_But where is the "Value," of which we have been in search?_ The

answer is easy and certain and unevadible. _The Value is in the

Renderings, and nowhere else._ The value of the trowel is the wheat,

that is actually given in exchange for it; and the value of the wheat

is equally the trowel, for the sake of getting which the wheat was

rendered. What was the Value of King Hiram's cedar-timbers? The oil

and wheat actually returned in pay for them. What was the Value of the

oil and wheat sent northward by King Solomon? The timbers rendered in

direct exchange for the same. This is not merely the only possible

answer to the question, _What is Value?_ but it is also a perfectly

complete and satisfactory answer. Common language here corresponds

exactly with scientific language. "How much did the horse cost?" "One

hundred dollars." The dollars have nothing whatever in common with the

horse, except that they express his Value at the time; the horse has

nothing in common with the dollars, except that it expresses the Value

of the dollars at the time. It is just as exact to say, it means

precisely the same thing to say, the dollars are worth the horse, as

to say, the horse is worth the dollars.

In general terms, the Value of anything is something else received in

return for it, when each owner renders the one _for the sake of_

getting the other. This is the whole of it, so far as any specific

valuable thing is concerned. We shall indeed need after a little, and

shall have no trouble in finding, an abstract and universal definition

of "_Value_," as an abstract and scientific term perfectly

circumscribing the field of Economics. Here and now we are dealing

with the simpler concrete question, What is the value of any specific

valuable thing? The unvarying answer is, Some other specific valuable

thing already exchanged for the first! There may be expected value,

estimated value, but actual value there is none, until a real exchange

has settled how much the value is. The value of anything is something

else already exchanged for it. Value is not simply a relation

subsisting between two things, the result of a careful comparison

between them, but rather an actual fact established in connection with

them. The universal formula of Value is _quid pro quo_, in which

formula _quid_ stands for one of the valuables and _quo_ for the

other, and _pro_ unfolds the motive of each owner for the reciprocal

receiving and rendering.

Here a caution is needful. Because nobody can tell what the value of

anything is until something else has been put over against it in order

to get it and actually received therefor, and because the only

possible way to express the value of either is in the terms of the

other,--the trowel is worth the wheat and the wheat is worth the

trowel,--one must not therefore jump to the conclusion that the value

of either is settled for all time or even for any future time. It is

only settled for _this_ time. In Economics as in Christianity, Now is

the accepted time. There is nothing fixed in Values, and never can be

from the nature of the case, because Desires are personal to

individuals, and Efforts fluctuate with times and persons, and

Estimates that wait on these vary from necessity, and the Renderings

of to-day may not be the chosen renderings of other persons in the

same articles to-morrow. Value is not a quality at all, still less is

it a permanent quality, of anything; it is a relation established

between two things when these are in the hands of two given persons;

but now when these are in the hands of two different persons, whose

views are pretty sure to differ from the former, and a new relation is

sought to be established between these in the old way of Estimates,

is it strange that a new balance is struck, and Value is expressed in

quite different terms?

One of the chief charms of Political Economy is the open secret, that

it deals not with rigidities and inflexible qualities and mathematical

quantities and the unchanging laws of matter, but with the billowy

play of desires and estimates and purposes and satisfactions, all of

which are mental states, and all of which are subject in the general

to ascertainable laws, though laws of a quite different kind from

those of Mechanics. Values come and they go. Within certain limits and

under certain conditions they may be anticipated and even predicted,

but never with the precision of an eclipse or the result of a known

chemical combination. There is a useful and fascinating Science of

Value, as we shall see indubitably by and by in the present chapter;

but it is a science that deals primarily with _persons_ and only

secondarily with _things_, with mind and not with matter, with the

general undulations of the sea and not with the crests of the waves.

And all this is so, because Values are relative, because the

announcements in the market-place to-day may stand listed differently

to-morrow and very differently next year, and because old values may

disappear altogether and many new ones come in, all in accordance with

the incessant changes in the wants and labors and fashions and

projects of men.

We are now in a good place to see once for all the sharp distinction

there is between Utility and Value. These two are often confounded to

the deep detriment of our Science; and no clear thinking is possible

in Economics without drawing this line sharp, and then holding it

fast; for the hazard of this confusion is all the greater, because

Utility is always connected with Value, although it is a totally

different thing from Value. We will see. Utility is the simple

capacity of anything to gratify the desire of anybody. This is at

once the etymological as well as the popular signification of the

word. It is derived from the Latin _utor_, to make use of, a word that

is often conjoined in Latin with _fruor_, to enjoy; so much so, that

the two verbs are often put together, _utor et fruor_, and also often

without the conjunctive, _utor fruor_. Utility, then, is a quality of

innumerable things. Anything that is _good for_ anything, anything

_useful_, anything that has the power to still _the desires_ of any

person, has Utility. But multitudes of things that have this capacity

to gratify human desires are never bought and sold, and therefore can

have no Value, since nobody will give anything for them. The air we

breathe, the water we refresh ourselves with from spring or brook, the

light of the sun and moon and stars, the fragrance of the flowers, the

mountain prospect that delights the eye,--all these, and thousands

more, possess the highest utility, but no value whatsoever. They are

free. They are the bounty of God. They are never bought and sold. They

are a vast class of things by themselves, with which Political Economy

as such has nothing to do.

Nevertheless the element of Utility comes into every case of Value,

because the element of Desire comes into every case of Value, and

whatever merely satisfies the Desire of any person is Utility, whether

that capacity be the direct gift of God or whether the Efforts of men

have been employed to bring it about. It is just here that we see the

precise function of our "two efforts" in each case of Value, in

distinction from mere Utility in all cases: much of utility is

absolutely free, no effort of men having been put forth to secure it,

for example, the fragrance of the wild rose; much more of utility is

the commingled bounty of Nature and the gratuitous effort of men, for

example, the fragrance of the domestic rose brought by the householder

himself into his own yard for the gratification of his own family;

while by much the most of utility is commingled free gift of God and

the compensated efforts of men, for example, the fragrance of the bank

of roses cultivated and cared for by the hired gardener. It is

important for our purposes to discriminate carefully the three kinds

of Utility: (1) what is wholly disconnected from the efforts of men,

and comes freely from the hand of God; (2) what is mingled with the

unpaid efforts of men, so that the satisfaction of the desire comes

partly from Nature and partly from unbought effort; and (3) the

compound utility that is partly free gift and partly the result of

compensated labor. The last is the only kind of Utility that stands in

any connection with Value.

And even this is very different from Value. Utility in all three of

its forms--now free, now onerous, now partly bought--is always a

quality of one thing by itself, going straight to the satisfaction of

some desire, and there an end. It is simplicity itself compared with

Value, which is always a resultant of several things, and is

specifically a relation of mutual purchase established between two

"renderings," each of which expresses the value of the other, in each

of which is embodied an "effort" made by each of the two "persons"

rendering, and each of which excites a "desire" and an "estimate"

before being passed over in ownership to another, and a "satisfaction"

afterwards.

