[Footnote 130: The first line of Exilarchs, which ended with

Hezekiah in the year 1040, traced their descent from David

through Zerubbabel. Hisdai's pedigree was through Hillel,

who sprang from a female branch of the Royal line (see

Graetz, vol. VI, note 10). Pethachia writes (p. 17) that a

year before his arrival at Bagdad Daniel died. A nephew,

David, became Exilarch jointly with R. Samuel, the Head of

the great Academy, whose authority over all the communities

in Asia became paramount. Samuel had an only daughter, who

was learned in the Scriptures and the Talmud. She gave

instruction through a window, remaining in the house, whilst

the disciples were below, unable to see her.]

[Footnote 131: The office of Exilarch had but recently been

revived, and the Mohammed here referred to may have been

Mohammed El Moktafi, the Caliph Mostanshed's predecessor.]

[Footnote 132: The Alans throughout the Middle Ages occupied

Georgia and the regions of the Caucasus. As to the Iron

Gates which Alexander made, Yule in commenting on Marco

Polo's text (_Travels of Ser Marco Polo:_ edited by Sir

Henry Yule, 3rd edition, London, John Murray, chap, iii)

says that Benjamin was the first European traveller to

mention this pass. Benjamin and Marco Polo both record the

general belief currrent at the time that the Pass of Derbend

was traversed by Alexander. It is still called in Turkish

"Demis-Kapi" or the Iron Gate, and the Persians designate it

"Sadd-i-Iskandar"--the Rampart of Alexander. Lord Curzon,

however, in his valuable work _Persia and the Persians_,

vol. 1, p. 293, proves conclusively that the pass through

which Alexander's army marched when pursuing Darius after

the battle of Arbela could not have been at Derbend. Arrian,

the historian of Alexander's expeditions, writes that the

pass was one day's journey from Rages (the noted city

mentioned in the Book of Tobit) for a man marching at the

pace of Alexander's army. But Derbend is fully 500 miles

from Rages. In Lord Curzon's opinion, confirmed by Spiegel,

Droysen and Schindler, the Sirdara Pass, some forty miles

from Teheran on the way to Meshed, must have been the defile

which Alexander's army forced. I think it will be found that

Marco Polo's geography is less reliable than that of

Benjamin. In the third chapter referred to above, Marco Polo

speaks of the Euphrates falling into the Caspian Sea.]

[Footnote 133: Probably the Oxus, called by the Arabs

"Gaihun." Rabad I, a contemporary of Benjamin, speaks of the

land of Gurgan in his Sefer Hakabalah. The Nestorian

Christians are probably here referred to.]

[Footnote 134: It is interesting to compare this account

with that of the Installation of the Egyptian Nagid

(_J.Q.R._, IX, p. 717).]

[Footnote 135: This is a well-known sage, whose name often

occurs in the Talmud.]

[Footnote 136: The Babel of Bible times was captured by

Sennacherib; after stopping up a dam of the Euphrates, the

country was placed under water and the city destroyed.

Nebuchadnezzar restored the city; he also erected a

magnificent palace for himself--the Kasr--also the Temple of

Bel. Herodotus, Book I, chaps. 178-89, fully describes these

edifices, and dwells upon the huge extent of the metropolis,

which was estimated to have a circuit of fifty miles. Xerxes

destroyed the city. Alexander the Great contemplated the

restoration of Bel's Temple, but as it would have taken two

months for 10,000 men merely to remove the rubbish, he

abandoned the attempt. The ruins have been recently explored

by Germans. The embankments which regulated the flow of the

Euphrates and Tigris have given way, and at the present time

the whole region round Babylon is marshy and malarious. In

the words of Jeremiah, li. 43, "Her cities are a desolation,

a sterile land, and a wilderness, a place wherein no man

dwelleth."]

[Footnote 137: The Valley of Dura mentioned in Daniel iii.

is here referred to. See Dr. Berliner's _Beiträge zur

Geographie und Ethnographie Babyloniens_; also Layard's

_Nineveh and Babylon_, p. 469. Cf. Berachot, 57 b.]

