I should be dull indeed,--dull as a weed,--were I insensible to this
generous, heart-speaking welcome. After an absence of many months,
I have now come home to breathe anew this invigorating Northern air
[_applause_], to tread again the free soil of our native Massachusetts
[_cheers_], and to enjoy the sympathy of friends and fellow-citizens.
[_Renewed applause._] But, while glad in your greetings, thus
bounteously lavished, I cannot accept them for myself. I do not deserve
them. They belong to the cause [_applause_] which we all have at heart,
and which binds us together. [_Cheers._]
Fellow-citizens, I have not come here to make a speech. The occasion
requires no such effort. Weary with other labors, and desiring rest,
I have little now to say,--and that little will be too much, if about
myself. If, at Washington, during a long session of Congress,--my first
experience of public life,--I have been able to do anything which meets
your acceptance, I am happy. [_Cheers._] I have done nothing but my
duty. ["_Hear! hear!_"] Passing from this, and taking advantage of
the kind attention with which you honor me, let me add one word in
vindication of our position as a _national party_.
We are on the eve of two important elections,--one of National
officers, and the other of State officers. A President and
Vice-President of the United States and members of Congress are to be
chosen; also, Governor and Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth,
and members of the Legislature. And at these elections we are to
cast our votes so as most to advance the cause of Freedom under the
National Constitution. [_Cheers._] This is our peculiar object,--though
associated with it are other aims, kindred in their humane and liberal
character.
Against Freedom both the old parties are banded. Opposed to each other
in the contest for power, they concur in opposing every effort for the
establishment of Freedom under the National Constitution. [_Applause._]
Divided as parties, _they are one_ as supporters of Slavery. On this
question we can have no sympathy with either, but must necessarily be
against both. ["_Hear! hear!_"] They sustain Slavery in the District
of Columbia: we are against it. They sustain the coastwise Slave-Trade
under the National Flag: we abhor it. [_Cheers._] They sustain the
policy of silence on Slavery in the Territories: we urge the voice
of positive prohibition. They sustain that paragon of legislative
monsters,--unconstitutional, unchristian, and infamous,--the Fugitive
Slave Bill [_sensation_]: we insist on its repeal. [_Great applause._]
They concede to the Slave Power new life and protection: we cannot
be content except with its total destruction. [_Enthusiasm._] Such,
fellow-citizens, is the difference between us.
And now, if here in Massachusetts there be any who, on grounds of
policy or conscience, feel impelled to support Slavery, let them go
and sink in the embrace of the old parties. [_Applause._] There they
belong. On the other hand, all sincerely opposed to Slavery, who desire
to act against Slavery, who seek to bear their testimony for Freedom,
who long to carry into public affairs those principles of morality
and Christian duty which are the rule of private life,--let them
come out from both the old parties, and join us. [_Cheers._] In our
organization, with the declared friends of Freedom, they will find a
place in harmony with their aspirations. [_Enthusiasm._]
There is one apology, common to the supporters of both the old parties,
and often in their mouths, when pressed for inconsistent persistence
in adhering to these parties. It is dogmatically asserted that there
can be but two parties,--that a new party is impossible, particularly
in our country,--and that, therefore, all persons, however opposed to
Slavery, must be content in one of the old parties. This assumption,
which is without foundation in reason, is so often put forth, that
it has acquired a certain currency; and many, who reason hastily, or
implicitly follow others, have adopted it as the all-sufficient excuse
for their conduct. Confessing their own opposition to Slavery, they
yield to the domination of party, and become dumb. All this is wrong
morally, and therefore must be wrong practically.
Party, in its true estate, is the natural expression and agency of
different forms of opinion on important public questions, and itself
assumes different forms precisely according to the prevalence of
different opinions. Thus, in the early Italian republics there were for
a while the factions of Guelphs and Ghibellines, rival supporters of
Pope and Emperor,--also of Whites and Blacks, taking their names from
the color of their respective badges,--and in England, the two factions
of the White and Red Roses, in which was involved the succession to
the crown. In all these cases the party came into being, died out, or
changed with the objects originating it. If there be in a community
only two chief antagonist opinions, then there will be but two parties
embodying these opinions. But as other opinions practically prevail
and seek vent, so must parties change or multiply. This is so strongly
the conclusion of reason and philosophy, that it could not be doubted,
even if there were no examples of such change and multiplicity. But we
need only turn to the recent history of France and England, the two
countries where opinion has the freest scope, to find such examples.
Thus, for instance, in France,--and I dwell on this point because
I have myself observed, in conversation, that it is of practical
importance,--under Louis Philippe, anterior to the late Republic, there
was the party of Legitimists, supporters of the old branch of Bourbons,
and the party of Orleanists, supporters of the existing throne: these
two corresponding at the time, in relative rank and power, to our
Whigs and Democrats. Besides these was a third party, _the small
band of Republicans, represented in the Legislature by a few persons
only_, but strong in principles and purposes, which in February, 1848,
prevailed over both the others. [_Applause._] On the establishment of
the Republic, the multiplication of parties continued, until, with
the freedom of opinion and the freedom of the press, all were equally
overthrown by Louis Napoleon, and their place supplied by the enforced
unity of despotism.
