Transcriber's Notes: Variations in spelling and hyphenation have been
left as in the original. Words in italics in the original are surrounded
by _underscores_. A row of asterisks represents a thought break. Letters
superscripted in the original are surrounded by {braces}. Ellipses match
the original. A complete list of corrections follows the text.
The original has two different kinds of blockquotes: one uses a smaller
font than the main text, and the other has wider margins. In this text,
the blockquotes in a smaller font have wider margins, and the other
blockquotes have two blank lines before and after the quotation. An
explanation of the different kinds of quotations can be found at the end
of this text.
The original uses side by side columns for comparisons. This text has
the contents of the right column indented five spaces below the contents
of the left column.
LIFE AND
CORRESPONDENCE OF
DAVID HUME.
[Illustration: Portrait of Hume from a Bust]
LIFE
AND
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
DAVID HUME.
FROM THE PAPERS BEQUEATHED BY HIS NEPHEW TO THE
ROYAL SOCIETY OF EDINBURGH; AND OTHER
ORIGINAL SOURCES.
BY JOHN HILL BURTON, ESQ.
ADVOCATE.
VOLUME II.
EDINBURGH:
WILLIAM TAIT, 107, PRINCE'S STREET.
MDCCCXLVI.
EDINBURGH:
Printed by WILLIAM TAIT, 107, Prince's Street.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME SECOND.
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. II.
Portrait of Hume from a Bust, _Frontispiece_.
Fac simile of a page of the History of England, Page 79
Fac simile of a letter from Rousseau, 326
CHAPTER X.
1756-1759. ÆT. 45-48.
The second volume of the History of the Stuarts--His Apologies
for his Treatment of Religion--The Four Dissertations--The Two
Suppressed Dissertations--Resigns his Office of Librarian--
Home's Douglas--Commences the History of the Tudors--
Wilkie's Epigoniad--Hume's Nationalism--Warburton--Colonel
Edmondstoune--Dr. Robertson--Negotiations as to Ferguson's
Chair--Hume goes to London--Writes Letters of Fictitious and
Extravagant News--Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments--
Publication of the History of the House of Tudor--General View
of the Constitutional Principles of the History. 1
CHAPTER XI.
1760-1762. ÆT. 49-51.
Alterations of the History in the direction of despotic
Principles--Specimens--Alterations in Style--Specimens--His
Elaboration--Ossian's Poems--Labours at the early part of the
History--Ferguson's "Sister Peg"--Acquaintance with Madame de
Boufflers--Account of that lady--First intercourse with
Rousseau--Rousseau's position--The exiled Earl Marischal--
Campbell and his Dissertation on Miracles. 73
CHAPTER XII.
1762-1763. ÆT. 51-52.
The Publication of the History anterior to the Accession of
the Tudors--Completion of the History--Inquiry how far it is a
complete History--Hume's Intention to write an Ecclesiastical
History--Opinions of Townsend and others on his History--
Appreciation of the Fine Arts--Hume's House in James's Court--
Its subsequent occupation by Boswell and Johnson--Conduct
of David Mallet--Hume's Projects--The Douglas Cause--
Correspondence with Reid. 120
CHAPTER XIII.
1763-1764. ÆT. 52-53.
Lord Hertford's appointment to the French Embassy, and
invitation to Hume to accompany him--Correspondence on the
occasion--Residence in London, and remarks on the Political
Movements of 1763--State of his reputation in France--His
Arrival--Letters to friends at home about his flattering
reception--The young French princes--Observations on eminent
French people--His recommendations to a Clergyman--
Introductions of Fellow Countrymen. 156
CHAPTER XIV.
1764-1765. ÆT. 53-54.
The French and English Society of Hume's day--Reasons of his
warm reception in France--Society in which he moved--Mixture
of lettered men with the Aristocracy--Madame Geoffrin--Madame
Du Page de Boccage--Madame Du Deffand--Mademoiselle De
L'Espinasse--D'Alembert--Turgot--The Prince of Conti--Notices
of Hume among the Parisians--Walpole in Paris--Resumption of
the Correspondence--Hume undertakes the management of Elliot's
sons--Reminiscences of home--Mrs. Cockburn--Adam Smith--Madame
De Boufflers and the Prince of Conti--Correspondence with Lord
Elibank. 207
CHAPTER XIV.[vi:A]
1765-1766. ÆT. 54-55.
Hume's Sentiments as to the Popularity of his works--A letter
to the Scottish Clergy--Correspondence with Elliot continued--
Sir Robert Liston--Mallet--Hume appointed Secretary of
Legation--Chargé d' Affaires at Paris--Proposal to appoint him
Secretary for Ireland--Reasons of the Failure of the Project--
Lord Hertford--Resumption of Communication with Rousseau--
Rousseau in Paris--Notices of his History and Character--
Hume's Solicitude for his welfare--Return to Britain--Disposal
of Rousseau--Death of Jardine. 263
CHAPTER XV.