[Footnote 138: Bereshith Rabba, chap, xxxviii, says the

tower was at Borsippa, and the ruins here spoken of are

probably those of the Birs Nimroud, fully described by

Layard, _Nineveh and Babylon_, chap, xxii, p. 496. He says:

"The mound rises abruptly to the height of 198 feet, and has

on its summit a compact mass of brickwork 37 feet high by 28

broad.... On one side of it, beneath the crowning masonry,

lie huge fragments torn from the pile itself. The calcined

and vitreous surface of the bricks, fused into rock-like

masses, show that their fall may have been caused by

lightning. The ruin is rent almost from top to bottom. No

traces whatever now remain of the spiral passage spoken of

by the Jewish traveller." Cf. Professor T.K. Cheyne's

article, "The Tower of Babel," in the new _Biblical

Cyclopaedia_. Nebuchadnezzar, in his Borsippa inscription,

records that the tower, which had never originally been

completed, had fallen into decay, and that the kiln-bricks

had split. These are the Agur bricks mentioned by Benjamin;

cf. Isaiah xxvii. 9. Al-ajur is the word still used by the

Arabs for kiln-burnt bricks.]

[Footnote 139: Niebuhr, vol. II, 216, gives a full account

of his visit to the tomb. Layard, speaking of Birs Nimroud,

says: "To the south-west in the extreme distance rise the

palm-trees of Kifil, casting their scanty shade over a small

dome, the tomb of Ezekiel. To this spot occasionally flock

in crowds, as their forefathers have done for centuries, the

Jews of Bagdad, Hillah, and other cities of Chaldea.... It

is now but a plain building, despoiled of the ornaments and

MSS. which it once appears to have contained" (_Nineveh and

Babylon_, p. 500). Alcharizi composed a beautiful ode when

visiting this tomb (chap, xxxv, also chap. L).]

[Footnote 140: This Mohammed, as in the case referred to p.

40, must have been a predecessor of the reigning Caliph, as

the Prophet was never in Babylonia, and in no case would he

have granted favours to the Jews. It should be noted that

the British Museum MS. on which our text is based, as well

as the Casanatense MS., generally styles the Prophet

[Hebrew]. The MS., on which the Constantinople _editio

princeps_ is based, had probably all passages where this

epithet or other objectionable remarks were used excised by

the censor, and it will be seen that the passage before us,

with reference to the grant of land by Mohammed, as well as

that further on, referring to Ali, the son-in-law of

Mohammed, do not appear in any of the printed editions. Dr.

Hirschfeld is of opinion that, on the one hand, the epithet

is the translation of the Arabic _majn[=u]n_, a term against

which Mohammed protested several times in the Koran, because

it means he was possessed by a _jinn_, like a soothsayer. On

the other hand, the word was chosen having regard to Hosea

ix. 7. This was done long before Benjamin's time, by Jafeth

and others.]

[Footnote 141: See picture of the traditional tomb of

Ezekiel in the _Jewish Encyclopaedia_, vol. V, p. 315.]

[Footnote 142: The Talmud (Sabbath, II a) speaks of the

destruction of Mata Mehasya. Sura took its place as a centre

of learning.]

[Footnote 143: See Berliner, pp. 45, 47, 54, and 57, for

particulars derived from the Talmud and Midrash as to the

several centres of Jewish learning in Babylonia.]

[Footnote 144: This synagogue is repeatedly mentioned in the

Talmud. Zunz (Note 255) omits mentioning Aboda Zarah, 43 b,

where Rashi explains that Shafjathib was a place in the

district of Nehardea, and that Jeconiah and his followers

brought the holy earth thither, giving effect to the words

of the Psalmist: "For thy servants take pleasure in her

stones, and favour the dust thereof" (Ps. cii. 14).]