The utility in every valuable rendering comes partly from free Nature

and partly from compensated effort, but it is remarkable, that a

principle, with which we are to become very familiar later on, namely,

Competition, eliminates for the most part from all influence upon

Value that portion of the Utility that is the free gift of God. The

great Father never takes pay for anything, and never authorizes

anybody to take pay in his behalf; and, moreover, has arranged things

so, that it is exceedingly difficult for any person to extort anything

from another person on the strength of anything that God has made, and

man has not improved. Take, for example, ten horses of any general

grade, brought into the same market by their ten owners for sale.

These men did not make these horses, but they have cared for and

trained them, or at least have become proprietors by purchase or

otherwise of the results of such care and training. The Utility in

each horse is compound, consisting partly of what God has done for him

and partly of what man has done for him,--the two parts inextricably

interwoven,--and all ten are offered now for sale. Each of the owners

would indeed be glad to get something for his horse on the ground of

what God has done to make him sound and strong and fleet, in addition

to a fair compensation for what he (and his predecessors) has done in

raising and breaking him; but the cupidity of all is likely to be

thwarted by the ultimate willingness of some to sell their horses for

a price covering the element of human "efforts" involved, and the

action of these tends to fix a general rate for the whole ten, and

thus the gratuitous element is eliminated from influence on Value.

Even if the ten owners should combine for a higher price, there are

doubtless a plenty of horses of that general grade elsewhere, some of

whose owners are content to get back an equivalent for their own and

others' "efforts" expended on their horses; and so the action of these

tends to fix the general price for horses of that kind for that time

and place at a point not above a fair estimate of the onerous human

elements involved; thus throwing out by the action of competition all

effect of natural Utility upon the Value of horses then and there. So

of all other products of that kind.

It is true, that in certain unique cases, in which competition has

little or no play, because there is only one or a very few owners of

such unique products, one cannot certainly say that free Utility may

_not_ influence the Value to lift it above the gauge of human efforts

involved; but such cases are rare, and relatively unimportant; and the

tendency is immensely strong, under the natural and beneficial

condition of things, for Values to graduate themselves through the

reciprocal estimates and renderings of commerce, down to the actual

and onerous contribution of _men_ to that Utility that underlies

Value.

Thus we are brought again and again from differing points of view to

the "two renderings" as central and determinative in Value, and also

more specifically to the "two efforts" of persons rather than any free

contribution of Nature as constituting that portion of the compound

Utility, whose function it is to gratify the "two desires" that

precede the realization of Value,--that portion of the utility in any

rendering that must be _compensated for_ by the other rendering. Now

in order to reach in a moment more our final definition of "Value," a

definition, it is believed, that will cover all the cases and take the

life out of endless disputes, we need a scientific term to carry

easily and exactly the meaning of any economic _rendering_. Let that

word be SERVICE. We must have it in its generalized meaning, to cover

the renderings of all the three kinds, in distinction from the term

"personal services," which we have already used and shall continue to

use to designate one class only of things exchanged, in

contradistinction to "commodities" and to "credits," the other two

classes.

VALUE IS THE RELATION OF MUTUAL PURCHASE ESTABLISHED BETWEEN TWO

SERVICES BY THEIR EXCHANGE.

We offer this definition of "Value" to our readers in much confidence,

that they will find it exact and adequate and altogether trustworthy.

No one of them, however, is precluded from attempts to improve it in

breadth and brevity and beauty; and all are invited to pick logical

flaws in it, whether of ambiguity or superfluity or deficiency. Many

minds and many hands in many lands have left their impress on parts of

this definition, for example, Aristotle in Greece and Bastiat in

France and Macleod in Great Britain; the present writer thinks, that

he has bettered the definition of Bastiat, namely, "_Value is the

relation of two services exchanged_," by precisely _defining_ the

relation as one of mutual purchase; and he is sure, that he has

improved the definition of Macleod, namely, "_The value of any

economic quantity is any other economic quantity for which it can be

exchanged_," by making his definition at once more abstract and more

general and more definite, and also by escaping the slight implication

in the word, "quantity," that only material things are exchanged in

economics.

The immense importance of securing _first_ a clear and correct

Definition of "Value," which is the foundation-word and the

circumference-word of Political Economy, and _then_ of using that term

and all other scientific terms in the Science in their defined senses

only, will certainly be appreciated by those who have wandered in the

wide wilderness of the discussions on the undefinable word, "Wealth,"

and especially by those who have reflected most upon the vast and

illimitable significance of economic Exchanges on the welfare of

mankind. Associate Justice Miller of the Supreme Court of the United

States, not an Economist in the technical sense, referred in 1888, in

words that are worth remembering, to "_the philosophical maxim of

modern times, that of all the agencies of civilization and progress of

the human race commerce is the most efficient_." In August of that

year John Sherman of Ohio, a man far enough from being a technical

Economist, said in the Senate of the United States, that "_it is

almost a crime against civilization_" to maintain commercial barriers

between Canada and the United States.

There were tokens a plenty in the year of Grace just referred to, that

the Science of Value in all the lands of the civilized world, and

particularly in the United States, was drawing to itself a new and

more popular esteem. It was seen more clearly and felt more deeply

than ever before, that this science has a weighty word for every man

and woman and child in the world; that there are certain Rights in

every one inherent and inalienable to buy and sell for his own

advantage; that most if not all of the Governments, under the lead of

comparatively few selfish and powerful men, were infringing upon these

Rights, and robbing under the forms of Law the masses of their

citizens to immense amounts for the special benefit of these very men;

that the only sure defences of the people against these abuses of all

kinds were in the maintenance and diffusion of the scientific and

consequently disinterested principles and maxims of a sound Political

Economy; that such a science was only friendly to the broadest rights,

to universal gains, to illimitable increase in human comforts and

powers, to international fellowship, to peace on earth and good-will

among men; that, accordingly, a science of such scope and tendencies

must be encouraged and cultivated and improved; that what had been

crude in it, and narrow, and merely national, must be sloughed off;

that the English and insular and special speculations of a century

ago, which regarded "Wealth" as consisting of material things only,

excepting however considerable portions of Adam Smith's immortal book,

were antiquated and unusable; that the Science had really moved into a

broader and still a well-circumscribed field, new and more permanent

foundations were being laid, and fresh contributions from all

countries should be welcomed; and that the time had fully come, when

the accepted truths of this Science, like those of the other developed

sciences, should be practically and steadily applied to the betterment

of mankind. Under these broadening and inspiriting and uplifting

conditions Political Economy, as never before, thanked God and took

courage.

3. Having now a satisfactory definition of Value, and knowing

accordingly just what Valuables are in clear distinction from all

other things in the world, we must examine with some care two or three

of the most general facts and laws and limits of Value, before we pass

in the next following chapters to study in detail each of the three

kinds of Valuables, namely, material Commodities, personal Services,

commercial Credits.

(a) Since Value in general is the relation of mutual purchase between

two Services, and consequently the specific value of either can only

be expressed by the other,--one Valuable being always measured by the

Valuable exchanged against it,--it follows as a matter of course that

such a thing as a general Rise or Fall of Valuables is an

impossibility. The rise of one valuable involves of necessity a fall

in the other, as the fall of one implies the rise of the other. If the

articles exchanged be bushels of wheat and dollars of silver, and if a

bushel buys a dollar to-day, then wheat is worth a dollar a bushel;

but if wheat rises next week, so that a dollar will not buy a full

bushel, that is precisely the same thing as saying, that the dollar

has fallen in its purchasing-power as compared with the wheat. Such

specific changes in the purchasing-power of one Valuable over another

are incessant throughout the commercial world, and a merchant's

sagacity consists in anticipating these so far as possible and in

availing himself of them alertly and prudently; but each one of us

must needs see clearly and hold firmly in mind, that each fall in the

purchasing-power of a Valuable means a corresponding rise of power in

the other Valuable,--if the first buys more of the second than before,

then the second must buy less than before of the first; and,

consequently, a general rise of Valuables is a contradiction in terms,

and so of course is a general fall of Valuables.