1766-1767. ÆT. 55-56.
Rousseau at Wooton--Mr. Davenport--Negotiations as to
Rousseau's pension--Origin and rise of his excitement against
Hume--Proper method of viewing the dispute--Incidents
illustrative of Rousseau's state of mind--His charges against
Hume--Smith's opinion--Opinion of the French friends--Hume's
conduct in the publication of the papers--Voltaire--Rousseau's
flight and wanderings--Hume's subsequent conduct to him. 319
CHAPTER XVI.
1766-1770. ÆT. 55-59.
Hume Under Secretary of State--Church Politics--Official
abilities--Conduct as to Ferguson's book--Quarrel with
Oswald--Baron Mure's sons--Project of continuing the History--
Ministerial convulsions--Hume's conduct to his Family--His
Brother--His Nephews--Baron Hume--Blacklock--Smollett--Church
Patronage--Gibbon--Robertson--Elliot--Gilbert Stuart--The
Douglas Cause--Andrew Stewart--Morellet--Return to Scotland. 382
CHAPTER XVII.
1771-1776. ÆT. 60-65.
Hume's social character--His conversation--His disposition--
Traditional anecdotes regarding him--Correspondence--Letter
about the Pretender--Gilbert Stuart's quarrel with Dr. Henry--
Commercial State of Scotland--Letter to his nephew on
Republicanism--Smith's "Wealth of Nations"--Hume's illness--
His Will--Smith appointed Literary Executor--Strahan
substituted--His journey to England with Home--Prospects of
Death--Communications with his Friends and Relations--His
Death--General view of his influence on Thought and Action. 437
INDEX. 523
FOOTNOTES:
[vi:A] By mistake two chapters have been numbered XIV.
THE LIFE
OF
DAVID HUME.
CHAPTER X.
1756-1759. ÆT. 45-48.
The second volume of the History of the Stuarts--His Apologies
for his Treatment of Religion--The Four Dissertations--The Two
Suppressed Dissertations--Resigns his Office of Librarian--
Home's Douglas--Commences the History of the Tudors--Wilkie's
Epigoniad--Hume's Nationalism--Warburton--Colonel Edmondstoune--
Dr. Robertson--Negotiations as to Ferguson's Chair--Hume goes
to London--Writes letters of Fictitious and Extravagant News--
Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments--Publication of the History
of the House of Tudor--General View of the Constitutional
Principles of the History.
We have now followed the personal history of David Hume through nearly
twenty years of authorship. We have seen him approach the tribunal of
public opinion with the strongest internal assurance of success, and in
a form so different from that of his predecessors, as a high reliance on
his own powers could alone have prompted. Baffled in the first, and in
the second, and in the third attempt, he still persevered; and while the
coldness of each reception showed him that his last effort had proved a
failure, it never extinguished the fire of literary ardour which he felt
burning within him, or quenched the hope, that it would one day blaze
forth before the world. It is only towards the termination of this long
period of laborious authorship that we find the philosopher's early
visions of intellectual greatness beginning to be fulfilled. At the
period at which we have now arrived, his name was famous over Europe. It
was a fame that, once spread abroad, was not soon to die; for those to
whom his name was first made known in his new popular work, speedily
discovered that, in his earliest neglected effort, he had laid the
foundation of a still surer claim on their admiration, and justified the
sagacity with which, in the pride and strength of youthful genius, he
had thrown its first fruits before the world unaided and unadvised.
The year 1756 seems to have been in a great measure devoted by Hume to
the printing of the second volume of his History, to which the following
letters to Millar refer. A great part of the correspondence with this
sagacious publisher relates to minute business arrangements. It is
presumed, that the reader may wish to see some specimens of the manner
in which Hume transacted such matters, but that he will not care to have
the whole of the arrangements between the author and publisher laid
before him. A few specimens of the business part of the letters are
accordingly selected, while those portions which have any general
interest, literary, philosophical, or political, are given in full. The
reader will see, perhaps, with some surprise, that he was very anxious
to subject his style to the critical eye of Mallet. We shall hereafter
have to disclose some curious features of his literary intercourse with
this extraordinary person.
HUME _to_ ANDREW MILLAR.
"_Edinburgh, 22d September, 1756._
"Mr. Strahan, in a few days, will have finished the printing this
volume; and I hope you will find leisure, before the hurry of winter,
to peruse it, and to write me your remarks on it. I fancy you will
publish about the middle of November. I must desire you to take the
trouble of distributing a few copies to my friends in London, and of
sending me a few copies here. The whole will be fifteen copies.