[Footnote 145: Benjamin visited the various seats of

learning in the neighbourhood, and thus came again to

Nehardea, which has been already mentioned on p. 34. Rab

Jehuda, not Rab, is there associated with Samuel.]

[Footnote 146: Asher, at this stage of Benjamin's narrative,

has the following note: "For the illustration of that

portion of our text which treats of Arabia, we refer the

reader to the Rev. S.L. Rapoport's paper, 'Independent Jews

of Arabia,' which will be found at the end of these notes."

No such account appeared in the work, but in the _Bikkure

Haittim_ for the year 1824, p. 51, there appears an

interesting essay in Hebrew on the subject by Rapoport, to

which the reader is referred. It is a matter of history that

the powerful independent Jewish communities which were

settled at Yathrib, afterwards called Medina, and in the

volcanic highlands of Kheibar and Teima called the Harrah,

were crushed by Mohammed. Dr. Hirschfeld, in the _Jewish

Quarterly Review_, vol. XV, p. 170, gives us the translation

of a letter found in the Cairo _Genizah_, addressed by

Mohammed to the people of Kheibar and Maqna, granting them

certain privileges from which the Jews, who were allowed to

remain in their homes, benefited. Omar, the second Caliph,

broke the compact, but allowed them to settle at Kufa on the

Euphrates. Although pilgrims pass annually up and down the

caravan tracks to Mecca, the information respecting the old

Jewish sites in the Harrah is most meagre. Edrisi and

Abulfeda throw no light on Benjamin's account. In the year

1904 an able work by Mr. D.G. Hogarth appeared under the

title of _The Penetration of Arabia_, being a record of the

development of Western knowledge concerning the Arabian

Peninsula. He gives a full account of the European

travellers who have described the country. Niebuhr, who

visited Yemen in 1762, repeated the statement made by the

Italian traveller Varthema that there were still wild Jews

in Kheibar. The missionary Joseph Woolf visited Arabia in

1836, and he gives us an account of an interview he had with

some of the Rechabites. No weight, however, can be attached

to his fantastic stories. W.G. Palgrave, who resided for

some years in Syria as a Jesuit, where he called himself

Father Michael (Cohen), was entrusted in 1862 with a mission

to Arabia by Napoleon III in connexion with the projected

Suez Canal; he was one of the few visitors to the Harrah,

but he makes no special reference to the Jews. Joseph Halevi

made many valuable discoveries of inscriptions in South

Arabia, which he traversed in 1869. He visited the oppressed

Jewish community at Sanaa in Yemen; he further discovered

traces of the ancient Minaean kingdom, and found that the

Jews in the Nejran were treated with singular tolerance and

even favour; but he was not able to tell us anything

respecting the Jews of the Harrah.

C.M. Doughty was, however, more successful when visiting

this district in 1875. Of Kheibar he says "that it is now a

poor village whose inhabitants are a terrible kindred,

Moslems outwardly, but, in secret, cruel Jews that will

suffer no stranger to enter among them." See C.M. Doughty's

_Arabia Deserta_, vol. II, p. 129. "Teima is a Nejd colony

of Shammar; their fathers came to settle there not above 200

years past. Old Teima of the Jews, according to their

tradition, had been (twice) destroyed by flood. From those

times there remain some great rude stone buildings. It is

now a prosperous open place" (vol. I, p. 286).

The only writer that casts any doubt upon Benjamin's record

as to independent Jewish tribes in Arabia is R. Jacob Safir,

who visited Yemen and other Arabian ports in the Red Sea in

the year 1864. See chaps. xv and xliii of _Iben Safir_,

Lyck, 1866. Dr. L. Grünhut, in his introduction, _Die

Reisebeschreibungen des R. Benjamin von Tudela_, Jerusalem,

1903, p. 16, refutes Safir's statements.

In Hogarth's work, p. 282, is shown a print of the Teima

stone, with its Aramaic inscription, considered to belong to

the fourth or fifth century B.C., and on p. 285 will be

found Doughty's interesting sketch of Kheibar.]