This brings us to _Price_. Price is Value reckoned in money; and this

is the only difference in the meaning of the two terms. When one

valuable is sold against another, even when one of the two is money,

each is the _Value_ of the other: Value is the general and universal

term in Economics. When any other valuable is sold against money, the

amount of money it buys is called its _Price_: Price is a specific and

restricted term in Economics. Since we shall study Money thoroughly in

a later chapter, and there explain the origin and extent of its

functions throughout, it is only in order to remark here, that it is

for convenience' sake, that is, to make easy the comparison of

valuables one with another, that Value in commerce is commonly reduced

to Price. Money becomes a sort of measure, by means of which to

compare all other valuables with each other. In order to ascertain the

Price of a Valuable, it only needs to be sold once against money; but

in order to ascertain the Value of a Valuable, it would need to be

sold once against all other valuables whatsoever. This last is clearly

impracticable; and so Value for practical purposes is reduced to

Price. The General is made Particular for convenience. Hence we have

"Prices current," but never Values current.

Now it will be plain to all, how there may easily be and often is a

general rise or fall of Prices while a rise or fall of Values is

impossible. Price is a relative word as much as Value is, but it does

not relate to so many things. Price is specific, and Value universal.

Both equally involve buying and selling, but one sale of a single

valuable against money leads to Price, while ten thousand sales of the

same valuable against other than money would not conduct to complete

Value. That would require a sale of this valuable against all other

valuables in the world, and a complete statement of the comparative

results.

General, or at least universal, changes of Prices in rise or fall in

any given country are due to general and great changes in the Money

current there. Subordinate changes in other valuables, money being

supposed to remain uniform, will of course vary their Prices; but it

is impossible that such changes should affect equally or even

generally all the various and numberless valuables of a whole country;

while some are coming easier, others are coming harder, while some are

more desired than formerly others are less desired, and this will

bring in of course altered prices, some higher and some lower; but a

general rise of all prices, or a general fall in the same, can only

come about by great changes of some kind in the circulating medium,

that is, the money, of the country. For example, in the United States,

between 1862 and 1878 inclusive, a government paper promise, called

_greenbacks_, was the current money of the country; owing to its

excessive issue, and to some doubt in the minds of the people whether

the paper would ever be redeemed in gold, it soon became depreciated

as compared with gold, the premium on which over the paper money

varied at different times from 1 to 185 _per centum_; as all other

valuables were then sold against greenback money, which had declined,

their prices naturally rose in some sort of proportion as the medium

fell; general _values_ remained much as before, but general _prices_

were much enhanced; and when, after the resumption of specie payments

in January, 1879, gold became again the standard medium, general

prices declined in full accordance with the same universal principle

reversed.

(b) Prices, as we have now seen, are only a subordinate form of

Values: the universal law that regulates all the variations of them

both, within certain fixed limits to be examined shortly, is called

the LAW OF SUPPLY AND DEMAND. This is perhaps the most comprehensive

and beautiful law in Political Economy. We shall look at it now only

in outline: the filling in will be the pastime and profit of all that

is to come.

"Demand" is a technical term in Economics, and accordingly needs to be

defined, and then always used in its defined sense. So is "Supply."

_Demand is the "desire" of a "person" for something in the hands of

another person, coupled with the possession of something else capable

of buying that something._ Mere desire has no function in Political

Economy: hungry and penniless children passing by the stalls of a

great market, have no influence on the prices or values of the viands,

on which they cast their eager glances: only desires accompanied by

"efforts" competent to excite the desires and to pay for the efforts

of another are a Demand. Supply is the same thing as Demand looked at

from the other side. Supply is the correlative of Demand. The Supplyer

is a person, who has in his possession something desired by the

Demander, and who in turn desires something in the hands of the

Demander, when both are willing to exchange their "renderings." There

is no economical difference in the position of the Demander and the

Supplyer. Each is equally a Demand and a Supply with reference to the

other. It is the old and ever-recurring case of Value, the

propositions being here stated in their most universal terms.

For simplicity's sake, however, and for convenience, without altering

the substance of the definitions a particle, the valuables when looked

at as a Demand are practically reduced in all markets to their

equivalent in Money, so that Money offered or ready to be offered

against any other exchangeable thing constitutes what is called in

commercial language a Demand; and this is sufficiently accurate as

well as current, although it must always be remembered that each

valuable in any market in reality constitutes a Demand for another,

and is equally a Supply in reference to that other. _Supply is any

exchangeable thing offered for sale against any other exchangeable

thing._ For example, corn in any market is at bottom a Demand and a

Supply at once for every valuable offered in that market at that time,

say, ploughs for one thing; but in the talk of the market, the

presence of corn there, or its being ready to be immediately brought

there and offered in exchange for money, constitutes what is called a

Supply of corn; money offered, or ready to be offered, in exchange for

corn, constitutes what is called a Demand.

On this account Money seems to play a much more important part in

trade than it actually does play; the corn is sold in the terms of

money, that is, for dollars and cents as denominations of Value;

convenience dictates such a reduction of general Value to this

particular form of it, because this is found to make easier the

ultimate exchange; but there is not one chance in a hundred, as trade

runs nowadays in the larger markets, that this seller of corn will

take his pay for it in actual money whether metallic or paper; money

is never an ultimate product, but only an intermediate one; this

seller of corn wants perhaps a plough or some other farming implement,

and ten to one he will take for his corn a bill or order in some form

on the seller of ploughs, and it will be corn for a plough, each

becoming a Demand and a Supply for the other, though money or rather

its denominations has acted as an agent in bringing about the final

trade; the details of all this in manner and result will be as plain

as day when we come to study "Money" and "Credits" in following

chapters; while the essential point to be noted here is, that all

Valuables are a Demand and Supply as towards one another. In other

words, the world over, A MARKET FOR PRODUCTS IS PRODUCTS IN MARKET.

What, then, is Market-Value returned in the terms of Money? And what

is the universal Law of it?

Market-value is the present rate of exchange between dollars and cents

and any other valuable, that can be fairly graded in a class made up

of valuables similar to itself; and the law of market-value is the

equation of Supply and Demand, that is, the current rate is adjusted

when money enough is offered to take off within the usual times the

valuables on hand and offered for sale. If Demand for any reason

become quickened, and the Supply be not increased, there is

competition among buyers for the stock in market, and the market-rate

rises or tends to rise. If, on the other hand, Demand become sluggish,

the Supply remaining the same, there is a like competition among the

sellers to dispose of their stock, and market-value sinks or tends to

sink. So far it is the simple action on Value of the element of one

"desire" expressing itself through a money-demand, the elements of

"desire" and of "efforts" expressing themselves through Supply being

supposed to remain stable, and the pulsations in the market-rate

follow accordingly.

