I then said:--

“But this cannot be without Education. As the soldier disappears,

his place must be supplied by the schoolmaster. The muster-roll

will be exchanged for the school-register, and our head-quarters

will be in a school-house.”

And I accompanied this with a proposition to require in the

reconstructed States “a system of public schools open to all, without

distinction of race or color,” which was lost by a tie vote, being 20

to 20.[220]

The subject recurred again in the Senate July 13, 1867, when, after

declaring regret at the inadequacy of the pending measure, especially

in not securing a system of Public Education, and not excluding Rebel

influence, I remarked:--

“In saying this, I desire to add, that, in my judgment, all

exclusions belong to what I call _the transition period_. When

Reconstruction is accomplished, the time will come for us to open

the gates.”[221]

In these few words will be found the ruling principle which I have

recognized in Reconstruction.

The address, “Are We a Nation?” made at the Cooper Institute, November

19, 1867, testifies again to Reconciliation. After showing how the

national supremacy in the guardianship of equal rights is consistent

with local self-government, and vindicating the two in their respective

spheres, it says:--

“There will be a sphere alike for the States and Nation. Local

self-government, which is the pride of our institutions, will

be reconciled with the national supremacy in maintenance of

human rights, and the two together will constitute the elemental

principles of the Republic. The States will exercise a minute

jurisdiction required for the convenience of all; the Nation

will exercise that other paramount jurisdiction required for the

protection of all. _The reconciliation--God bless the word!_--thus

begun will embrace the people, who, forgetting past differences,

will feel more than ever that they are one.”[222]

Then again, in addressing the Republican State Convention at Worcester,

September 22, 1869, I said:--

“Do not think me harsh; do not think me austere. I am not. I will

not be outdone by anybody in clemency; nor at the proper time will

I be behind any one in opening all doors of office and trust.…

Who can object, if men recently arrayed against their country are

told to stand aside yet a little longer, until all are secure in

their rights? Here is no fixed exclusion,--nothing of which there

can be any just complaint,--nothing which is not practical, wise,

humane,--nothing which is not born of justice rather than victory.

In the establishment of Equal Rights conquest loses its character,

and is no longer conquest,--

‘For then both parties nobly are subdued,

And neither party loser.’”[223]

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