ITALY
In the middle of the nineteenth century the position of Italy was
somewhat analogous to that of Germany. It consisted of a number of
separate states, and, in spite of the fact that all of these states
were inhabited by people speaking the same language and having the
same ideals and customs, they seemed to be unable to combine. One of
the results of this was the fact that the country adjoining on the
north, Austria, was meddling continually with Italian affairs and
attempting to gain a lasting influence over them. There were too
many racial differences, however, between the two countries to
permit an arrangement of this nature to continue for any length of
time without causing serious conflicts. Statesmen in the various
Italian states finally became convinced that it would be only a
question of time before some foreign nation would succeed in
dominating them unless they would be able to consolidate and show a
united front to any and all outsiders.
The difficulties in the way of Italian unification were manifold.
For our purposes, however, we are not interested in them or in the
means by which they were overcome beyond the fact that they finally
were overcome, and that as early as 1859 a large number of the
different Italian states had been united with the assistance of
Napoleon III under the rule of Victor Emmanuel II, originally King
of Sardinia and Piedmont. In that year, however, after Austria had
been driven out of Lombardy through the combined efforts of Italian
and French troops, Napoleon III suddenly arrived at an understanding
with Francis Joseph, and peace was concluded between France and
Austria. This left in the hands of the Austrians still an important
part of northern Italy known as the Quadrilateral. Rome, too, and a
considerable territory surrounding it, known as the Papal State, was
not included in the newly formed kingdom of Italy, the pope refusing
to give up his temporal powers and Napoleon III supporting him in
that refusal to the extent of maintaining French troops in Rome.
The Austro-Prussian War of 1866, as we have already shown, had
important results for Italy. For previous to its breaking out
Prussia had concluded a treaty with Italy, and when hostilities
began between Austria and Prussia, Italy immediately attacked her
old enemy. When peace was concluded between Prussia and Austria,
Prussia insisted, in order to reward her southern ally, that Austria
should relinquish practically all of her Italian possessions. Four
years later, in 1870, the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War
necessitated the withdrawal of the French troops from Rome, and
immediately after that event the forces of King Victor Emmanuel
appeared before Rome and occupied it to the great satisfaction of
the Romans, and in spite of all the protests of the pope. The latter
lost his temporal powers, although he was permitted to retain the
Vatican. This completed the unification of Italy.
The completion of the unification of Italy, of course, created many
difficult internal problems, chief of which was the adjustment
between the state and the church. The latter, as represented by the
pope, refused to become reconciled to the new conditions or to
acknowledge the legality of the so-called Laws of the Guarantees,
according to which he was given all the privileges of a sovereign,
the possession of the Vatican and Lateran palaces, and a
considerable annual income. None of these appeased the church, which
steadfastly refused to recognize the existence of the Italian state.
The difficulties created thereby can readily be understood if one
considers the immense influence that the Roman Catholic Church
possesses over the minds of its members, and if one further
remembers that practically all Italians are devout Catholics.
For many years after the unification of Italy and the destruction of
the church's temporal power, continuous and strong efforts were made
by the latter's adherents to restore to the pope that of which, as
they claimed, he had been deprived illegally. The only way in which
the Italian Government could subdue and overcome these efforts was
by legislation which would make these efforts not only futile but
also dangerous to the pope's friends, and these repressive practices
naturally resulted in a strong undercurrent of dissatisfaction.
These conditions, as well as a great many economic problems, very
difficult of solution, kept the new kingdom sufficiently occupied to
keep it out of international politics for a considerable period of
time. It was not long, however, before Italy was bound to be drawn
into the general scramble for colonial possessions. Italy's
interests in this direction were rather restricted, but within these
restrictions they were very intense. Its geographical situation made
it evident that any attempt on the part of any foreign power to gain
or increase its influence in northern Africa would be a matter of
grave concern to Italy. France had been deeply interested for many
years in north Africa, and when the French Republic showed signs of
strengthening and enlarging its interests, immediately after it had
somewhat recuperated from its defeat by Germany in 1871, it was
quite natural that Italy should look to Germany for an alliance to
counteract France's colonial policy. The seizure of Tunis by France
in 1881 undoubtedly was more responsible than any other single
factor for Italy's decision to ally itself as closely as possible
with Germany. Inasmuch as the latter country in the meanwhile had
arrived at a very close understanding with Austria-Hungary, there
were considerable difficulties in the way of an Italian-German
arrangement. For not only was it difficult for Italy to forget its
old struggles and quarrels with Austria, but the southern kingdom
felt very keenly on the subject of the retention on the part of
Austria of territory inhabited by Italians, even though this
territory was comparatively small in extent. This attitude of Italy
toward Austria may be called typical of one nation's attitude toward
another. It shows clearly the unreasonableness of national
sentiments. For even granting that Italy had a good cause for
resenting Austrian rule over Italian-speaking people, the necessity
of possessing this particular strip of country was much greater to
Austria than it was to Italy, giving, as it did, to Austria the only
seaport available, whereas Italy stood in no need whatsoever of
additional opportunities of this nature. However, Italy finally
reached the decision that, between the danger of having to face
alone the further extension of French power in north Africa or
burying the hatchet with Austria, the latter proposition was the
easier and more advantageous. As a result of this decision a treaty
was arranged finally between Germany, Austria, and Italy in 1883,
and this new alignment of three central European powers has since
been known as the Triple Alliance. We must not forget, however, that
in spite of this arrangement Italy never really has been a sincere
friend or well-wisher of Austria, and it is this fact which formed
the basis for the final disruption of the Triple Alliance and the
entrance of Italy in the war of 1914 on the side of the Triple
Entente.