[Footnote 147: It is clear that, when speaking of the

population of some of these places, the whole oasis or

district is intended, and not a particular town.]

[Footnote 148: In reading through the foregoing account of

the Jews in Arabia, it is quite clear that Benjamin never

visited the country, nor did he pretend to have done so. In

the words of Mr. C.E. Beazley (The Dawn of Modern

Geography, p. 252), "It is no longer, for the most part, a

record of personal travel; it is rather an attempt to

supplement the first part 'of things seen' by a second 'of

things heard.'" But Beazley is wrong when he characterizes

as "wild" the account of the Jews of Southern Arabia "who

were Rechabites." Does Benjamin say so? There is no such

reading in the MS. of the British Museum. The student, it is

thought, will by this time have come to the conclusion that

it is the oldest and most trustworthy of our available

authorities. The whole misconception has arisen from the

fact that the unreliable MS. E and all the printed editions

have transposed the letters of [Hebrew:] and made [Hebrew:]

of it. Rapoport, in the article already referred to, seems

to suspect the faulty reading: to justify it, he connects

the men of Kheibar with the Rechabites and the sons of Heber

the Kenite, basing his argument upon Jer. xxxv, Judges i.

16, I Sam. xxvii. 10, and I Chron. ii. 55.

Neither Zunz nor Asher makes any comments upon this chapter

of the itinerary. Graetz gives an abstract of Benjamin's

account; he, as well as all other writers, is unable to

identify Tilmas, but is of opinion that Tanai must be Sanaa,

the capital of Yemen, which, however, is twenty-five days'

journey beyond Kheibar. It is well known that Yemen has,

since Bible times, harboured a Jewish population,

who--notwithstanding all oppression, intensified under

Turkish rule--inhabit many of its towns and villages to the

present day. It is comparatively accessible, owing to its

proximity to the sea. We must cherish the hope that Great

Britain, now that it claims the Hinterland of Aden, will

extend its protection to the Jews.

The volcanic highlands (Harrah) of Kheibar were always

inaccessible, owing to their being surrounded by waterless

deserts and fanatic Bedouin tribes.

R. Abraham Farissol, who flourished at the beginning of the

sixteenth century, writes that there was a large number of

Jews in the district, who lived in tents and in wooden

houses or huts. His contemporary, David Reubeni, who crossed

from Arabia to Abyssinia and came to Europe in 1524,

pretended to be brother of Joseph, king of the tribes of

Reuben, Gad, and half-Manasseh in the desert of Chabor

(Kheibar). Benjamin takes care to qualify his statement as

to the origin of the Jews of Kheibar by adding [Hebrew:]

"_people say_ they belong to the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the

half-tribe of Manasseh, whom Salmanesser, King of Assyria,

led hither into captivity."

I would here mention an interesting work of Dr. R. Dozy,

Professor of History and Oriental Languages at Leyden, _Die

Israeliten in Mecca_, 1864. By a series of ingenious

inferences from Bible texts (1 Sam. xxx, 1 Chron. iv. 24-43,

&c.) he essays to establish that the tribe of Simeon, after

David had dispersed the Amalekites who had already been

weakened by Saul, entered Arabia and settled all along in

the land of the Minaeans and at Mecca, where they

established the worship at the Kaaba and introduced

practices which have not been altogether abandoned up to the

present day. Dr. Dozy further contends that after Hezekiah's

reign numerous Jewish exiles came to Arabia.

Hommel, in two articles in Ersch and Gruber's

_Encyclopaedia_, under "Bedouins" and "Anzah," gives full

particulars respecting the Anizeh, otherwise Anaessi,

tribe--that they were in the habit of joining the Wahabees

and other Bedouin tribes in attacking caravans and levying

blackmail. The Turkish Pasha at Damascus had to pay annually

passage-money to ensure the safety of the pilgrims to Mecca.

