SAN DOMINGO.

Next in illustration of the prevailing misrule is the San Domingo

business, with its eccentricities of wrong-doing; and this, too, is

now in issue. At the thought of this unprecedented enormity, where

wrong assumes such various forms, it is hard to be silent; but I shall

be brief. The case is clear, and stands on documents which cannot be

questioned. I keep within the line of moderate statement, when I say,

that, from the beginning of our Government, nothing in our foreign

relations has been so absolutely indefensible. It will not do to call

it simply a fault and an insolence; it was an elaborate contrivance,

conceived in lust of territory, pursued in ignorance, maintained

in open violation of the National Constitution, pushed forward in

similar violation of International Law in fundamental principles, and

crowned by intolerable indignity to the Black Republic, even to the

extent of menacing hostilities and the sinking of its ships,--all

without authority of Congress, and by Presidential prerogative alone.

In this drama the President, like a favorite actor, assumed every

part. In negotiating the treaty he was President; in declaring war

he was Congress; in sending ships and men he was Commander-in-Chief;

and then in employing private influence with Senators to promote his

scheme--according to the promise in the protocol with Baez, signed in

his name by Orville E. Babcock, entitled therein “Aide-de-Camp to his

Excellency General Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of

America”--he was lobbyist. That such things can be done by a President

without indignant condemnation, loud and universal, shows a painful

demoralization in the country. That their author can be presented for

reëlection to the Presidency, whose powers he has thus misused, shows a

disheartening insensibility to public virtue.

Here I remark, that, so long as the President confined himself to

negotiation, he was strictly within the line of the Constitution.

Even if indiscreet in character and impolitic in object, it was not

unconstitutional. But in seizing war powers without the authority of

Congress, in upholding the usurper Baez that he might sell his country,

in menacing the Black Republic, and then in playing the lobbyist to

promote the contrivance, the President did what no other President

ever did before, and what, for the sake of Republican Institutions,

should be rebuked by the American people. It was the knowledge of these

proceedings that changed essentially my relations to the question.

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