How far can this simple action go? Demand increasing, Supply remaining

as before, market-rate rises: how far can it rise from this cause?

Here we must remember that Demand not only acts upon Value, but also

Value reacts upon Demand. As Value rises, the number of those whose

means or inclinations enable them to purchase at the new rate is

constantly diminished: there are ten persons who may wish an article

at one dollar, of whom not over four will wish it at two dollars, and

perhaps only one at three dollars. Every rise in market-rate then,

under the impulse of enlarged Demand, tends to cut off a part of that

Demand, that is, to lessen the number of those who will purchase at

the increased price; and the rate consequently can only rise to that

point, whatever it be, where an equalization takes place between the

Supply and Demand, between the quantity of flour, for example, offered

at the enhanced rate, and the quantity of money in the hands of those

willing to exchange it for flour at the higher rate.

Just so in the reverse way, when Demand is slackened, Supply

continuing as before, the market-rate is sure to decline; but

declining rates tend strongly in turn to increase the demand by

bringing the article within the range of a larger number of

purchasers; Society is like a pyramid, each lower stratum is broader

than the one above; and so the decline of rates under a weaker Demand

is arrested by a stronger Demand coming from a wider circle of buyers,

and a new market-rate is determined at the point of equalization

between the new Demand and the old Supply. Thus every rise or fall of

Demand tends to check itself, and will check itself in all the great

classes of valuables, even without any variations in the Supply;

everything oscillates under the variations of Demand; while the point

of stable equilibrium, if we may use the expression of anything so

unstable as Market-value, is always the equation of Supply and Demand.

But all considerable variations of market-rate are commonly checked at

an earlier point than the one just indicated by variations in the

Supply. A sharper Demand carries up the market-rate, and a higher

market-rate commonly acts upon Supply to enlarge it, and an increased

Supply too checks the rise of market-rate. _Per contra_, a slacker

Demand lowers market-rates, and lowered rates often lessen the Supply

by the action of holders and speculators,--holders withdrawing their

stock for a better market, and speculators buying now when the article

is cheap to store away until it shall be dearer. Thus rise of

market-rate from Demand growing stronger is checked doubly; first, by

curtailing the number of would-be buyers, and second, by enlarging the

Supply: the fall of market-rate from Demand growing weaker is checked

doubly; first, by increasing the number of consumers of a now cheaper

article, and second, by a diminution of Supply by the action of

holders and speculators. This double and harmonious working of the law

of the Equalization of Demand and Supply is one of the most

comprehensive and beautiful laws in Political Economy.

Besides this, we must note the effect on Value of conditions in Supply

only, Demand being supposed to continue steady. There are three

classes of valuables in respect to the law of their Supply. (1) When

the Supply is scant, and cannot be increased at all, as is the case

with choice antiques and certain gems and paintings by the old

masters, their value may rise to any point under the action of Demand,

there is and can be in such cases no market-rate, and the individual

value will be struck at the point of equalization of the demand then

existing with the supply there offered. For instance, the French

Government paid, in 1852, 615,300 francs for a painting by Murillo,

which had belonged to Marshal Soult. The genuine Murillos are

comparatively few, and their number cannot be increased, and their

merit causes a strong "desire" to possess them, and their value rises

in connection with the limitation of Supply to a point beyond which no

one purchaser can be found. When this painting was offered in Paris

for sale, many "persons" of course were anxious to buy it, there was

but one painting, there could be but one purchaser, value rose under

the influence of a sharp Demand, the rise could not be checked by any

duplication of the Supply, and the equation was complete and the value

for that sale determined when one party distanced all other

competitors and offered a sum greater than any one else would give.

The same principle controls all sales of this sort, and is practically

the principle of the _Auction_, whose very name indicates its nature

in this regard, that Demand becomes restricted to one party, and that

the highest bidder.

(2) When the Supply, instead of being absolutely limited, can only be

increased with difficulty or after the lapse of time, similar but less

extreme results will be observed. Let us suppose, that pianos are

selling in some rural community at $300 each, that there are twenty

persons in the place who want a piano immediately, that there are but

fifteen pianos on hand, and that the number cannot be increased for

half a year. The market-rate will certainly rise above $300. How much

above? To that point, at which only fifteen of the twenty will be

willing to purchase at the new rate. The equation of Supply and Demand

will be reached by a rising rate which cuts off five competitors. This

is the principle, working only roughly in practice through the

estimates and good judgment of dealers and purchasers. A better

illustration of this second class of cases is, perhaps, the Grains and

other agricultural products. When these have been gathered, there is

no more home supply for a year; and any deficiency in the crops will

raise their market-rate, not at all in the ratio of the deficiency,

but according to the relations of the diminished Supply to a new

Demand. Since the abolition of the Corn-Laws in England in 1846, and

the resulting ease of grain-imports from abroad, a deficiency of home

crops has no such effect on the price of cereals as it had before that

time; when, according to Tooke's History of Prices, an expected

falling-off of one third in the crops often doubled and sometimes

quadrupled the usual prices; which shows that the world ought to

become one country in respect to all food supplies, as indeed happily

it is now for the most part, each country allowing them to be

distributed freely everywhere in accordance with this law of Demand

and Supply. Speculation is more busy in grain, in cotton, and in such

things generally, because a new Supply can only be had once a year;

early information is eagerly sought at the trade centres in regard to

the prospects of the growing crops, and has its influence one way or

the other on current prices; but the world is so wide and all the

parts of it now so closely connected together by steamship and

telegraph, that the prices of the great food staples are remarkably

uniform over the earth, and Speculation has not the chance it once had

to count and "corner."

(3) In the only remaining and by far most comprehensive class of

cases, in which the Supply of Commodities and Services and Credits can

be readily and indefinitely increased to meet enhanced Demand, and

easily withdrawn from market and stored when Demand declines, each

rise and fall of market-rate tends to be speedily checked through the

mere action of Supply; and the doubly and harmoniously working Law but

just now referred to keeps Value in this class of cases comparatively

steady all over the world.

(c) It only remains in this branch of the general discussion on Value,

to indicate the Limits, within which all oscillations of Value are

contained. These extreme limits are specially to be found in the

element of Value which we have called "Efforts." We have clearly seen

already, that "efforts" (or Labor) are not, as has been often

asserted, the cause of Value, but only one of several constituent

causes; if Labor be asserted to be the sole cause of Value, the

inquiry becomes instantly pertinent, what is the cause of the value of

Labor; yet we know, that "efforts" always stand in preconnection with

value, and, the mutual "desires" being presupposed, there must always

be Limitations of Value lying partly in the efforts made by the person

serving and partly in the efforts saved to the person served. In every

valuable transaction, each of the parties is reciprocally serving and

served, and it is clear, that the two would not exchange "renderings"

unless the service which each renders to the other is less onerous

than the "efforts" which each would have to make if each served

himself directly. For example, it takes a certain effort for me to

bring water from the spring for the use of my family; I am willing to

pay a neighbor for bringing it for me, but I should not be willing to

make a greater effort for him in return than the effort is to bring it

myself; neither should I be willing to make an effort for him in

return which I regarded just as onerous as the bringing the water

myself; and unless there is some service which he will accept less

onerous to me than that, I shall continue to bring the water. On the

other hand, he will surely not render the service to me of bringing

the water, unless it be less onerous to him to do so than the doing

that for himself which I am ready to do for him.