On one occasion two of the Bedouin sheiks were decoyed by

the Turks and killed; but the Anaessi, aided by other tribes

to the number of 80,000, took ample revenge by pillaging the

Mecca caravan on its return. They seized a quantity of

pearls, and the women were said to have attempted boiling

them with the rice. Seetzen (_Journey through Syria, &c._,

I, ch. i, p. 356) says, "In Kheibar are no Jews now, only

Anaessi." Layard and other modern writers often refer to the

Anizeh Bedouins. Travellers go in dread of them in the

Syrian desert and all along the Euphrates. Doughty mentions

that they, more than any other tribe, resemble the Jews both

in appearance and disposition.

Ritter (_Geographie_, vol. XII), in quoting Niebuhr, makes

mention of the widespread Anizeh tribe of Bedouins who were

anciently known to be Jews. He further states that the Jews

of Damascus and Aleppo shun them as they are non-observant

Jews, considered by some to be Karaites. Does all this give

ground for any presumption that they are or were

crypto-Jews, the descendants of the former Kheibar Jews,

possibly also of those whom Omar allowed to settle at Kufa?

This lengthy note may be closed fitly with the following

mysterious remark in Doughty's usual quaint style (vol. I,

p. 127), in connexion with the murder of a Bagdad Jew who

tried to reach Kheibar: "But let none any more jeopardy his

life for Kheibar! I would that these leaves might save the

blood of some: and God give me this reward of my labour! for

who will, he may read in them all the tale of Kheibar."]

[Footnote 149: It will be seen further on (p. 67) that

Benjamin speaks of Aden as being in India, "which is on the

mainland." It is well known that Abyssinia and Arabia were

in the Middle Ages spoken of as "Middle India." It has been

ascertained that in ancient times the Arabs extensively

colonized the western sea-coast of the East Indies. Cf. the

article "Arabia," in the ninth edition of the _Encyclopaedia

Britannica_ and Supplement.]

[Footnote 150: The Casanatense MS. here interpolates:

"Thence it takes seven days to Lusis, where there are 2,000

Israelites." Asher substitutes for Lusis Wasit, a place near

the Tigris. I am unable to identify the river Virae, and the

words "which is in the land of Al Yemen" are evidently out

of place.]

[Footnote 151: See Dr. Hartwig Hirschfeld's account of a

Fragment of a Work by Judah Al-harizi, being a description

of a pilgrimage through Mesopotamia with a view to visit

Ezra's grave. The Arab geographer Yakut locates the grave in

the village Maisan on the river Samara near the place where

the Euphrates and Tigris unite (_J. Q.R._, vol. XV, 683).

Layard writes as follows:--"We stopped at the so-called tomb

of the prophet Ezra, about twenty-five miles from the

junction of the Tigris and Euphrates, at Korna. The

building, which is of a comparatively modern date, consisted

of two chambers, an outer one which was empty, and an inner

one containing the tomb built of bricks, covered with white

stucco and enclosed in a wooden case, over which was thrown

a large blue cloth fringed with yellow tassels with the name

of the donor embroidered on it in Hebrew characters. No

trace of either the large synagogue or of the mosque

mentioned by Benjamin now exists, and it may be doubted

whether the present building covers the tomb which was seen

by the Hebrew traveller. We could find no ancient remains

near it, as the Tigris is constantly changing its course,

and was still eating away the bank of alluvial soil, upon

the edge of which the building stood. It is highly probable

that the tomb seen by Benjamin of Tudela had long before

been carried away by the river." Layard's _Early Adventures

in Persia, Susiana, and Babylonia_, vol. II, p. 214. See

also an elaborate note of Dr. Benisch, p. 91 of his edition

of Pethachia's Travels, and I.J. Benjamin II, _Eight Years

in Asia and Africa_, p. 167.]

[Footnote 152: As for the river Gozan see p. 33, n. 3, and

p. 58, n. 4. The mountains of Chafton, referred to also in

pp. 54, 55, would seem to include not only the Zagros range,

but also the highlands of Kurdistan.]

