CHAPTER XIV

INTERVIEW AT NANKING

The best view of the religion of China is to be obtained from the

enlightened Chinese themselves, and their views will probably be of

interest to our readers. It should be explained that one of the

objects of our second visit to China was to inquire whether the Chinese

officials would welcome the foundation of Universities in which Western

knowledge could be taught, and whose atmosphere should be Christian.

When the matter was first discussed in England it crept into the

newspapers, and I immediately received an invitation from the Director

of Chinese Students in London to discuss the subject with him. I had

two interviews with him. What surprised me was that against all the

opinion of the average Englishman who is conversant with China he did

not regard the Christian character of the University as a deterrent,

but he asked one question on which he apparently laid the very greatest

stress. He inquired, "If a University is started in China on such

lines as you propose, will you guarantee that the teachers are

efficient?" I immediately assured him that the learned committees who

were considering the question at both Universities would, whatever

{173} else they did, never allow any one to go out as teacher unless he

was most fully qualified. He then assured me that he had no doubt the

scheme would meet with very great sympathy in China, and that he would

give me letters of introduction to various people who would give the

very fullest information on the subject. Among these was one to that

most eminent man, Tuan-Fang, Viceroy of Nanking.

When I arrived at Nanking I presented my letter of introduction through

the Consul, and the Viceroy most cordially invited me to tiffin at the

Yamen. With further courtesy he sent his carriage to fetch me. We had

a most sumptuous repast, at which about twenty officials were present,

and in consideration of my being a foreigner some European food was

provided. They appeared much pleased when I assured them that I

appreciated Chinese quite as much as European food. We had a most

pleasant luncheon, at which we discussed all manner of topics. I was

asked to explain exactly the position of Oxford and Cambridge, and when

I mentioned that Oxford was over a thousand years old, I had evidently

established the reputation of my University far above that of all

competitors. The Viceroy then admired the school system of England.

He said the schools were "like a forest," and he assured me that he

took the very greatest interest in education, and promised after

luncheon to show me some of his schools. I expressed admiration of

Chinese learning, and he told me it was divided into four {174}

heads--morals, elegancy of style, philosophy, and manners. The respect

that His Excellency had for Confucius did not prevent him from admiring

other philosophers, especially Mih-Tieh, the philosopher who taught the

doctrine of universal love. This was the more remarkable, because at

Hankow the very same point had been discussed with some Chinese clergy

over Sunday supper, and they had referred to this philosopher's works

with considerable admiration, and had declared that his doctrine was

much more consonant with Christianity than that of any other Chinese

philosopher.

His Excellency then discussed the danger of a modern education. He

quite realised the obvious evils that resulted from rashly encouraging

Western education without an ethical basis. He said they had observed

that those who returned from the West were less dutiful to parents than

those who had remained in China. Then we had a long talk as to whether

it was possible to assimilate the two and to give a man a perfect

foreign and a perfect Chinese education. The difficulty felt was that

men with a perfect foreign education were too often unable to write

Chinese with sufficient elegance to satisfy the fastidious taste of the

cultivated Chinese scholar. All this conversation was carried on at

the dinner-table, chiefly through interpreters, with a crowd of Chinese

servants, excluded from the room, but looking through a window to watch

when our needs required their presence.

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We discussed after tiffin the scheme for a University and the relations

between Confucianism and Christianity. His Excellency was much pleased

that I should take such interest in things Chinese, and immediately

said that as I had come all the way to China to inquire into these

things, I ought to receive every information. Turning to his

secretaries, he told them that on the next day they were to provide

scholars learned in Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism to give me all

the information that I required, and arranged that the Consul and I

should return next day. He then suggested that we should go and

inspect the school that was next his palace, and in which his own

daughter was being educated.

