EARLY SPITSBERGEN VOYAGES
The greatest English navigator in the Spitsbergen quadrant during the
first century of the renewal of Arctic discovery was Henry Hudson.
Scarcely anything is known of the personal history of this famous
sailor previous to the last four years of his life, during which his
four voyages were undertaken.
Hudson was a servant of the Muscovy Company, he had a house in London,
was married and had children. His selection is a proof that he was an
experienced seaman. It has been conjectured that he was a grandson of
another Henry Hudson who died when he was an Alderman of London in
1555[70]. There is also some reason for the belief that Thomas Hudson,
a merchant of London who had a house at Mortlake and was a promoter of
the voyage of John Davis, was his uncle and guardian[71].
Our first introduction to him is sufficiently striking. After morning
service on the 19th April, 1607, a party of sailors might have been
seen to issue from the door of St Ethelburga’s church in Bishopsgate
Street, where they had partaken of the Holy Communion with the
parishioners, and to wend their way to the river side. At the head of
the little procession was the master, Henry Hudson, with his little son
John by his side, followed by William Collins the mate, John Colman
the boatswain, and James Young, most vigilant of look-out men. Then
came the men, John Cooke, James Benbery, James Scrutton, John Playse,
Thomas Baxter, Richard Day, and James Knight. These eleven men and a
boy formed the crew of the little _Hopewell_ of 80 tons, waiting for
them at Ratcliffe, for in four days she was to sail on her great
enterprise. The intention was to find the passage to Cathay by sailing
due north from Spitsbergen, instead of north-west.
Hudson had studied the accounts of the voyages of Stephen Burrough,
Arthur Pet, and William Barentsz. He was led to the conclusion that
the attempts to the eastward had offered small hope of success, so he
reverted to the advice of Master Thorne to shape a course northward and
make boldly for the Pole itself. It was then thought that ice did not
form on the open sea, but only on the coast in bays and inlets.
On the 1st May, 1607, the _Hopewell_ sailed from Gravesend, was off
the Shetlands on the 26th, and on 13th June was in sight of very high
land. James Young was the first to report it, so it received the name
of Cape Young. Soon a coast-line was visible extending for 9 leagues.
It was the east coast of Greenland. Hudson always calls it Groneland,
while the name of Greenland (or Newland) is given to Spitsbergen in
accordance with the belief of Barentsz. He got the first name from the
misleading Zeno map[72].
Behind Cape Young a high mountain, like a round castle, received the
name of the Mount of God’s Mercy. On the 22nd, Hudson found himself in
72° 38′ N., and high land was again sighted in 73° N., which received
the name of Hold-with-Hope.
Hold-with-Hope is a little to the south of the Pendulum Islands,
visited by Clavering 200 years afterwards, and is a position which does
credit to the skill and perseverance of Hudson and his companions. His
conclusion was that he was too far to the westward, so he resolved to
follow the edge of the ice to the north-east, seeking for an opening.
This course brought the little _Hopewell_ to 78° N., and in sight of
the Newland or Greenland of Barentsz, afterwards named Spitsbergen.
This was on June 27th, when Hudson supposed himself to be near the
“Vogel Hoek” (Bird Cape) of Barentsz.
Unfortunately Hudson’s own journal is lost. We have only the journal
of one of the men named John Playse. It was no doubt copied from the
Master’s log, but in such a way that it is not possible to make out
the _Hopewell’s_ track by it. After encountering some severe weather,
she seems to have passed down the strait between the foreland and the
mainland of Spitsbergen, doubled the southern point, and then shaped
a northerly course until the 80th parallel was reached. On the 12th
July, William Collins the mate saw the land, called Newland by the
Hollanders, bearing S.S.W. 12 leagues distant, but Hudson continued
to stand to the north. He found that a green-coloured sea was most
free from ice and that an azure blue sea was an icy sea. At noon on
the 14th the land was approached where there was a bay with very high
and rugged mountains at the head of it, and high land at the entrance,
with an island which received the name of Cape Collins after the mate.
The bay was named Whale Bay. Here Colman and Collins with two other
men landed, reporting many footprints of animals, deer-antlers, and
much drift-wood. A cape to the north-west of Cape Collins received
the name of Hakluyt’s Headland. Hudson again stood along the edge of
the ice which closed in upon the land to the eastward. Eventually he
came to the conclusion that there was no passage to the north on those
meridians, and he resolved to steer southward. He thus discovered the
whole western coast of Spitsbergen. He examined the inlet afterwards
named Bell Sound, rounded the most southern point of the land, and
traced the coast for some distance to the east of it.