This principle, applicable to all exchanges whatsoever, draws on the

one side the outermost line, beyond which Value never can pass. It may

be asserted with confidence, that no person will ever knowingly make a

greater effort to satisfy a desire through exchange, than the effort

needful to satisfy it without an exchange. Therefore, it follows,

that all exchanges lessen onerous efforts among men relatively to the

satisfaction of their desires, and tend to lessen these more and more

as exchanges multiply in number and variety, otherwise the exchanges

would not take place.

Moreover, within this outermost Limit of Value, which is made by the

comparative onerousness of the respective "efforts," there is a second

limitation of a similar kind to be found specially in the element

which we have called "estimates." The estimate of each exchanger is

based at once on his own effort about to be rendered and on his desire

for the return service offered: the element of effort in the case of

both being considered for the time as fixed, Value will vary according

to the varying desire of each for the return service of the other,

affecting of course the "estimate" of each, and furnishing also a

secondary Limit of Value. To pursue the same illustration, suppose I

regard the effort required to bring the water myself as 10; that there

are several persons, who would be glad to do that service for me at a

return service which I consider as 8; that there are two persons, who

are willing to do it for something which I estimate at 6; and that

there is only one person, who will do it for a return service which I

regard as 5. It is evident, that the extreme limits of that service to

me are 10 and 5. Higher than 10 it cannot go, lower than 5 it cannot

sink. But why have I before me three possible classes of renderers?

Because the persons in each class, while estimating their own efforts

alike in the proposed rendering to me, have varying "desires" as

towards a possible rendering from me to them, and consequently put

differing "estimates" upon the possible transactions. The man who will

bring the water for 5 has for some reason (no matter what) a stronger

desire for the return than anybody else, and I should of course

employ him so long as he would serve me on those terms; if he decline

the exchange, I fall back on one of the two persons in the class above

him, and Value rises now from 5 to 6, and will be steadier there than

it was before; if each of these in turn should give out, I should fall

back upon the larger class ready to serve me at 8, and Value would be

very steady at that rate, because there are numerous competitors; and

by no possibility could it rise above 10. Between 10 and 5 the value

may fluctuate, but it cannot overpass these Limits in either direction

under existing circumstances.

Therefore we may conclude, that the _maximum_ Value of any Service in

exchange will be struck at the point where the recipient will prefer

to serve himself, or go without the satisfaction, rather than make the

exchange; and the _minimum_ Value of any Service in exchange is struck

at the point below which the recipient cannot get himself served even

by him who most highly estimates the return service offered.

(4) We come now to the last and most important Inquiry in this initial

chapter, namely this, _Can there be, and is there, a strict Science of

Buying and Selling? Is there a Science by itself, clear and certain,

that covers and controls Valuables?_

Here we must go slowly, if we would go surely. We must first find out

exactly what a Science is in general, and then ascertain in particular

whether Political Economy bears all the marks and stands all the tests

of the other genuine Sciences. What is a Science?

_A Science is the body of exact definitions and sound principles

educed from and applied to a single class of facts or phenomena._

The very first condition, accordingly, of any science is, that there

be a single class of facts, objective or subjective, that can be

separated from all other classes of facts, in the mind by a

generalization and in words by a definition, and that such

generalization and definition be clearly made and held; the second

condition is, that the class of facts so circumscribed and defined be

open to some or all of the logical processes of construction, of which

the most important are Induction and Deduction; the third condition

is, that the subordinate definitions and working principles within the

inchoate Science be all educed from and applied to these circumscribed

facts in strict accordance with these well-known logical processes;

and the last condition is, that these definitions and principles have

gradually become "_a body_," in which there is an organic arrangement

of parts, all being placed in a just order and mutual interdependence.

There is no old Science, and there can be no new Science, in which

these four conditions do not meet and become blended; and the beauty

of it is, that this Definition applies to any Science in all stages of

its growth. No one of all the Sciences is as yet completed; but just

so soon as any correct definitions and principles are drawn from and

applied to any _class_ of things clearly circumscribed as such, and

these definitions and principles are orderly arranged in a _body_,

there is an incipient Science; and its progress towards perfection

will proceed in precisely the same manner in which its foundations

have been laid; new facts and principles and definitions will

gradually be discovered, and these when reapplied to the class of

things out of which they have sprung, will lead to corrections and

adjustments and enlargements of the Science; and no matter how far

these logical processes may be carried, the general Definition with

which we start will also be found ample at the end of the journey.

All of the Sciences without exception have been developed into their

present position in just this manner; and they fall easily into three

great classes, namely, the Exact, the Physical, and the Moral

Sciences. The ground of this triple classification is partly the

distinct subject-matter in the three classes of Sciences, and partly

the distinctive prominence of one or more of the logical processes of

construction in each.

Thus, the class of the Exact Sciences consists only of the formal

Logic, and pure Mathematics. These two are distinct from all other

sciences, because their logical method of procedure is wholly

Deductive. Deduction is the process of the mind, by which we pass from

a _general_ truth to a _particular_ case under it, that is to say,

from _more_ to _less_ inclusive propositions. Stuart Mill argues at

much length in his book on Logic, that even the axioms of pure

Mathematics are originally gained by Induction, while others claim

that the truth of these axioms is perceived _intuitively_, but no

matter how this point is decided, the construction process of the Pure

Mathematics is from the General to the Particular. So it is also with

the Aristotelian logic, whose Major Premise, whether only _supposed_

to be true or intuitively _perceived_ or inductively _proved_ is

always General in its terms. This is the form of Aristotle's

Syllogism:--All sinners deserve to be punished; John is a sinner; and

therefore, John deserves punishment.

Physical Sciences are those concerned with the classifications and

laws of action belonging to material substances. There are a great

circle of these, of which Astronomy, Botany, and Chemistry, may serve

as examples. They have been mostly developed since the time, and in

accordance with the methods, of Lord Bacon; who, in strong reaction

against the Deductive logic of Aristotle, exalted Induction or the

mode of generalizing from _particulars_, as the true way of building

up Sciences; and, as the subject-matter of each of the physical

sciences is well open to observation and experiment, to Induction and

Deduction, and to corrective verifications, both inductive and

deductive, the new method proved remarkably pregnant and successful.

Each of these sciences has a distinct _Class_ of objects or phenomena

to which its attention is directed; the class is circumscribed by the

scientific Conception and Definition; its devotees as a rule are

skilled in using the Baconian tools; and consequently, its conclusions

receive the confidence and control the action of men. All of the

Physical Sciences are constantly enlarging "the body of exact

definitions and sound principles" connected with their several classes

"of facts or phenomena."

Moral Sciences are those concerned with the classifications and laws

of action belonging to beings having Thoughts and Desires and Will.

The most developed of these sciences at present are Metaphysics,

Ethics, and Economics. Each of these is concerned with a single class

of phenomena, which may be exactly conceived of and defined, and is

open to the logical processes by which alone Sciences can be built up.

