SPEECH IN THE SENATE, AGAINST THE REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI
PROHIBITION OF SLAVERY NORTH OF 36° 30´ IN THE NEBRASKA AND KANSAS
BILL, FEBRUARY 21, 1854.
Cursed be he that removeth his neighbor's landmark. _And all the people
shall say, Amen._--DEUTERONOMY, xxvii. 17.
"The Nebraska Debate," as it was called at the time, was one of
the most remarkable in our history. It grew out of the proposition
to overturn the famous Missouri Compromise, so as to admit Slavery
into the vast territory west of the Mississippi, where it had been
prohibited by that Compromise. The country was startled by the outrage.
Many who had tried to reconcile themselves to the Fugitive Slave Bill,
as required by the Constitution, were maddened by this most audacious
attempt. Even assuming that the Fugitive Slave Bill was in any sense
justifiable, there was nothing to justify this flagrant violation of
plighted faith, where Slavery was the inexorable robber. Here began
those heats which afterwards showed themselves in blood. Never was the
action of Congress watched with more anxiety. Speeches were read as
never before, especially those opposed to this new aggression. That
of Mr. Sumner was extensively circulated in various editions, and he
received numerous letters expressing sympathy and gratitude. The tone
of these illustrates the reception of the speech. The late Rufus W.
Griswold, so well known in contemporary literature, wrote from New
York on the day after its delivery: "The admirable speech which you
delivered in the Senate yesterday will bring you a wearying quantity
of approving letters; but, though aware of this, I cannot refrain from
assuring you of my own admiration of it and gratitude for it, nor from
telling you that all through the city it appears to be the subject of
applauding conversation.... I congratulate you on having made a speech
so worthy of an American Senator, and calculated to be so serviceable
to the cause of Liberty." Frederick Douglass, who watched the contest
from a distance with the interest of a former slave, wrote: "All the
friends of Freedom in every State and of every color may claim you
just now as their representative. As one of your sable constituents,
I desire to thank you for your noble speech for Freedom and for your
country, which I have now read twice over." An original Abolitionist
wrote: "Let me thank you from my heart of hearts for your noble
speech. It is everything that we could wish,--bold, free, and true.
God will surely bless you!" The feeling of the hour appeared also
in the following from John G. Whittier: "I am unused to flatter any
one, least of all one whom I love and honor; but I must say, in all
sincerity, that there is no orator or statesman living in this country
or in Europe whose fame is so great as not to derive additional
lustre from such a speech. It will live the full life of American
history." Professor C. S. Henry, of the New York University, wrote:
"I thank you for your noble speech on the Nebraska Bill. In every
quality of nobleness transcendently noble. Unsurpassed in tone and
temper,--unrivalled in impregnable soundness and judicious statement
of positions, in clearness and logical force of historical recital,
in conclusiveness of reasoning, in beautiful fitness of style, and in
the true eloquence of a justice-loving soul." Among the curiosities of
praise, considering the political position of the writer, was a letter
from Pierre Soulé, our minister at Madrid, and formerly Senator from
Louisiana, containing the following passage: "Que je profite de cette
occasion pour vous dire combien j'ai été heureux du succès, et pour
mieux dire, du triomphe éclatant que vous avez obtenu à l'occasion de
votre discours sur le _Nebraska Bill_. Courage! _Sic itur ad astra._
Mais que dis-je? Vous y êtes déjà, et habile qui réussirait vous
en déloger." These are examples only; but they help to exhibit the
condition of the public mind. The North was aroused, and felt as never
before towards those who spoke in its behalf.
* * * * *
The origin of the debate will appear from a statement of facts.
On the 14th of December, 1853, Mr. Dodge, of Iowa, asked and obtained
leave to introduce a bill to organize the Territory of Nebraska, which
was read a first and second time by unanimous consent and referred to
the Committee on Territories. This was a simple Territorial Bill, in
the common form, containing no allusion to Slavery, and not in any
way undertaking to touch the existing Prohibition of Slavery in this
Territory.
On the 4th of January, 1854, Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, as Chairman of
the Committee on Territories, reported this bill back to the Senate
with various amendments, accompanied by a special report. By this bill
only a single Territory was constituted, under the name of Nebraska;
the existing Prohibition of Slavery was not directly overthrown, but
it was declared that the States formed out of this Territory should
be admitted into the Union "with or without Slavery," as they should
desire.
On the 16th of January, Mr. Dixon, of Kentucky, in order to accomplish
directly what the bill did only indirectly, gave notice of an
amendment, to the effect that the existing Prohibition of Slavery
"shall not be so construed as to apply to the Territory contemplated by
this Act, or to any other Territory of the United States; but that the
citizens of the several States or Territories shall be at liberty to
take and hold their slaves within any of the Territories of the United
States, or of the States to be formed therefrom."
On the next day, January 17, Mr. Sumner, in order to preserve the
existing Prohibition, gave notice of the following amendment.
