THE FRENCH ALLIANCE

[Speech of William M. Evarts at a banquet of the Chamber of Commerce of

the State of New York, New York City, November 5, 1881. The banquet

was given in honor of the guests of the nation, the French diplomatic

representatives in America, and members of the families descended from

our foreign sympathizers and helpers, General Lafayette, Count de

Rochambeau, Count de Grasse, Baron von Steuben, and others, who were

present at the Centennial celebration of the victory at Yorktown. The

chairman, James M. Brown, Vice-President of the Chamber of Commerce,

proposed the following toast: "The French Alliance; the amicable

relations between our two countries founded in 1778, by the Treaty of

Amity and Commerce, between the nation of France and the American

people, cemented in blood in 1781, renewed by this visit of our

distinguished guests, will, we trust, be perpetuated through all

time."]

MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE:--It is

with great pride, as well as with great pleasure, that I respond to the

call in behalf of the merchants of the United States, as represented by

the merchants of the great city of the United States, through this

ancient guild of the Chamber of Commerce, in paying their tribute of

honor and applause to the French nation, that was present as a nation in

the contest of our Revolution, and is present here as a nation by its

representatives to-day [applause]; and to the great Frenchmen that were

present with their personal heroism in the struggles of the Revolution,

and are present here in their personal descendants, to see the fruits of

that Revolution, and to receive our respectful greeting [applause]; and

to the Germans who were present, where they could not have been spared

in the great trials of our feeble nation in its struggles against the

greatest power in the world, and who are here, by the descendants of

those heroic Germans, to join in this feast of freedom and of glory.

[Applause.]

But I felt a little doubt, Mr. Chairman, whether the etiquette of this

occasion required me to speak in my own tongue, or in the German or the

French, for I speak French and German equally well [laughter], but I

thought it would be a poor compliment, after all, to talk to these

Frenchmen, or these Germans, in their native tongues. They surely hear

enough of that at home. [Laughter.]

Well, Mr. President, the French Alliance was one of the noblest

transactions in history. The sixth day of February, 1778, witnessed the

Treaty of Alliance and the accompanying Treaty of Amity and Commerce

which filled out our Declaration of Independence, and made that an

assured triumph, which was until then nothing but a heroic effort on our

part. [Cheers.] I do not know that the sixth of February has anywhere

been honored in any due proportion to the Fourth of July; but for my

part, as an humble individual, from the earliest moment I have done all

in my power to show my homage to that day, for on that day I was born.

[Laughter and applause.]

Now, we talk the most and must feel the most and with great propriety,

of the presence of our French and of our German aids, and of our own

presence at the battle of Yorktown and the surrender. But what would

that occasion have amounted to, either in the fact of it or in the

celebration of it, if the English had not been there? [Laughter.] You

may remember the composure of the hero that was going to the block and

felt that there was no occasion for hurry or confusion in the attendant

crowd, as nothing important could take place until he got there

[laughter]; and so, in this past history and in the present celebration,

we recognize that it is not a question of personal mortification or of

personal triumph--not even of national mortification or of national

triumph. This was one of the great battles of the world, in which all

the nations engaged, and all other nations had an everlasting interest

and one through which they were to reap an everlasting good. [Applause.]

And I would like to know if the granddaughter of George III has ever had

from her subjects, British or Indian, any sweeter incense than has just

now been poured out from the hearts of the American people, who freely

give that homage to her virtues as a woman that they deny to her sceptre

and her crown as a queen. [Applause.] Who would not rather be a great

man than a great king? Who would not rather be a great woman than a

great queen? [Applause.] Ah, is there not a wider sovereignty over the

race, and a deeper homage from human nature than ever can come from an

allegiance to power? And for woman, though she be a queen, what personal

power in human affairs can equal that of drawing a throb from every

heart and a tear from every eye, when she spoke to us as a woman in the

distress of our nation? [Applause.]

It was a very great thing for France to make the Treaty of Alliance and

the Treaty of Amity and Commerce with a nation that, as yet, had

received no acceptance from the powers of the earth. And when we

remember that France, in the contests of a thousand years, had found

England no unequal match in the quarrels that belonged to the two

nations, I must think that human history has shown nothing nobler than

her espousal of this growing struggle between these colonists and the

great power of England. [Applause.] How much nearer France was to

England than we! How much wider her possessions through the world, open

to the thunders of the British navy and the prowess of the British arms!

And when France, in a treaty, the equal terms of which will strike every

reader with wonder, speaks of the "common cause" to be pursued until the

result of our complete independence, governmental and commercial, was

attained, I know nothing in the way of the "bearing the burdens of one

another," enjoined as the Christian spirit, that is greater than this

stupendous action of France. [Applause.]