The arrangement with Austria and Germany enabled Italy to enter upon
a colonial policy in Africa in the vicinity of the Red Sea. As has
been the case of all other colonial powers, this undertaking was
wrought with a great many difficulties. It forced Italy to fight
wars in distant countries, expensive in money as well as in human
life, and though, in spite of repeated defeats, Italy's colonial
enterprises have made considerable progress, the losses entailed up
to the present time outweigh to a considerable extent the gains.
In 1887 the Triple Alliance was renewed for the first time. In the
meantime Italy had continued to make considerable progress with its
colonial expansion. Another renewal of the Triple Alliance took
place in 1891. In 1893 Italy passed through a period of public
scandals in connection with the failure of some of the state banks,
involving one of its most prominent and able statesmen, Premier
Crispi. All these years the Italian Government found it more and
more difficult to raise the necessary revenues to sustain its
colonial policy and to provide for the increases in army and navy
which the possession of colonies naturally required. Rioting took
place in a great many parts of the kingdom, and had to be suppressed
by force. Socialism rapidly spread, and in October, 1894, the
Government finally found it necessary to suppress socialistic and
similar organizations. Earlier in that year, 1894, fighting took
place between the Italian forces and dervishes in Abyssinia, which
ended in success for the Italian arms. But in December of 1895 the
Italian army in Abyssinia suffered a severe defeat at the hands of
King Menelik. The same thing happened in March of 1896, and the
continued inability of the Italian army to make headway in Abyssinia
finally resulted in the overthrow of the Government and the
resignation of Premier Crispi, who was succeeded by Rudini. The loss
of Italian prestige had been so severe, however, that Italy was
forced in the fall of 1896 to conclude a treaty at Addis-Abeba with
Abyssinia, by which Italy relinquished all its claims to a
protectorate over the ancient African kingdom. The year 1898 was
marked again with a series of riots, caused by the high price of
grain, and resulting in clashes between the people and the military
forces with considerable loss on both sides.
Another result was the fall of the new cabinet, which was succeeded
by one formed by General Pelloux, which, however, lasted less than
one year.
In July, 1900, King Humbert was assassinated during a visit to Monza
by an Italian anarchist who had just returned from the United
States. The crown prince succeeded the murdered king as Victor
Emmanuel III. In 1901 a delegation of representative English Roman
Catholics, headed by the Duke of Norfolk, paid a visit to the pope,
and expressed the hope of the English Catholics for a restoration of
the pope's temporal powers, an action which caused considerable
offense in Italian Government circles.
[Illustration: Europe in 1793-1815, Historical Map.]
In 1902 the Triple Alliance was renewed, in spite of rumors to the
effect that Italy was contemplating a change in its international
politics. Previous to the announcement of this renewal, it had
become known that France and Italy had arrived at an understanding
in regard to their north African interests, as well as concerning
all questions affecting the Mediterranean. This in conjunction with
an announcement made by the French Foreign Minister, M. Delcassé, to
the effect that assurances had been given to France by the Italian
Government that no part of its treaty with Germany and Austria was
in any manner directed against France or contemplating an aggressive
attitude toward the republic, made it clear that the Franco-Italian
rapprochement was progressing rapidly. The same year also brought a
severance of diplomatic relations between Italy and Switzerland,
caused by a difference of opinion between the Swiss Government and
the Italian Ambassador at Bern. However, matters were adjusted
amicably later in the year. The improvement in Franco-Russian
relations apparently had a similar result in regard to Italy's
relations with Russia, for the King of Italy paid a visit to the
czar, during which--even if only semiofficially--international
politics were discussed. A little later, however, the king also
visited the German court.