"_Provided_, That nothing herein contained shall be construed
to abrogate or in any way contravene the Act of March 6, 1820,
entitled 'An Act to authorize the people of Missouri Territory to
form a Constitution and State Government, and for the admission of
such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original
States, and to prohibit Slavery in certain Territories'; wherein it
is expressly enacted, 'that in that territory ceded by France to
the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of
thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included
within the limits of the State contemplated by this Act, slavery
and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of
crimes, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall
be, and is hereby, forever prohibited.'"
It is worthy of remark, that at this stage the proposition of Mr. Dixon,
and also that of Mr. Sumner, were equally condemned by the _Washington
Union_, the official organ of the Administration. It had not then
been determined to sustain the repeal.
On the 23d of January, Mr. Douglas, from the Committee on Territories,
submitted a new bill, as a substitute for that already reported. Here
was a sudden change, by which the Territory was divided into two,
Nebraska and Kansas, and the Prohibition of Slavery was directly
overthrown. According to his language at the time, there were
"incorporated into it one or two other amendments, which make the
provisions of the bill upon other and more delicate questions more
clear and specific, so as to avoid all conflict of opinion." It was
formally enunciated in the bill, that the Prohibition of Slavery "was
superseded by the principles of the legislation of 1850, commonly
called the Compromise Measures, and is hereby declared inoperative."
This of course superseded the proposed amendment of Mr. Dixon, who
subsequently declared his entire assent to the bill in its new form.
It also presented the issue directly raised in Mr. Sumner's proposed
amendment.
On the next day, January 24th, when the amended bill had just been laid
upon the tables of Senators, and without allowing the necessary time
even for its perusal, Mr. Douglas pressed its consideration upon the
Senate. After some debate it was postponed until the 30th of January,
and made the special order from day to day until disposed of.
Meanwhile an appeal to the country was put forth by a few Senators and
Representatives in Congress, calling themselves Independent Democrats.
The only Senators who signed this appeal were Mr. Chase and Mr.
Sumner. It was entitled, "Shall Slavery be permitted in Nebraska?"
and proceeded in strong language to expose the violation of plighted
faith and the wickedness about to be perpetrated. This document was
extensively circulated, and did much to awaken the public.
On the 30th of January the Senate proceeded to the consideration of
the bill, when Mr. Douglas took the floor and devoted himself to
denunciation of the appeal by the Independent Democrats, characterizing
its authors as "Abolition confederates," and particularly arraigning
Mr. Chase and Mr. Sumner, the two Senators who had signed it. When he
sat down, Mr. Chase replied at once to the personal matters introduced,
and was followed by Mr. Sumner, in the few remarks below; and this was
the opening of the great debate which occupied for months the attention
of the country.
Mr. President,--Before the Senate adjourns I crave a single moment. As
a signer of the address referred to by the Senator from Illinois [Mr.
DOUGLAS], I openly accept, before the Senate and the country,
my full responsibility for it, and deprecate no criticism from any
quarter. That document was put forth in the discharge of a high public
duty,--on the precipitate introduction into this body of a measure
which, as seems to me, is not only subversive of an ancient landmark,
but hostile to the peace, the harmony, and the best interests of the
country. But, Sir, in doing this, I judged the act, and not its author.
I saw only the enormous proposition, and nothing of the Senator.
The language used is strong, but not stronger than the exigency
required. Here is a measure which reverses the time-honored policy
of our fathers in the restriction of Slavery,--which sets aside the
Missouri Compromise, a solemn compact, by which all the territory ceded
by France under the name of Louisiana, north of thirty-six degrees and
thirty minutes north latitude and not included within the limits of
Missouri, was "forever" consecrated to Freedom,--and which violates,
also, the alleged compromises of 1850: and all this opening an immense
territory to Slavery. Such a measure cannot be regarded without
emotions too strong for speech; nor can it be justly described in
common language. It is a soulless, eyeless monster,--horrid, unshapely,
vast: and this monster is now let loose upon the country.
Allow me one other word of explanation. It is true I desired that the
consideration of this measure should not be pressed at once, with
indecent haste, as was proposed, even before the Senate could read the
bill in which it is embodied. You may remember that the Missouri Bill,
as appears from the Journals of Congress, when first introduced, in
December, 1819, was allowed to rest upon the table nearly two months
before the discussion commenced. The proposition to undo the only part
of that work which is now in any degree within the reach of Congress
should be approached with even greater caution and reserve. The people
have a right to be heard on this monstrous scheme; and there is no
apology for that driving, galloping speed which shall anticipate their
voice, and, in its consequences, must despoil them of this right.
The debate was continued from day to day. On the 7th of February Mr.
Douglas proposed still another change in his bill. There seemed to be
a perpetual difficulty in adjusting the language by which the existing
Prohibition of Slavery should be overthrown. He now moved to strike out
the words referring to this Prohibition, and to insert the following:--
"Which, being inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention
by Congress with Slavery in the States and Territories, as
recognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the
Compromise Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void: it
being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate
Slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom,
but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the
Constitution of the United States."
On the 15th of February this amendment was adopted by a vote of
thirty-five yeas to ten nays. The debate was then continued upon the
pending substitute reported by the Committee for the original bill.
On the 21st of February Mr. Sumner took the floor and delivered the
following speech.