interest. Faneuil Hall, in Boston, was

built in 1740, by Peter Faneuil, a wealthy merchant, and presented to

the town for a town-hall and market uses, to which it has been devoted

ever since. In 1761 it was injured by fire, but was rebuilt by the town

in the following year. In 1805 it was considerably enlarged and

improved. During the troublous times which preceded the Revolution, it

was the scene of most exciting public meetings; and the great patriot

orators of that day sounded from this platform the stirring notes that

gave the chief impulse of patriotism to the whole country.]

Modern Eloquence: Vol II, After-Dinner Speeches E-O · 第 155 / 212 题