But Induction cannot march up with quite so sure a stride, nor

Deduction descend with so large degrees of certainty, in relation to

_persons_ endowed with free-will, as in relation to physical

substances held firm in the grip of unvaried law. Still, the doubt

always attaches far more to the actions of an _individual_ than to the

actions of the _masses_ of men. It is much easier to know human nature

in general, than one man in particular, because many Inductions guided

by observation and History make it almost certain how masses of men

will act under a given set of conditions, while any one _may_ act in a

contrary way. Deduction, accordingly, cannot hold quite the same place

in the Moral Sciences so far as individuals are concerned, as it holds

in the Physical and Exact Sciences; but this lack is perhaps more

than made up by other advantages. _Experience_ in the moral sciences

corresponds to _Experiments_ in the physical sciences. Then there is

the great advantage of _Introspection_; since each man has within

himself the means of interpreting and testing the inductions of

Metaphysics, Ethics, and Economics. Then also there is the great

resource of _Feigned Cases_, which, provided only they be cases

possible to occur, open up to Reasoning a new means of proving and

correcting. Besides these, which it enjoys in common with them,

Economics, as we shall soon see, possesses one other great advantage

over and above the rest of the Moral Sciences.

Since, then, Political Economy deals primarily with Persons, and only

quite secondarily with Things, it is, under the definition and on

every ground, a "moral science"; yet it must not be confounded in the

least with what is sometimes called the science of Morals, or Ethics.

There is one word that marks and circumscribes the field of Ethics,

and that word is _Ought_; there is one word also that marks and

circumscribes the field of Economics, and that word is _Value_. Now,

the idea of _obligation_, on which ethical science is founded, and the

idea of _gainful exchange_, on which economical science is founded,

are totally distinct ideas. The imperatives of ethical obligation rest

upon the consciences of men, and Duty is to be done at all hazards;

guilt is incurred if it be neglected; while pecuniary gains and

losses, however large, do not, or at least ought not, weigh a feather

against an intuition of Right and Wrong. Economics, on the other hand,

does not aspire to place its feet upon this lofty ethical ground; no

man is ever under any moral obligation to make a trade; he properly

makes it or not, according to his present sense of its gainfulness to

himself; and so economic science finds a solid and adequate footing

upon the expedient and the useful. Ethics appeals only to an

enlightened conscience, and certain conduct is approved because it is

Right, and for no other reason; Economics appeals only to an

enlightened self-interest, and exchanges are made because they are

mutually Advantageous, and for no other reason; each of the two

Sciences, therefore, has a basis and sphere of its own, and the

grounds of the two are not only independent, but also incommensurable.

We will now apply _seriatim_ to Political Economy the four fundamental

conditions belonging to all recognized Sciences, and so determine for

ourselves whether it be not a strict science, and thus worthy in its

leading propositions of all acceptation.

(a) Every science must have to begin with a definite Class of facts,

which lie in an easily circumscribable field, and which are not likely

to be confounded with other facts of a differing nature. Economy has

such a class of facts, that lie in such a field, and that cut

themselves off by sharp lines from all other things. _Valuables_ is

its class of things. It has nothing to do with any other class of

things. Its field is Value, or Sales, or Exchanges. This field is

perfectly definite. Sales are never confounded with gifts, and are

never confounded with thefts. They have a distinctive character of

their own. They have always been in the world, will always be in the

world in ever-multiplying volume, and no one ever mistakes their main

features for anything else. Anything whatsoever that is salable, or is

about to be made so, comes within the view of Economics, and

scientifically it cares for nothing else. While it finds its field

definite, it also finds it broad. It has no wish to encroach on other

sciences, nor will it tolerate any encroachments on its own. Before

anything is sold, or is being made ready to sell, it cares nothing

what other science employs itself upon that thing; after the thing is

sold, Economy loses its interest in it, and other sciences may take it

up if they choose. Valuableness is the one quality that constitutes

the Class of things with which the Science is conversant, and it

claims complete jurisdiction over all things just so far forth as they

have this one quality, and no farther. Now there _is_ in the actual

world such a Class of things; its exterior boundaries have been

exactly ascertained by a long series of Inductions and Deductions,

tentative, corrective, and confirmatory; and accordingly, Political

Economy has now in full possession the first grand condition of a

Science.

(b) This great class of facts, thus reached by logical Generalization

and grasped and held by a mental Conception and fixed by an adequate

verbal Definition, is remarkably open to all the logical processes of

reasoning, by which alone sciences are constructed, and thus possesses

in full measure the second grand condition of the Sciences. Not one

logical resource is denied to the economists: all the tools of the

scientific workshop are at their hands. Let us now catalogue these in

their order.

(1) _Induction._ This is the logical and universal process, by which

the mind naturally passes up from a certain number of observed cases,

in which a certain quality appears, to a Generalization, which is a

conception of the mind followed by a statement in words to the effect,

that _all possible cases_ of that kind will exhibit the quality

already observed in _the few cases_. It has as its basis a confidence

in the resemblances and uniformities of Nature; it proceeds upon the

axiom that Nature throughout is consistent with herself; and this

confidence has been ten thousand times justified in the issue, when it

is found that Nature preordained the Sciences by causing grand

analogies to run through each department of her works, including man

and his works. The structure of the human mind corresponds with these

objective resemblances; it seizes upon them, and delights in them, and

naturally and joyfully infers and concludes that what has been

observed of _a part_ may be safely affirmed of _the whole_ of that

kind; accordingly, the world over, when certain things are found to be

true in a considerable number of cases, the mind leaps over space and

time to a whole class, and frames for itself a general rule or

principle, which binds all the cases into one bundle, and thereafter

confidently affirms what is known to be true of some to be probably

true of all. This is inductive Generalization; and the strength and

the joy of it is well expressed by Descartes: "_I have thought that I

could take as a just generalization that which I very clearly and

vividly conceived to be true._"

Experience in Economics corresponds to Experiment in the Physical

Sciences, and furnishes to Induction all the fuel it can ask for to

feed its logical furnace and to forge the chains that bind the Cases

to the Classes. Personal experience in buying and selling, local

experience in buying and selling, and national experience in buying

and selling, with all that belongs to these, the records of which are

full to overflowing, afford to the inductive inquirer in Economics an

inexhaustible supply of material. Instances abound. Particulars may be

gathered up one by one on every hand and linked into the inductive

chain. If any doubt be felt about the strength of any one of these

chains, another one may at once be linked in terms drawn from another

field of Experience with a view to test the strength of the first.

Most fortunate from this point of view is the United States, because

here there are States with substantive powers of control over most

matters of trade within their borders, as well as a Nation with

sovereign powers of control over some points of trade within the

country as a whole. This feature has given birth to commercial

experiments as well as commercial experience of all kinds; and

Induction rejoices in all these abundant materials for generalization

thus furnished free of cost to Science, though unfortunately not free

of cost to the People.