This western coast of Spitsbergen, first made known by Henry Hudson, is
well described by Scoresby. He tells us how its cliffs rise by steep
acclivities from the very margin of the ocean to a stupendous height,
the masses of purest snow contrasting with the protruding dark-coloured
rocks. The valleys, opening towards the coast, terminate inland with
a transverse line of ice-field showing an unbroken surface for many
leagues in extent. On the southern part of the coast there are isolated
mountains with conical or ridged summits, occasionally terminating in
sharp peaks. Further north the mountains are more disposed in chains
than in the south, with an inferior range running parallel with the
shore, whence ridges project into the sea, and terminate in mural
precipices.
[Illustration: Part of NORTH-WEST SPITSBERGEN]
“There is indeed a kind of majesty not to be conveyed in words in the
extraordinary accumulations of snow and ice in the valleys, and in the
peaks rising above the ordinary elevation of the clouds and terminating
in crests of everlasting snow. Approaching the shore under shelter of
the impenetrable density of a summer fog, sometimes the mist disperses
like the drawing of a curtain, when the strong contrast of light and
shade, heightened by a cloudless atmosphere and powerful sun, bursts
on the senses in a brilliant exhibition resembling the production of
magic.”
But these beautiful scenes were not the only attraction. Around them
they noted the vast flocks of birds, the numerous seals and walrus, and
the great abundance of whales. Hudson had discovered a source of wealth
which served to enrich two countries in the ensuing centuries.
In the end of July, Hudson decided on bearing up for his return to
England. He passed Cherry or Bear Island on the 1st August, and a few
days afterwards another important discovery was made. A lofty peak
was seen, rising out of the sea to a height of 5836 feet. It is on an
island about 30 miles long by 10 broad, in 71° N., and is now known to
be the lofty termination of a submarine volcanic range running out N.E.
from Iceland. Hudson gave the island the name of Hudson’s Touches[73].
The north-eastern cape was named Young’s Foreland, doubtless because
the peak was first sighted by that sharp-eyed look-out man James Young;
and another cape, almost exactly in 71° N., was named Point Hudson.
This island has since, without any justification, been called Jan Mayen.
After leaving Hudson’s Touches the little _Hopewell_ put into the
Faroes on the 15th August, and on the same day in September she arrived
in the Thames. It is not recorded whether Hudson again took his crew to
St Ethelburga’s church to offer up a thanksgiving, but it is more than
probable. Thus ended this memorable voyage.
Hudson had tried the route recommended by Master Robert Thorne and
had found it to be impracticable, but his employers were willing to
send forth another expedition under his command. He therefore decided
to try the north-east plan, conceiving that if he could once either
get round the north end of Novaya Zemlya, or through Burrough or Pet
Straits, and round Cape Tabin, which is shown on the old charts as the
northern point of Asia, the rest of the voyage to China would offer no
difficulties. This, then, was his plan for a second voyage. He had a
third way in his mind, for the Dutch on their latest charts had shown
Kostin Shar as a strait through Novaya Zemlya.
The little _Hopewell_ was again fitted out and sailed on the 22nd
April, 1608, with a crew of 14 in all, including Hudson’s little
son[74]. On the 3rd June the North Cape was sighted and on the 12th,
in 75° 30′ N., the ice was encountered, and the ship’s head was turned
to the east. Having examined the edge of the ice for a long distance
the _Hopewell_ was in sight of the Novaya Zemlya coast in 72° 25′ N.,
on the 26th July, at the place called Swarte Klip by the Dutch. Juet
and Cooke, the mate and the boatswain, went on shore with two men, and
reported having seen antlers and traces of deer, many streams of water,
and long grass. In the evening Stacey the carpenter and Ladley the
other mate landed and saw much driftwood and a great number of birds.
They brought some moss and wild flowers on board. Many walrus were seen
in 71° 15′, but none were killed.
When the compact character of the ice-floes between Spitsbergen and
Novaya Zemlya deprived Hudson of all hope by a northerly course, his
intention was to pass by the Waigat and the mouth of the river Obi to
Cape Tabin, the supposed northern point of Asia. But now a hope was
conceived that the quantity of walrus might defray the expense of the
expedition, and also that there might be a better passage to the east
side of Novaya Zemlya by way of Kostin Shar, as the bay in which he
was had been named--the Dutch believing it to be a strait. On the 2nd
July the boat was sent on shore with the mate, and brought back four
dozen birds, half a boat-full of drift-wood, and a report of many
reindeer. But a careful examination showed that the Kostin Shar was
only a deep bay and not a strait, to Hudson’s great disappointment. On
the 6th, all hope was abandoned of finding a passage by the north-east.