[Footnote 153: _Marco Polo_, book II, chap, xlv, says of

Tibet: "In this country there are many of the animals that

produce musk. The Tartars have great numbers of large and

fine dogs which are of great service in catching the

musk-beasts, and so they procure a great abundance of

musk."]

[Footnote 154: The reputed sepulchre of Daniel is situated

between Schuster and Dizful in Persia, close by the river

Shaour, an affluent of the Karun river, which is supposed to

be the Ulai of the Bible, Dan. viii. 2. It is within sight

of the vast mound which denotes the site of Susa, the

ancient Shushan. Here Mme. Dieulafoy in 1881 made extensive

excavations of the palace of the Persian kings, many relics

of which are now on view at the Louvre in Paris.

The tomb of Daniel has been fully described by Layard--see

_Early Adventures_, vol. II, p. 295. It is of comparatively

recent date, not unlike the shrines of Mussulman saints, and

is surmounted by a high conical dome of irregular brickwork,

somewhat resembling in shape a pine cone. The reader is

referred to the beautiful pictorial illustrations of

Daniel's reputed tomb, of the ruins of Susa, and of Schuster

and its bridges in Mme. Dieulafoy's _La Perse, la Chaldée et

la Susiane_, Paris, 1887.

There is nothing to connect the building on the banks of the

Shaour with the tomb of Daniel save the Mussulman tradition.

There are many legends connected with the reputed sepulchre,

one of which is to the effect that the men of Susa diverted

the river in order to bury Daniel's coffin in its bed. See

Guy Le Strange, p. 240.

E.N. Adler, in his recent work _Jews in many Lands_, Jewish

Historical Society of England, p. 224, in describing

Samarkand, writes as follows: "Tradition has it that

Tamerlane had seen the tomb at Susa in Persia, with a

warning inscribed thereon, that none should open its door;

and so he broke it open from behind, and found it written

that Nebi Daniel was there buried. The impetuous conqueror

had the sarcophagus removed with all reverence, and carried

it with him to his own capital to be its palladium. The

sarcophagus is over twenty yards long as beseems a prophet's

stature. It has been recently covered by a brick chapel with

three cupolas, but photographs of the ancient structure can

be had in Samarkand. It is grandly placed at the edge of a

cliff overhanging the rapid river Seop. The local Jews do

not believe the story, nor do they quite disbelieve it, for

I went with two who prayed there at the grave of the

righteous."]

[Footnote 155: The reader will recollect that reference to

this sect has already been made on page 16. See Guy Le

Strange, p. 220 and p. 354.]

[Footnote 156: Amadia (Imadiyah) is a city in Kurdistan in a

mountainous district, north of Mosul. Ben Virga and R.

Joseph Hacohen, the author of _Emek Habacha_, state that

1,000 Jewish families lived in the city at that time. It is

strange that in all the MSS., including Asher's text, this

city is called Amaria instead of Amadia. The mistake

doubtless arose from the fact that the copyists mistook the

[Hebrew letter 'resh'] for a [Hebrew letter 'daleth']. The

scribe of the British Museum MS. had made other errors of

this kind, writing [Hebrew:] for [Hebrew:], [Hebrew:] for

[Hebrew:], &c. See Guy Le Strange, p. 92.]

[Footnote 157: The author of _Emek Habacha_ gives the date

of the Alroy tragedy as 1163. It should, however, be

antedated by a few years. Benjamin must have passed through

Egypt on his return journey some time before Sept., 1171.

See note 2, p. 1. He here tells us that the Alroy

catastrophe took place just ten years before his visit to

Bagdad and the neighbourhood. It is clear therefore that

1160 is the latest date when this event could have taken

place.]

[Footnote 158: This Turkoman may have been the Prince of

Arbela who in 1167 joined Saladin in his successful invasion

of Egypt. He was remarkable for his great strength and

courage (see Bohadin's _Life of Saladin_, Palestine

Pilgrims' Text Society, p. 51).]

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