In England, the most important measure of recent reform, the abolition
of the laws imposing a protective duty on corn, was carried only by a
third party. Neither of the two old parties could be brought to adopt
this measure and press it to consummation. A powerful public opinion,
thwarted in the regular parties, had recourse to a new one, neither
Whig nor Tory, but formed from both the old ones, where Sir Robert
Peel, the great Conservative leader, took his place, side by side,
in honorable coalition, with Mr. Cobden, the great Liberal leader.
["_Hear! hear!_"] In this way the Corn Laws were finally overthrown.
The multiplicity of parties engendered by this contest still continues
in England. At the general election for the new Parliament which
has just taken place, the strict lines of ancient parties seemed to
be effaced, and many were returned, not as Whigs and Tories, but as
Protectionists and Anti-Protectionists.
Thus by example in our own day we confirm the principle of political
philosophy, that parties naturally adapt themselves in character and
number to prevailing public opinion.
At the present time, in our country, there exists a deep, controlling,
conscientious feeling against Slavery. [_Cheers._] You and I, Sir, and
all of us, confess it. While recognizing the Constitution, we desire
to do everything in our power to relieve ourselves of responsibility
for this terrible wrong. ["_Yes! yes!_"] We would vindicate the
Constitution, and the National Government it has established,
from all participation in this outrage. [_Cheers._] Both the old
political parties, forgetful of the Fathers, and of the spirit of the
Constitution, not only refuse to be agents or representatives in any
degree of our convictions, but expressly discourage and denounce them.
Thus baffled in effort for utterance, these convictions naturally seek
expression in a new agency, _the party of Freedom_. [_Cheers._] Such
is the party, representing the great doctrines of Human Rights, as
enunciated in our Declaration of Independence, and inspired by a truly
Democratic sentiment, now assembled here under the name of the Free
Democracy. [_Cheers._]
The rising public opinion against Slavery cannot flow in the old
political channels. It is impeded, choked, and dammed back. But if not
_through_ the old parties, then _over_ the old parties [_tremendous
cheering_], this irresistible current _shall_ find its way.
[_Enthusiasm._] It cannot be permanently stopped. If the old parties
will not become its organs, they must become its victims. [_Cheers._]
The party of Freedom will certainly prevail. [_Sensation._] It may be
by entering into and possessing one of the old parties, filling it with
our own strong life; or it may be by drawing to itself the good and
true from both who are unwilling to continue in a political combination
when it ceases to represent their convictions; but, in one way or the
other, its ultimate triumph is sure. [_Great applause._] Of this let no
man doubt. [_Repeated cheers._]
At this moment we are in a minority. At the last popular election
in Massachusetts, there were twenty-eight thousand Free-Soilers,
forty-three thousand Democrats, and sixty-four thousand Whigs. But this
is no reason for discouragement. According to recent estimates, the
population of the whole world amounts to about eight hundred millions.
Of these only two hundred and sixty millions are Christians, while
the remaining five hundred and forty millions are mainly Mahometans,
Brahmins, and Idolaters. Because the Christians are in this minority,
that is no reason for renouncing Christianity, and for surrendering
to the false religions [_cheers_]; nor do we doubt that Christianity
will yet prevail over the whole earth, as the waters cover the sea.
["_Hear! hear!_"] The friends of Freedom in Massachusetts are likewise
in a minority; but they will not therefore renounce Freedom [_cheers_],
nor surrender to the political Mahometans, Brahmins, and Idolaters of
Baltimore ["_Never! never!_"]; nor can they doubt that their cause,
like Christianity, will yet prevail. [_Enthusiastic cheers._]
Our party commends itself. But it is also commended by our candidates.
[_Cheers._] In all that makes the eminent civilian or the accomplished
statesman fit for the responsibilities of government, they will proudly
compare with any of their competitors [_applause_], while they are dear
to our hearts as able, well-tried, loyal supporters of those vital
principles which we seek to establish under the Constitution of the
United States. [_Applause._] In the Senate, Mr. Hale [_cheers_] is
admitted to be foremost in aptitude and readiness for debate, whether
in the general legislation of the country, or in constant and valiant
championship of our cause. [_Applause._] His genial and sun-like nature
irradiates the antagonism of political controversy [_cheers_], while
his active and practical mind, richly stored with various experience,
never fails to render good service. [_Great cheering._]
Of Mr. Julian, our candidate for the Vice-Presidency, ["_Hear! hear!_"]
let me say simply, that, in ability and devotion to our principles, he
is a worthy compeer of Mr. Hale. To vote for such men will itself be a
pleasure. But it will be doubly so, when we reflect that in this way
we do something to accomplish a noble work, with which the happiness,
welfare, and fame of our country are indissolubly connected. [_Repeated
and enthusiastic cheers._]
With such a cause and such candidates, no man can be disheartened. The
tempest may blow,--but ours is a life-boat, not to be harmed by wind
or wave. The Genius of Liberty sits at the helm. I hear her voice of
cheer, saying, "Whoso sails with me comes to shore!"
Mr. Sumner resumed his seat amid heartiest and long-protracted applause.