Hudson then resolved to ascertain whether “Willoughby Land” was in
the position in which it was placed on his chart, because if so he
considered it would be a good place for walrus. So he shaped a westerly
course. But no such land was seen, for in reality “Willoughby Land” was
the very land of Novaya Zemlya which they had been visiting. On the
18th July the North Cape was again sighted; and the _Hopewell_ arrived
at Gravesend on the 26th August, 1608. Hudson tells us that having
found the routes by the north pole and the north-east impracticable, he
had resolved to try the north-west the same year, taking the route of
Lumley’s Inlet and the “Furious Overfall” mentioned by Davis. But the
season was far spent and he felt it to be his duty to his employers to
return.
Hudson’s next voyage was in the service of the Dutch in 1609, when he
discovered the river which bears his name, and it was not until 1610
that he was enabled to undertake the enterprise he had in his heart, an
attempt by way of the “Furious Overfall” of John Davis. But that sad
episode belongs to another part of the Arctic story.
Of the great commercial as well as geographical importance of the two
first voyages of Hudson there can be no question. They led the way to
the famous Spitsbergen whale fishery. In 1609 the Muscovy Company sent
Captain Jonas Poole to complete the work of Hudson, and he carefully
examined the whole of the west coast of Spitsbergen, naming Bell Sound,
Ice Sound, and several other positions. He wrote interesting journals
which are given in Purchas, and he had a prosperous career before
him. But unfortunately he was “miserably and basely murdered between
Radcliffe and London,” after his return in 1611.
The reports of Hudson and Poole made it manifest that there was
great wealth to be derived from the fishery in the seas round the
New Land. In 1612 the Muscovy Company obtained a Charter from James
I excluding all others from the fishery, English or foreign, so that
henceforward it would be a question which had the strongest fleet.
Christian IV thereupon put in a claim on the ground first that the
country was Greenland, and then that it was part of Norway. The Dutch
obtained a Charter, similar to that of the Muscovy Company, from Prince
Maurice. Dunkirk privateers and Biscayners also began to arrive at the
fishery. The grand work of discovery, though never quite lost sight
of by the English, was practically put aside, and the sordid greed of
wealth-seekers was substituted.
The first appearance of the Dutch was in 1612, when a ship arrived at
the fishery piloted by an Englishman named Bonner. In that year also,
Captain Marmaduke, one of the most able and dashing sailors on the
Spitsbergen side in those days, with a crew from his native town of
Hull, boldly pushed forward to make discoveries, and we are told by
Fotherby, a reliable authority, that he reached 82° N.
The country was called “King James his Newland” by the Muscovy Company,
and Greenland by the Dutch and Danes and also for long by the English.
In 1613 the Muscovy Company fitted out a large fleet under the command
of Benjamin Joseph, an experienced seaman. The Admiral or leading ship
was the _Tiger_ of 200 tons, with Joseph in command and William Baffin
as pilot. The _Matthew_ of 250 tons was Vice-Admiral, and Captain
Marmaduke appears to have commanded her, with Fotherby as pilot. Thomas
Edge, who afterwards did such good service as a discoverer as well as
a whaling captain, was also in the fleet. The Rear-Admiral was the
_Gamaliel_ of 200 tons, the fourth ship was the _John and Francis_ of
180 tons, and the fifth the _Annula_ of 140 tons. There was also a
pinnace of 60 tons called the _Richard and Barnard_. The fleet left
the Thames on the 13th May, and by the 1st June, all the ships being
in company, they were off Prince Charles’s Island on the west coast
of Spitsbergen, anchoring in Sir Thomas Smith’s Bay between Prince
Charles’s Island and the mainland of Spitsbergen. On the 4th June they
killed their first whale.
At first the English were quite ignorant of the art of whale-killing,
and this, the most important part of the business, was left to two
dozen Basques who were shipped for the voyages and ordered “to be
used very kindly and friendly, being strangers, and leaving their own
country to do us service.”
In the middle ages a whale frequented the Bay of Biscay (_Balaena
Biscayensis_) rather smaller than the right whale, but differing
very little in other respects. It is now extinct. The fishermen of
Biscay and Guipuzcoa had been engaged in pursuing this whale from time
immemorial, and the dangerous occupation had trained a most expert and
daring race of sailors along those coasts. They did not use ships in
their whaling. There were _atalayas_ or watch-towers on the heights
above the little fishing towns, whence signals were made that a whale
was in the offing, and instantly the boats started in pursuit. The
King and the Church shared the profits. Fernando III of Castile and
Leon in about 1220 decreed that “_si mactaveris aliquam ballenam
dabis mihi unam tiram a capite usque ad caudam sicut forma est_.” The
churches received part of the whalebone, and in the church at Lequeitio
there is a most interesting record of whales caught, with occasional
notes of happenings, extending over a century. A whale figures in the
coat-of-arms of St Jean de Luz, Fuenterrabia, Guetaria, and Motrico.