The relations of blood and history that make England and us one, as we

always shall be, do not, nevertheless, make it clear that there is not a

closer feeling of attachment, after all, between us and France. It is a

very great compliment, no doubt, in classical phrase, to bespoken of as

"_matre pulchra filia pulchrior"_--the fairer daughter of a fair mother,

but, after all, it is a greater compliment to the daughter than to the

mother. I don't know that maternal affection, the purest sentiment on

earth, is ever quite pleased that the daughter is taller and fairer and

more winning in her ways than the mother is, or ever was [laughter]; and

I do know that there comes a time when the daughter leaves the mother

and cleaves to a closer affection. And here were we, a young, growing,

self-conscious, self-possessed damsel, just peeping from out our

mother's apron, when there comes a gallant and noble friend, who takes

up our cause, and that, too, at a time when it was not quite apparent

whether we should turn out a beauty or a hoyden. [Laughter and

applause.] And that is our relation to France. Nothing can limit,

nothing can disturb it; nothing shall disparage it. It is that we, from

that time and onward, and now finally in the great consummation of two

Republics united together against the world, represent in a new sense

Shakespeare's figure of the "unity and married calm of states."

[Applause.]

The French people have the advantage of us in a great many things, and I

don't know that we have any real advantage of them, except in a superior

opinion of ourselves. [Laughter.] God forbid that anybody should take

that from us! Great as is our affection and gratitude toward the French

and German nations, there is one thing that we cannot quite put up with

in those nations, and that is, that, but for them, the English and we

should think ourselves the greatest nations in the world. [Laughter.]

So, with all the bonds of amity between us and them, we must admit that

the Frenchmen and Germans make a pretty good show on the field of

history in the past, and, apparently, mean to have a pretty good share

of the future of this world. [Applause.]

In comparing the Yorktown era with the present day, we find that then a

great many more Frenchmen came here than Germans; but now a great many

more Germans come here than Frenchmen. The original disparity of numbers

seems to have been redressed by the later immigration, and we are

reduced to that puzzling equilibrium of the happy swain whenever we are

obliged to choose sides in the contest between these nations:--

"How happy could I be with either,

Were t'other dear charmer away."

[Laughter.]

The French are a great people in their conduct toward us in this

respect, that the aid and sympathy and alliance has been all in our

favor; they have done everything for us, and have been strong enough not

to need anything from us. [Applause.] The fault of the French, changing

a little Mr. Canning's memorable lines:--

"The fault of the French, unlike the Dutch,

Is asking too little, and giving too much."

[Laughter and applause.]

Now, this treaty commences with the very sensible statement that the two

nations being desirous of placing their commerce and correspondence upon

permanent and equitable grounds, His Most Christian Majesty and the

United States of America had thought, to that end, it was best to place

these relations upon perfect equality and reciprocity, without any of

those burdensome preferences which are the source of debate and

misunderstanding and of discontent between nations. In this spirit it

is, no doubt, that we have each pursued toward each other, in commerce,

that most equitable and equal system, by prohibitory duties, of keeping

all of each other's products out of the other that we can. [Laughter.]

Well, the Frenchmen knew, after all, that the Americans can never get

along without their wines, and without their silks, and without their

jewels, and without their art, and without their science, and without

the numberless elegancies which make life even in our backwoods

tolerable. And we know that they cannot very well dispense with our

wheat and corn and the oil from the earth and the cotton to weave into

those delicate tissues with which they clothe the world. [Applause.] So

that, after all, these superficial barriers of customs duties do not

really obstruct our commerce; and even if they have too much of our

pork, as would seem to be the notion at present, we have no desire to

dispense with their wines. [Laughter.]

But there are some other interchanges between nations besides those of

commerce in the raw material or in the products of industry. If we could

make more of a moral interchange with the French; if we could take some

of the moral sunlight which shines upon that great nation; if we could

be more cheerful, more gay, more debonair, and if they could take from

us some of the superfluous ice which we produce morally as well as

naturally, and some of that cold resistance against the inflammation of

enthusiasm which sometimes raises a conflagration among their citizens

at home, we have no tariff on either side that would interfere in the

blending and intercommunication of the moral resources of both nations,

that shall make us more and more one people, in laws, liberties and

national glory, and in all the passions that guide and animate the

conduct of nations. [Applause.]

I am happy to announce myself to you, gentlemen, what I am vain enough

to suppose you would not suspect, that I am a contemporary of Lafayette.

As a Boston schoolboy, I stood in the ranks at Boston when Lafayette in

1825 passed with a splendid cortége along the malls of Boston Common. I

had the pleasure, as a descendant of one of his Revolutionary friends,

to be presented to him personally, and to hear him say that he well

remembered his old friend, my grandfather. [Cheers.] This pleasing

courtesy, it may be said, was all French politeness; but I can say to

these Frenchmen that whether they believe one another at home or not, we

always believe them in this country. [Applause.]

And now your toast desires that this friendship, thus beginning and

continued, shall be perpetual. Who is to stop it? No power but ourselves

and yourselves, sir (turning to the French Minister), can interrupt it.

What motive have you--what motive have we--what sentiment, but that on

either side would be dishonor to the two nations--can ever breathe a

breath to spoil its splendor and its purity? [Applause.] And, sir, your

munificence and your affection is again to be impressed upon the

American people in that noble present you are designing to make to us,

in the great statue of "Liberty enlightening the World," an unexampled

munificence from the private citizens of one nation to the people of

another. We are to furnish the island for its site and the pedestal to

place the statue on. This our people will do with an enthusiasm equal to

your own. But, after all, the obligation will be wholly ours, for it is

to be a lighthouse in our great harbor, a splendid monument to add new

beauty to the glorious Bay of New York. [Applause.]

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Modern Eloquence: Vol II, After-Dinner Speeches E-O · 第 32 / 212 题