(2) _Deduction._ This is a logical process exactly the reverse of the

first, in that it descends from a generalized statement reached by the

inductive process to some particular, or subordinate class of

particulars, ostensibly covered by the general maxim. Induction

examines a number of particulars, and then makes a leap, it may be a

long leap, over all intervening particulars, to its Generalization

clamping them. The main use of Deduction is to make sure of any one of

these overleaped particulars, which may come into importance, and thus

confirm the generalization, or correct it. It is not strictly true,

what is often alleged against deductive reasoning, that there is

nothing _new_ in its result, that the Induction had already passed

through that particular in rising to its Generalization, and therefore

to descend to any particular link to examine that, is something

useless. The exact truth is, that it _is_ useless to examine again

deductively the very particulars that were carefully studied

inductively, but on the other hand there is always much actually

untraversed territory between these already examined particulars and

the inductive generalization, and Deduction is often very useful in

carrying us down to questionable points in this territory. Even Lord

Bacon, who scorned the syllogism, admits this: "_Axioms duly and

orderly formed from particulars easily discover the way to new

particulars, and thus render sciences active._"

We will illustrate this by a reference to Franklin's famous induction

to prove the identity of lightning with electricity. Only one

experiment, and that a very rude one, was needful in this case;

although usually many experiments, or the careful observation of many

particulars, are necessary in inductions; but the generalization

having been gained, Deduction had a chance to try its hand; it had

long been observed that electricity could be conducted from point to

point, and if electricity and lightning be identical, then lightning

can be so conducted; therefore, deduced Franklin, a pointed iron rod

elevated above buildings will harmlessly conduct lightning from the

clouds into the ground. Deduction gave mankind the lightning-rod, and

so made one point of science "_active_," as Bacon phrased it; and it

is noticeable, that Turgot's felicitous epigram turns on the deductive

rather than the inductive side of Franklin's experiment: _Eripuit

coelo fulmen sceptrumque tyrannis._

Let us catch up another illustration from the science of Botany, to

show how Deduction may strengthen and sharpen an inductive result. The

botanists say, that apple-tree blossoms are always five-petaled,

because blossoms from a large number of apple-trees in various

localities have been observed to have just five petals to the blossom;

so far, they affirm inductively, and indeed securely; but they have

also reached by means of another induction a much broader law of

plant-life, namely, that outside-growers, when they have petaled

flowers at all, always have them five-fold; now apple-trees are

outside-growers; and therefore, deductively also, and conclusively

beyond shadow of question, apple-tree blossoms are five-petaled.

Political Economy is just as open to Deduction as it is to Induction,

and the two continually are reaching each other the hands of

economical reasoning, not always indeed pursuing each a separate and

distinct path to the end, as in the botanical instance just adduced;

because in practice the two processes mingle constantly, and neither

is carried out in full and due form, since premises used by the mind

are often dropped in the statement, and shortened forms of expression

take the place of long-drawn-out formulas. But all good reasoning in

Economics, as in all other sciences, is analyzable into one or other

of these two processes, both based alike on the uniformities of Nature

and the structure of the human mind.

Deduction has not quite the same scope and certainty in Economics as

in the Physical Sciences, because any one _may_ act contrary to the

vastly probable action of many individuals; still, it is a safe and

potent process in economics, since it may descend securely from the

larger masses to the smaller, even though perchance the individual

escape, because of the simplicity and universality and certainty of

the impulses that lead men to exchange. John Bascom gives the reason

well, why both Induction and Deduction have so firm a grasp upon this

science: "_Between one dollar and two dollars a man has no choice, he

must take the greater; between one day and two days of labor he must

take the less; between the present and the future he must take the

present. This is not a sphere of caprice, nor scarcely even of

liberty; the actions themselves present no alternative, and, if an

alternative giving an opportunity for choice does arise, it arises

from some partial or individual impulse, from some one of those

transitory and foreign influences, which, while rippling the surface,

neither belong to nor affect the current of the stream._"

(3) _Introspection._ Everybody buys and sells, and almost everybody

watches the action of his own mind enough to see what are his

_motives_ in buying and selling, and soon comes to know also that the

other party has corresponding motives. Even the child knows perfectly,

that it takes two to make a bargain, that each party renders

something to the other, that each is glad to part with something for

the sake of receiving something from the other, and that this higher

esteem put by each on what is taken from the other makes for each the

gain of the trade. A very little introspection tells anybody, that

were this higher esteem wanting in the minds of either of the two, the

trade would not take place at all. Everybody within the pale of

_compos mentis_ knows, that, were his own desire for the rendering of

another to increase, he himself would offer more of his own rendering

rather than forego the trade; and he rightly infers, that what is true

of himself is true of all other men; and so, every seller rightly

tries to display his wares in such a way as to increase the desire of

buyers for them; knowing full well from his own experience in buying

that, other things being equal, they will be willing to render him

more for them in consequence.

The phrase above, "rightly infers," is based upon the truth, that all

men are remarkably alike in certain great departments of action; and

that, in no department are they so nearly alike as in this of buying

and selling. Introspection, therefore, an easy self-knowledge open to

all persons alike, and a personal experience in these matters that

everybody gains, give most trustworthy answers to Inductive inquiry

along these lines. Trade is natural and gainful, as any person can

see, who stops to ask himself why he has made, or is about to make, a

given trade; and if natural and gainful to _him_, equally so for

precisely the same reasons to the party of the other part; hence no

law or encouragement is needed to induce any persons to enter upon

traffic; and any law, or artificial obstacle, that hinders any two

persons from trading, who would otherwise trade, not only interferes

with an inalienable right that belongs to both, but also destroys an

inevitable gain that would otherwise accrue to both. Political

economy is very fortunate, accordingly, in being able to make its

appeal to the common sense of all men, giving sound starting-points

through self-knowledge possessed by all men, guiding to safe steps by

means of Induction all who like to generalize and prove, and

especially breaking up current fallacies by asking the potent

question, "How would you like it yourself?"

(4) _Feigned Cases._ There are two kinds of these, namely, those which

might be realized in actual fact, and those which never can be so

realized. The acute mind of the Greeks marked in their flexible

language a decided difference between the class of suppositions that

might possibly become facts, and another class of suppositions

impossible to become facts, by developing a distinct form of expression

for each. This distinction must always be borne in mind by those who

use or note in economical discussions the expedient of Feigned Cases.

Reasoning is always legitimate and often pregnant from suppositions,

whenever these are such as might readily become facts of experience,

because in that case the argument proceeds upon recognized and

inductive resemblances; but otherwise, no inference at all can be drawn

from them, because it is an universal truth in Nature and in Logic, _ex

nihilo nihil fit_, out of nothing nothing can come. In plausible

suppositions impossible to become facts is a nest of logical fallacies,

that need to be watched. A good illustration may be found in the

Monetary Conference at Paris in 1881. Delegates were there from all the

nations of Europe, from the United States, and even the distant India.

Some of these in their eagerness for a factitious ratio of value

between gold and silver forgot the important distinction now in hand,

and argued of the good results to flow from the realization of a

supposition, _which in fact never could be realized_. Mr. Evarts voiced

the French and American delegates in this declaration: "_Any ratio now

or of late in use by any commercial nation, if adopted by an important

group of states, could be maintained; but the adoption of a ratio of

15-1/2 silver to 1 of gold would accomplish the principal object with

less disturbance in the monetary systems to be affected by it than any

other ratio._" The fallacy in this passage is in the words, "could be

maintained," which are a supposition, and what is much worse, a

supposition contrary to fact, from which all arguing is nugatory. Why

it is contrary to fact will be seen at length in the following chapter

on Money.

