Between these two typical instances I hesitate which to place foremost:
but since the nepotism of the President is a ruling passion, revealing
the primary instincts of his nature,--since it is maintained by him
in utter unconsciousness of its offensive character,--since, instead
of blushing for it as an unhappy mistake, he continues to uphold
it,--since it has been openly defended by Senators on this floor,--and
since no true patriot anxious for republican institutions can doubt
that it ought to be driven with hissing and scorn from all possibility
of repetition,--I begin with this undoubted abuse.
There has been no call of Congress for a return of the relations
holding office, stipend, or money-making opportunity under the
President. The country is left to the press for information on this
important subject. If there is any exaggeration, the President is
in fault,--since, knowing the discreditable allegations, he has not
hastened to furnish the precise facts, or at least his partisans have
failed in not calling for the official information. In the mood which
they have shown in this Chamber, it is evident that any resolution
calling for it, moved by a Senator not known to be for his reëlection,
would meet with opposition, and an effort to vindicate republican
institutions would be denounced as an assault on the President. But
the newspapers have placed enough beyond question for judgment on this
extraordinary case, although thus far there has been no attempt to
appreciate it, especially in the light of history.
One list makes the number of beneficiaries as many as forty-two,
being probably every known person allied to the President by blood or
marriage. Persons seeming to speak for the President, or at least after
careful inquiries, have denied the accuracy of this list, reducing it
to thirteen. It will not be questioned that there is at least a baker’s
dozen in this category,--thirteen relations of the President billeted
on the country, not one of whom but for this relationship would have
been brought forward, the whole constituting a case of nepotism not
unworthy of those worst governments where office is a family possession.
Beyond the list of thirteen are other revelations, showing that this
strange abuse did not stop with the President’s relations, but that
these obtained appointments for others in their circle,--so that every
relation became a centre of influence, while the Presidential family
extended indefinitely.
Hitherto only one President has appointed relations, and that was
John Adams; but he found public opinion, inspired by the example of
Washington, so strong against it, that, after a slight experiment,
he replied to an applicant, “You know it is impossible for me to
appoint my own relations to anything, without drawing forth a torrent
of obloquy.”[59] The judgment of the country found voice in Thomas
Jefferson, who, in a letter written shortly after he became President,
used these strong words: “Mr. Adams _degraded himself infinitely_ by
his conduct on this subject.”[60] But John Adams, besides transferring
his son John Quincy Adams from one diplomatic post to another,
appointed only two relations. Pray, Sir, what words would Jefferson
use, if he were here to speak on the open and multifarious nepotism of
our President?