These exchanges of visits with the rulers of other countries
continued in 1903. King Edward VII of England, as well as the German
Emperor, paid visits to Rome, both calling on the pope during their
stay. The King and Queen of Italy made an official visit at Paris
and London. The internal difficulties were somewhat less marked. In
July, 1902, Pope Leo XIII died, and was succeeded by Cardinal Sarto,
Archbishop of Venice, as Pius X.
Again, in 1904, the German Emperor visited at Naples. President
Loubet returned the king's and queen's visit to Paris in April,
1904, and thereby caused the break between France and the pope, on
account of the latter's protest against the official recognition on
the part of the head of a Catholic nation of the state which had
deprived the head of the Catholic religion of his dominions.
Throughout 1905 Italy was occupied with internal affairs, the most
important of which were the resignation on account of ill health of
Prime Minister Giolitti, the formation of a new cabinet under Signor
Fortis, and the purchase of the railways by the state. The Fortis
ministry lasted only until February, 1906, when it was succeeded by
one headed by Baron Sonnino, and in May by another under Signor
Giolitti. Although Italy had supported Germany at the Algeciras
conference, the support had not been all that had been expected, and
considerable resentment at Italy's lukewarm attitude was expressed
in the German newspapers. The Government disclaimed any change in
its attitude toward the Triple Alliance, announcing, however, at the
same time its intention to maintain good relations with France and
Great Britain. The latter were confirmed by a visit of King Edward
and Queen Alexandra in April, 1907.
Early in 1908 difficulties of a commercial nature between Turkey and
Italy led to the mobilization of the Italian fleet. Turkey, however,
thereupon acceded to all of Italy's demands. Foreign affairs were
overshadowed entirely throughout 1909 by the frightful destruction
wrought by a series of violent earthquakes which shook the Strait of
Messina on December 28, 1908, killing over 50,000 people. King
Edward, Emperor William, and Czar Nicholas again visited Italy at
different times in 1909.
On September 29, 1911, Italy declared war against Turkey, which
latter country had not answered satisfactorily an Italian ultimatum
concerning Tripoli. The war, which was principally fought in Africa,
lasted until October 18, 1912, when a treaty of peace was signed at
Lausanne, Switzerland, arranging for the immediate occupation of
Tripoli and Cyrenaica by Italy against an annual payment to Turkey.
Throughout the war the other European powers had maintained strict
neutrality. A few days before peace was concluded, October 8, 1912,
Montenegro had started that war against Turkey which was destined to
grow finally into the Balkan War. Italy, in common with the other
European powers, maintained strict neutrality throughout the two
Balkan wars, and participated in the conference of London which
settled the Balkan question, at least temporarily, in May, 1913.
Throughout that year (1913) Italian troops found considerable
difficulty in keeping order among the natives of Cyrenaica, and in
suppressing uprisings in various parts of this colony.
The outbreak of the war found Italy still a member of the Triple
Alliance; but the southern kingdom stoutly maintained that the terms
of the alliance did not call for its active participation. The latter,
at any rate, would have been an absolute impossibility, for public
opinion was too strong against Austria-Hungary to permit ever that
Italian troops should fight side by side with Austrians. In a general
way Italy found itself in a most unfortunate position. Moral
obligations undoubtedly strongly called, at least, for its neutrality
in any war in which both its allies were involved. Political
considerations equally strongly demanded that Italy should avoid
offending the French-English-Russian combination, which could have
ruined Italy in no time by an even superficial blockade. In regard to
Albania its position was equally difficult. Its own interests there
conflicted both with Austrian and Serbian ambitions. The result was
naturally--neutrality and diplomatic shilly-shallying.
One of the most ardent supporters of the Triple Alliance was the
Marquis di San Giuliano, who had been minister of foreign affairs
since 1905. His death in October, 1914, undoubtedly had a great
influence on Italy's further attitude. In October, 1914, Signor
Salandra's cabinet was reconstructed. At that time the prime
minister was still in more or less sympathy with the Giolitti party,
which were in favor of continuing the Triple Alliance, at least to
the extent of maintaining neutrality. The war party, however, gained
rapidly in strength, and finally brought about a reversal of the
country's foreign policy by denouncing the Triple Alliance of
almost half a century's standing. The next step, of course, was
Italy's declaration of war against Austria in May, 1915.
On May 10, 1915, the German and Austrian Consuls were removed from
their respective posts. Events progressed so rapidly that by May 20,
1915, the War Party under the ministership of Salandra was placed in
power.