The school was for children of the highest class, and contained only

about thirty boys and thirty girls. He conducted a sort of informal

examination which I should have thought must have been extremely trying

for the children. His Excellency and myself came first, then two

interpreters, and then about twenty officials. When the scholars were

examined in Western knowledge, we were asked to put a question or to

look at a copy-book; when they were examined in Confucian knowledge,

His Excellency put the question, and the interpreters translated to me

both the question and the answer. The intelligence of the children was

of a very high order, and they were very attractive. The uniform of

the boys resembled that of a French schoolboy, though the cut of the

trousers showed that the {176} costume had been made by a Chinese

tailor, probably after a Japanese model. The girls were dressed in

grey coats and trousers and had natural feet; this was perhaps not

quite so remarkable as it at first appeared when one remembers that the

Viceroy is a Manchu, and the Manchus have never admired the distorted

foot of a Chinese woman; but as they went through their musical drill

one could not help thinking that the neat coat buttoned across and

reaching to the knees over loose trousers was about as ideal a dress as

has ever been invented for women. His Excellency did not fail to make

his own daughter stand up, and asked her many difficult questions,

which she answered very well in a calm and collected manner. After

showing us these schools His Excellency said that we must stop a third

day and see many of the other schools in Nanking.

Next morning I was most distressed to find that my friend Mr. King, His

Majesty's Consul, was too unwell to attend the interview which I was to

have with the learned men of Nanking, and so with some trepidation lest

I should make sad faults in my manners without his kindly guidance, I

drove up to the Yamen. There I was received by a crowd of officials,

among whom were two great Confucian scholars with the Hanlin Degree, an

authority on Buddhism and an authority on Taoism, whose knowledge

subsequently proved to be extremely small.

The courtesy of the Chinese officials, the charm of their manner, the

mixture of dignity and good nature {177} which is such a characteristic

of their behaviour, makes controversy with them delightful. I do not

think any one who has known them can be but greatly attracted by their

courtesy and kindness. All Chinese are courteous, but the Chinese

literati, perhaps naturally, greatly excel their fellow-countrymen in

this charming characteristic. I should add that the two interpreters

who were provided were men whose mastery of English was only equalled

by their wide learning and pleasant address. One of them had been in

England and was indeed a great traveller; he had ridden all through the

passes which separate India from Chinese Turkestan; he belonged to a

very great family, and traced his descent from one of the leading

pupils of Confucius.

We discussed Confucianism first. I set the ball rolling by asking what

was meant by the phrase "superior man." The position was a pleasant

one; I was there to be instructed, and could therefore ask as many

questions as I chose. The "superior man" is a translation of a phrase

in the Chinese classics which perhaps might be better translated "ideal

man"; at least so I gathered from these gentlemen; and that in the

works of Confucius and Mencius his qualities are fully described. With

great joy the whole party fell upon the question, and next minute they

were engaged in a courteous polemic as to how exactly they should

describe the "superior man," and the answer came that he must be a

conscientious man, a man very true to himself, charitable, just and

{178} truthful. When they were pressed as to whether wealth was at all

necessary to the "ideal man," they indignantly repudiated the

suggestion; the "superior man" might equally be a beggar sitting by the

roadside or a Viceroy sitting in his palace. It was more interesting

when they were asked whether he need be a learned man. There was some

doubt and hesitation in the answers; the doctors again consulted with

one another, and the answer came, "No, learning was not at all

necessary." I asked whether the "ideal man" might be a non-Chinaman,

and it was held that he might belong to any race. But the next

question was far more difficult for them to answer. Nothing that they

had said prevented the "superior man" being a Christian; a Christian

might be true and conscientious and charitable. I quoted the case of a

foreign doctor living in their city, and asked how he failed to come

within their definition of the "superior man," but the Hanlin scholars

could not agree; no Christian, in their opinion, could be a "superior

man." But my interpreter added that he himself did not endorse this;

to his mind any man who fulfilled the requirements should be classed as

a "superior man."

We then changed the conversation to the question of "whether Confucius

believed in God or not?" I had been instructed in this controversy by

one of the most learned missionaries in China, Dr. Ross of Mukden.

They maintained, as he told me they would maintain, that the Heaven of

Confucius meant Reason. {179} But Reason cannot possibly punish the

guilty, though the guilty might be punished by their want of Reason.

And as Confucius refers in several places to Heaven as a power that

punishes, the definition is obviously incorrect. It dates from a

philosopher called Chu. Again the learned men were absorbed in

controversy, every one enjoying such a discussion. The greatest number

still held to the doctrine that Heaven meant Reason, but a certain

number held that it meant a personal God. It ended in the controversy

becoming quite heated, and in a copy of Dr. Legge's translation of the

Chinese classics being fetched, so that I might fully understand their

different points of view. In the end we agreed that there was a

considerable force in the argument that Confucius believed in a

personal God.

