When an appeal is made to the public by a person who has interested himself
in the affairs of America from the beginning of the present revolution, he
has a claim to their attention, with respect to transactions that reflect
either upon his political conduct or principles as a patriot.
I wish, most sincerely, that all prejudices in favor or against General
Reed or myself, may be laid aside on the present occasion, and that truth
and justice may influence the determination of the public.
The world is now in possession of General Reed's address to me, relating to
a conversation I had with him at Bristol, in the winter of 1776, and as it
contains the grossest reflections upon my character, as a man of veracity
and a patriot, it is incumbent on me to reply.
Mankind have been much the same, in every age, with respect to their
conduct in political life. Their minds have been inflamed by the same
passions, prejudices, and resentments, and parties have been supported by
complaints and representations, which naturally grow into invective and
personal abuse.
From these principles, General Reed has deduced those arguments and
conclusions, which he vainly affects to think will justify him in
asserting, that my conduct has been influenced by motives of hatred,
resentment, and disappointed ambition. But when it shall appear, from the
testimony I have inserted in the following sheets, that the conversation
alluded to was spoken of by me in confidence, at a time when he asserts
that all former personal dislike was removed, and that "we united in
confidence and danger at the battle of Monmouth;" at a time, too, when he
admits, that "no party or prejudices existed, (at least as to him,") the
premises from which he has drawn his conclusions must be removed, and
consequently his arguments fall with them.
If my bare affirmative against his negative was the only foundation on
which the public were to found their judgment, our several characters, in
the article of veracity, would be fairly weighed by candor, and a verdict
given in favour of the preponderating scale. If, then, I had hazarded an
assertion, without other (the most respectable) testimony to support it,
the consciousness of my own integrity would have suppressed any fears with
respect to the public opinion.
The many and hasty movements of my family during the present contest, have
displaced several valuable papers relating to property as well as military
affairs. I do not, however, despair of yet finding important ones relating
to this matter, that may some time hence be published. But what need is
there of more than I shall here adduce; since every prejudiced mind must
feel (if not acknowledge) the testimony too respectable and powerful to
admit of apology or reply. Testimony, too, obtained, (in many instances,)
from persons to whom I am scarcely known,--persons residing in other
States, who cannot be supposed to be the particular enemies of General
Reed, or in any way connected with the politics of Pennsylvania.
Many other certificates, supporting and confirming those I shall here offer
to the public are omitted, as it is thought they will swell the publication
to an unnecessary size; and affidavits may, if required, be obtained to all
the certificates which appear in this pamphlet.
* * * * *
As the publication signed "Brutus," addressed to General Reed, containing
certain queries, is referred to, it is thought necessary to reprint it.
_To the Printer of the Independent Gazetteer._
SIR,--It is much to the honor of America, that in the present
revolution, there have not been many instances of defection
among officers of rank in the Continental army. In Oliver
Cromwell's time, we frequently see a general fighting one day
for the King, another for the Parliament; so unstable and
wavering were the opinions of those republicans.
The corruption of the times is now become a universal
complaint, and one would be almost tempted to believe, that
the former days were better than these; that our forefathers
were possessed of greater moral rectitude than the present
generation, did not history and experience convince us of the
contrary. There is, however, one great evil peculiar to this
age--that of assuming the credit of being endowed with virtues
to which we are perfect strangers. Cunning, address, and
eloquence, have often misled the honest but too credulous
multitude, and they have been taught to consider many a man as
a patriot and a hero, whose real character was marked with
nothing but deceit and treachery to his country. It is also
amazing, that such men should meet with the highest success,
and bear their blushing honors thick upon them, whilst modest
merit and true patriotism could neither gain the suffrages of
the people, nor the approbation of those who held the reins of
government.
The reflections I am now making have, in a striking manner,
been verified in this State. I should be extremely sorry to
accuse without a just foundation, or to adduce a charge, were
I not convinced that it is of the utmost importance that the
public,--the people at large--should be enabled to form a
right opinion of such men, who have been honoured, or may be
honoured with their suffrages, and thereby exalted to places
of the highest trust and confidence.
Impressed with this idea, and with a design to elucidate such
characters, I shall take the liberty to propose to the public
the following queries:
1. Was not General R----d, in December, 1776, (then A----t
G----l of the Continental army,) sent by General Washington to
the commanding officer at Bristol, with orders relative to a
general attack intended to be made on the enemy's post at
Trenton, and those below, on the 25th, at night?
2. Two or three days before the intended attack, did not
General R----d say, in conversation with the said commanding
officer at his quarters, that our affairs looked very
desperate, and that we were only making a sacrifice of
ourselves?
3. Did he not also say, that the time of General Howe's
proclamation, offering pardon and protection to persons who
should come in before the 1st of January, 1777, was nearly
expired, and that Galloway, the Allens, and others, had gone
over, and availed themselves of the pardon and protection
offered by the said proclamation?
4. Did not he, General R----d, at the same time say, that he
had a family, and ought to take care of them; and that he did
not understand following the wretched remains of a broken
army?
5. Did he not likewise say to the said commanding officer,
that his brother, (then a colonel or lieutenant-colonel of
militia,) was at Burlington with his family, and that he had
advised him to remain there, and if the enemy took possession
of the town, to take a protection and swear allegiance?
It is well for America, that very few general officers have
reasoned in this manner; if they had, General Howe would have
made an easy conquest of the United States. And it is very
obvious, that officers of high rank, with such sentiments, can
have no just pretensions to patriotism or public virtue, and
can by no means be worthy of any post of honour or place of
trust, where the liberties and interest of the people are
immediately concerned.