On the other hand, a supposition that may clearly become a fact is a

substantive thing, and logical inferences may be drawn from it, just

as geometrical inferences may be drawn from a _supposed_ circle: the

circle on the page is not a _perfect_ circle--no such circle was ever

drawn--but _suppose_ it perfect, as it might possibly be, and argument

becomes at once valid. Let us take another Monetary Conference at

Paris in 1867 as an illustration: its judgment as voiced by Mr.

Ruggles of New York was taken with logical propriety, when the great

benefits of an international coinage of gold alone were argued and

announced, because, while that was then a mere conjectural project, it

was possible any day by mutual agreement among the nations to become a

reality. An international coinage of gold is a simple question of

equivalence of _weights_ in the coins of different countries: an

equivalence of _values_ as between gold and silver coins for any great

length of time is neither simple nor possible.

(5) _Results measurable in numbers._ The four preceding logical

processes of proof and construction Political Economy is glad to share

with the other Moral Sciences, but this fifth and last one it has to

itself alone, and this is its chief scientific advantage over them,

and is consequently the main reason why it is already more advanced

and more symmetrically developed than any of them. In common with them

it has important subjective elements, such as Desires, Estimates, and

Satisfactions; in marked advantage over them it has also objective

elements, that can be weighed and measured and even hardened into

statistics. Economics has an ever ready objective test, which mere

mental and ethical and other moral processes never can have from their

very nature. The _result_ of each and of all economic transactions may

be measured by money, and put down in a ledger, and published to the

world in the form of statistics. An economic blunder, whether in

legislation or in private action, pretty soon proves itself to be such

by the lessened gains of somebody, and these losses can be stated

arithmetically; and similarly, an economic improvement evidences

itself at once by increased gains coming to somebody; while it may

take years and years to work out the results of an ethical mistake,

and even then their amount can only be guessed at.

Theories in metaphysics can only be tested by the _Reason_ of men, and

reasonable men without apparent bias of motive take opposite views of

Sensations and Intuitions and Volitions; while theories in economics,

which can be even better tested by the _Reason_, have an additional

and almost immediate and constantly recurring test through men's

pockets and the tables of the Census. The people indeed sometimes

deceive themselves, and are also too often deceived by others, in

these matters of buying and selling; but it is none the less of the

utmost consequence to this Science, that all the results of good and

bad practice in Economics work themselves at last into a definite

shape, into facts and figures that cannot lie. It is not, as in Ethics

and Metaphysics, that tendencies and potencies only are ascertained,

but everything speedily drifts into results measurable in numbers,

which stand out like landmarks against the sky. It is just for this

reason, as both the schools of the Roman lawyers admitted, namely,

that we have in all cases the Return-Service as the outward expression

and measure of the Desire and Effort of him who renders the service,

and because it makes no difference which of two services exchanged be

regarded as the return-service, that our Science is reared on the firm

ground of objective realities, notwithstanding the strong subjective

elements that have a constant part in it.

(c) The third condition of a recognized Science is, that the logical

processes appropriate to its class of facts have been already

carefully applied to them and a certain number of "exact definitions

and sound principles" have been already "educed from and applied to"

them. We do not hesitate a moment to claim, that this condition also

is fairly and fully met by Political Economy, and that this is a

"Science" under the definition from every point of view, and

particularly from this third point of view; and a few examples will

now be given as a specimen merely of the logical work already achieved

in Economics. First, Induction more or less busy for two thousand

years has given at last an exact and acceptable definition of the

Science, and impliedly an exact description of the class of facts with

which it is conversant, namely, the Science of Sales, or what is

exactly equivalent, the Science of Value; and Deduction at all points

along this slow road has helped to correct and to broaden successive

imperfect inductions, which an inquisitive and tentative and cautious

spirit--the mainspring of Constructive Science--has instituted from

time to time.

Second, precisely the same processes often repeated have ascertained

beyond question, that there are only three classes of Valuables and

the exact differences between them, and that, consequently, only six

cases of Value are possible to happen.

Third, so many nations at different times in all ages have lowered the

standard of their Money under a misapprehension of its nature and in a

vain hope of profit, and a general scale of rising prices following

each attempt of this kind having been several times observed and no

instance to the contrary, Economists came by Induction to assert the

proposition, that falling Moneys cause rising Prices; the proposition

stood secure on inductive grounds alone; but so soon as a perfect

definition of Money, namely, a Measure of Services, had at last been

reached both inductively and deductively, it became at once a safe

Deduction from the definition, that rising Prices must succeed a

falling Measure. Thus assurance became doubly sure.

Fourth, Introspection gives each buyer and seller such firm possession

of _his own motive_ in buying and selling, that he naturally and

inductively concludes on the ground that men are substantially alike,

that the _motive is similar_ in the party of the other part; each

further step of experience in traffic assures him of this beyond a

doubt,--each wants to get and does get something from the other of

more consequence to him than what he gives; every attempted deviation

from rectitude in trade so far forth throws the trader out from

opportunity to trade; opportunity to trade is nothing in the world but

_a market_; a market is nothing in the world but men with products in

their hands, desiring to buy other products with these; the more men

anywhere with the more products in their hands of all sorts to buy

with, the better market everywhere for other men (the more the better)

with other products of all kinds to buy with; all the appropriate

logical processes in action and reaction, all the commercial

experience of all men everywhere, and all the true statistics of

traffic ever gathered, do but assure the inductive assent to one of

the best and broadest of all the Generalizations in Economics, namely

this: _A market for products is products in market._

(d) Are the definitions and principles already logically educed from

and applied to the great class of Valuables orderly arranged in "_a

body_"? This is the only inquiry that remains, in order to determine

whether Political Economy is already a "Science" in the strictest

sense of that term. It is admitted, that a jumble of even just

definitions and principles do not constitute a science, but only these

when placed in a just order and interdependence. A "body" implies an

organic arrangement of parts. It has been well said of the human body,

that all its parts are reciprocally means and ends; the same may be

said of every living organic body, whether vegetable or animal; and

the same may be said in the way of analogy of every developed and

recognized Science. All the definitions and propositions and

illustrations in any science should be so arranged, as to show the

mutual relations and reciprocal dependence of all the parts, and as to

display the whole in harmony and symmetry.

It is as certain as anything in the future can be in science, that new

principles will be discovered in Economics as Time and Inquiry go on,

and that these will find their place little by little in a fuller and

more rounded "body" than is at present possible; while it is also as

certain as anything in the future of science can be, that the Outline

of economics is already perfectly drawn, that the great class of

Valuables will never be enlarged nor be better described, that the

category of Commodities, Services, Credits, is completed for all time,

and that the analysis of each act of trade into two Desires and two

Efforts and two Estimates and two Renderings and two Satisfactions

will never yield additional elements. Political Economy is already a

body of exact definitions and sound principles educed from and

applied to a single class of facts. This body will indeed be enlarged

by a future and finer scientific construction, the arrangement and

interdependence of its parts will be better exhibited, the form and

filling up of the Science within the outline already determined is

sure to become more compact, more robust, and more beautiful, as the

decades and centuries go by; while, as in the human body throughout

all the changes of its growth and mature life, that future body of

economic science in all its stages towards perfection will be but the

continuation and fuller development of the present "body" of Political

Economy.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Green's Short History of the English People, p. 591.

[2] See on this general topic, Mommsen's Provinces of the Roman

Empire, _passim._

Principles of Political Economy · 第 2 / 13 章