When I further asked how Reason could possibly punish a bad man when he

was dead, and how it was that many a bad man, as we all know, died in

wealth and prosperity, they answered that after death his memory was

punished by his bad deeds coming to light. I suggested that if a man

was dead this did not matter to him, and that Confucius' assertion that

punishment followed sin implied a future life. When they were further

asked whether Confucius taught that all secret sin should one day be

made public, there was an eloquent silence, and we dropped the subject.

We then went on to discuss Buddhism, and a pleasant old gentleman

leaning on a stick was {180} brought up to instruct me in the doctrine

of Buddhism. It was obvious from the jocose and pleasant way the

matter was treated, that this was very different ground to the

philosophy of Confucius. Then, though everybody was courteous,

everybody was keenly and seriously interested, but Buddhism was

regarded as a most amusing topic; I was assured that only a few women

believed in it, and that none of those in the room gave it the

slightest credence. They explained to me why the Dalai Lama came to

Peking. Two of the disciples of Buddha had been reincarnated, and the

greatest of those two was the Dalai Lama, but it was impossible to tell

in which baby the reincarnation took place without coming to the Mongol

Temple at Peking; then lots were cast and the matter was settled. I

had my doubts whether the old gentleman was accurate, but clearly no

one else in the room had the smallest acquaintance with the subject;

they made a marked difference between the Buddhism of the Lama Temple

at Peking and that of the Monastery at Hangchow, which they called

Indian Buddhism, and said the district was often named Little India;

but when I tried to discover how many sects of Buddhists there were in

China, or what was the nature of their tenets, I could get no

information from these gentlemen.

His Excellency Tuan-Fang joined us at this moment and asked whether I

could possibly read a Sanscrit manuscript that he had discovered, and

{181} which, from the Chinese notes appended to it, he gathered

referred to Buddhism. He also wished to discuss the origin of Chinese

characters; he had a theory that they came from Egypt, and he showed

many rubbings of hieroglyphics which he had had made from monuments in

Egypt to prove his point.

But I wanted to ask some questions about Taoism. I had tried to

understand Taoism and had found it extremely difficult, and I thought

these cultured literati could give me some assistance. I was soon

undeceived. Nobody believed in Taoism, and they knew nothing of its

doctrine or of its worship. They suggested that the Taoist priests

were often to be found in a Buddhist temple, but one scholar said that

that was only because the Taoist priest liked to make a little money by

selling incense sticks.

Then His Excellency turned the tables and began asking questions about

Christianity. The thing that troubled him was that the Bible which he

had read was in such poor style. He wanted to know whether I thought

our Blessed Saviour habitually wrote in good style or not. I explained

that He had originally spoken in Aramaic, which had been translated

into Greek, and from the Greek into English, and then had been

retranslated by Englishmen into Chinese, so naturally the Chinese

version could but inadequately represent the full beauty of His words.

It is worthy of notice how much the Chinese mind is attracted by all

purely literary subjects, and how {182} little they care about physical

science. For instance, when the Viceroy asked me about the sun

standing still in the Book of Joshua, which led us into natural

science, it was immediately obvious that this was a subject in which

these gentlemen took no interest.

We then repaired to a sumptuous luncheon prepared entirely in Chinese

fashion. The viands were exquisitely cooked, and comprised bird's-nest

soup, shark's fins, white fungus, and all the usual Chinese delicacies.

The hospitality of my host made me regret that the capacity of a human

body is limited, and if it were not for the excellency of the Chinese

cooking, dyspepsia must have been the result. Over luncheon we

discussed all manner of topics, and I noticed how extremely sensitive

my hosts were to the slightest want of manners. They referred to a

mutual friend, a European, in the severest terms because he lacked in

courtesy. They discussed also the question of foot-binding. They were

convinced that the habit is being given up, and they assured me that it

did cause girls excruciating agony. They said the younger generation

of Chinese gentlemen would not marry women with deformed feet.

I left the Yamen a great admirer of the culture that could make men so

pleasant. If they lacked directness as controversialists, they were

most agreeable in their extreme civility and their imperturbable good

humour. I shall always look back to my days at Nanking as some of the

pleasantest of my life.

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Changing China · 第 14 / 27 章