When the Muscovy Company began to send fleets to Spitsbergen, it was
the custom to enter one or two boats’ crews of Basques from St Jean de
Luz or San Sebastian to attack and kill the whales, while the rest of
the crews got the gear ready on shore for boiling down. But it was not
long before the English had learnt their lesson from the Basques and
become expert harpooneers.
Captain Joseph found as many as 17 foreign ships on the Spitsbergen
coast. All submitted to his superior force, some were ordered away, and
a few were allowed to fish on the condition of surrendering half their
catch to the English ships.
Baffin showed the same diligence in observing for latitude and
magnetism (dip and variation) as in his voyage to Greenland, and he
records a very interesting observation for ascertaining the sun’s
refraction[75]. Whatever may be thought of the accuracy of these
original observations, the activity of Baffin’s brain and his constant
efforts on every opportunity to improve the art of navigation are most
remarkable.
Captain Joseph’s fleet returned with full cargoes in September[76]. We
have two narratives of the voyage of 1613, one by Baffin himself and
the other by Fotherby[77].
In 1614 there was a different story, for the Dutch were the strongest.
They were in great force under Antoine Monier, their fleet consisting
of 14 ships protected by three or four men-of-war. The English fleet
was much weaker. Captain Joseph was again in command with nine ships
and two pinnaces. He was on board the _Thomasine_ with Baffin and
Fotherby, and again the gallant Marmaduke was with them, in the
_Heartsease_. Sailing from Tilbury on the 4th May, 1614, and running
through loose pack on the 20th, it suddenly closed and they were beset
for some days, eventually reaching the coast. Sailing northwards as
far as Hakluyt Headland they sighted the formidable Dutch fleet, which
was avoided, and the _Thomasine_ proceeded to Fairhaven, where a snug
anchorage was found in 79° 34′, and named by Fotherby Trinity Harbour.
The interest of the voyage of 1614 consists in the expeditions of
discovery made by Baffin and Fotherby to the north and east in shallops
or open boats. In three or four expeditions they made their way round
Hakluyt Headland to the eastward, a coast which Captain Marmaduke had
already discovered in 1612. The royal arms were set up in several
prominent places. The explorers were at Cape Barren (Vogelsang) Saddle
Island (Cloven Cliff) Redcliffe Bay, Point Welcome, and Wyche’s Sound,
which was thoroughly explored down to Point Deceit at the farthest
end. They walked over Red Beach, where they were joined by Captain
Marmaduke, who discovered it. Passing onwards they rounded Cape Desire,
and discovered the great channel which was named Sir Thomas Smith’s
Inlet (Hinlopen Strait). These extensive discoveries in open boats
reflect great credit on the three able and adventurous explorers. The
_Thomasine_ returned to Wapping on October 4th, with full cargo and all
in good health[78].
There were bickerings and occasional collisions between English and
Dutch in the succeeding summers. The English fleets were led by Thomas
Edge, one ship being nominally for discovery. At last there was a sort
of agreement that the Dutch and Danes should have the north-west corner
from Fairhaven to Hakluyt Headland, and the north coast--much the best
stations for whales; while the English were to have the west coast bays
from Fair Foreland, the northern point of Prince Charles Island, to the
south point of Spitsbergen.
The Dutch fishery brought great wealth to Holland. A station, called
Smeerenburg, was founded at the south-eastern end of Amsterdam Island,
which for many years had all the appearance of a large town, with
warehouses, blubber-boiling sheds, dwelling huts, and even a church.
Smeerenburg began to decline from 1644, when the whales retreated
from the coast and were only taken at sea. But, until 1770, the Dutch
fishery throve.
Captain Edge was mindful of discovery as well as of the main business
of whaling. He explored to the south and east, and sighted Wyche
Land[79] far to the east. Indeed he and his predecessors completed the
whole outline of the Spitsbergen archipelago, except North-East Land,
some gaps being filled in by the Dutch. As the voyages of English and
Dutch were contemporaneous, it is not always clear to which nation the
discovery of each portion of coast should be attributed, though it is
certain that places discovered and named by the English now have Dutch
names on the charts[80].
In 1630 an English crew wintered in Spitsbergen for the first time,
in a hut in Bell Sound, and all survived and were taken home in the
following summer. In 1634 some Hollanders were left to winter at
Smeerenburg but they all died.
The archipelago of Spitsbergen, thus discovered by English and Dutch in
the early part of the 17th century, is 250 miles in length, from 76°
35′ N., to 80° 35′ N., with a width of 200 miles. It is a wild region
of barren mountains and glaciers, with some splendid scenery. It is
fairly well stocked with animal life both on land and in its seas;
bears, foxes, hares and birds on land; whales, walrus, seals, and fish
in its seas. Other discoveries connected with the Spitsbergen group,
especially as regards its internal physiography and geology, were
reserved for later times.