Mr. Sumner rejoined:--

MR. PRESIDENT,--I would not fail in any courtesy to any Senator,

especially in any courtesy to the Senator from Vermont, for whom I have

all kindness and honor, but I think Senators will agree that nothing

passed yesterday between us by which I am in any way constrained, so

that I may not ask the Senate to proceed at once with this bill. If I

could see the question as my friend from Connecticut sees it, he may

be assured that I should not press the bill. I do not see it so; but

I do see that this bill is now on our table numbered _One_: it is the

first bill of the Calendar. I see also that at this time the Senate has

no business before it; and should I not fail in duty, if I did not ask

the Senate to proceed during this unoccupied time with a bill which I

regard as so important, and which is actually the first in order, being

foremost among all bills?

But my friend from Connecticut reminds me of a recent decision of

the Supreme Court. For that Court I have great respect. Personal and

professional familiarity with the Court, and study of its judgments

running now for much more than a generation, incline me always to

deference when its decisions are mentioned; but if I understood my

friend, he relies upon a newspaper report. Sir, I have read the

judgment of that Court, communicated to me by one of its members in

an official copy; and I have no hesitation in saying that the Senator

is entirely mistaken, if he supposes that by a hair’s breadth it

interferes with the constitutionality of the bill which I now move.

Sir, there is no such lion in our path. It exists only in the

imagination of my friend,--or in the desire, which he has so often

manifested, to interfere with the adoption of this measure. But

the Senator is mistaken if he supposes that I charge upon him any

indifference to Human Rights. Never, in any debate, has any word fallen

from me which that Senator can so misinterpret. I know too well his

heart, his excellent and abounding nature, his New-England home, to

attribute to him any such indifference. But I do know full well, for

the Senator has often declared it, that he acts under interpretations

of the Constitution which it seems to me belong to the period anterior

to the war rather than since the war. It seems to me--I may be

mistaken, but I cannot help saying it--that the Senator has not yet

recognized that greatest of all victories by which a new interpretation

is fixed upon the National Constitution, so that hereafter all its

sentences, all its phrases, all its words, shall be interpreted broadly

and emphatically for Human Rights. How often have I been obliged to say

this! But the Senator forgets that victory. There is his error. Most

sincerely, most ardently, do I trust that the Senate will never forget

it; I hope we shall duly act upon it, and celebrate it in our acts.

Sir, I have been betrayed into these remarks simply by way of answer

to what has been said by my friend. I had hoped that this bill might

be proceeded with without debate. I had trusted that this benign

measure was so clear and refulgent with justice that no Senator would

rise in his place to oppose it. I had indulged the longing that those

especially in favor of amnesty for all would adopt that other greater

and more comprehensive principle of justice for all. Strange, Sir,

that the sensibilities of so many are aroused in favor of amnesty,

and yet those same Senators are so dull when the rights of men are

presented! I, Sir, am anxious to see universal amnesty; but with it

must be asserted also universal justice. Our colored fellow-citizens

must be admitted to complete equality before the law. In other words,

everywhere, in everything regulated by law, they must be equal with

all their fellow-citizens. There is the simple principle on which

this bill stands. Who can impugn it? Who can throw upon it the shadow

of question? Sir, if the Constitution of the United States does

not sanction a bill like this, then forthwith should we proceed to

amend that Constitution, and make it more worthy of our regard. Much

as has been done, this bill must also be added to the trophies of

Congressional action; this bill must be enumerated among the great

results of our recent legislation. Terrible war will then have been a

beneficent parent.

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