"Notwithstanding Mr. Mallet's impertinence in not answering my letter,
(for it deserves no better a name,) if you can engage him from yourself
to mark on the perusal such slips of language as he thinks I have fallen
into in this volume, it will be a great obligation to me: I mean that I
shall lie under an obligation to you; for I would not willingly owe any
to him. I am, dear sir, your most humble servant."[3:1]
"_Edinburgh, 4th December, 1756._
"DEAR SIR,--I have two of yours before me, and should have answered them
sooner, had not Mr. Dalrymple told me that he would come to a
resolution, in a few days, about the method of printing his volume. As
soon as he does so, I shall write you.
"I am certainly very well satisfied with your sale, which I hope
continues. Lord Lyttelton's objection is not well grounded; I have not
contradicted that story betwixt Shaftesbury and Clifford: I have only
omitted it. It stands only on Burnet's authority, who is very careless
and inaccurate. I believe I could convince both you and him that it was
without foundation. I am very glad that Mr. Mallet has marked those
expressions which appeared Scotticisms. You could not do me a greater
pleasure than to procure me a list of them. I beg of you to employ all
your interest with him to that purpose. I am very anxious to see them
soon, that I may examine them at leisure, and correct them in all my
writings. A very little time would suffice for him to take down the page
and the line and the expression. If counting the line were too
troublesome, he would oblige me by only marking the page and the
expression; I would easily find it.
"I had a conversation, yesterday, with Messrs. Kincaid and Donaldson,
when I made them a proposal, which, I hope, will be for both your
advantage. They told me that you had only about four hundred complete
sets of my philosophical writings. I am extremely desirous to have these
four volumes, with that which you will publish this winter, brought into
a quarto volume. They said that the small size was rather more proper
for their sale; and, therefore, they would gladly take, at present, two
hundred sets of the four volumes, to be paid for by so many of their
shares in the quarto edition as would be an equivalent; that is, if the
quarto volume were sold at the same price with the four volumes, then
set for set: if at more, then such allowance to be made as, upon
calculation, would appear to be an equivalent. If the History meet with
success, it will certainly quicken the sale of the philosophical
writings; and the taking two hundred sets from you, leaves you so small
a number on hand, as gives you a certain prospect of coming soon to a
new edition. Though some odd copies of particular volumes remain on
hand, there is no great matter, as they may be disposed of with a small
discount. If you agree to this proposal, they empowered me to desire you
to put the two hundred copies on board a ship with the first occasion,
and to write them a letter, by which they may be sure that there is no
mistake in the conditions. The bringing these scattered pieces into one
volume will, of itself, quicken the sale; and every new edition has
naturally that effect.
"I again recommend to you, very earnestly, the procuring me that favour
from Mr. Mallet. It is not possible that he can refuse you. I wish I had
desired you to ask the same favour of Mr. Reid, to whom please to make
my compliments. I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant."[5:1]
The second volume of the History, bringing down the narrative to the
Revolution, was published in 1756. "This performance," says Hume in his
"own life," alluding to the previous volume, "happened to give less
displeasure to the Whigs, and was better received. It not only rose
itself, but helped to buoy up its unfortunate brother."
The manner in which he had characterized the different religious bodies,
whose conduct he had to describe, gave offence to many readers, and was
afterwards matter of regret to himself. The toleration which forbids us
to punish our neighbour on account of his creed, he had fully learned.
That still higher toleration, which forbids us to treat our neighbour's
religious creed with disrespect, he had not yet acquired. He always
speaks of the extreme Independents and Presbyterians as enthusiasts.
With this term, not in itself opprobrious, because, though it implies
excess, it does not imply the excess of a bad quality, he, on some
occasions, associates the word fanaticism, and other expressions having
a like sarcastic, or at least slighting tendency. To the Roman Catholic
religion he was still less respectful, generally speaking of it
as "the Catholic superstition."[5:2] In his "Natural History
of Religion," published in 1757, he used the same offensive
expressions, and spoke of the ceremonies and essential doctrines
of the church of Rome, in a tone which no sincere member of that
church can encounter without painful feelings. In this respect he
certainly did not act up to the character of a true philosopher,
though his expressions are no doubt in harmony with the general
tone of his mind. He certainly had no wish to insult any man's
creed, but he never dreamed that, among his readers, there might
be some who sympathized deeply with the catholic spirit of the
gothic ages, or with the independent temper of the covenanters.
One whose mind revolted so nervously against whatever was not
stamped with the character of profound philosophy, or of brilliant
intellect, could see nothing to admire in the adaptation of the
catholic system to the dark ages in which it flourished; and would
have little respect for such achievements as it gained in the war
with barbarous minds and brutal passions.[6:1]
In Scotland, the Episcopal Church was at that time barely tolerated; and
many an outcry against this toleration, as one of the sins of the time,
made its adherents daily fear that their freedom of conscience might be
made still more narrow. For the Roman Catholics there was no toleration
in the proper acceptation of the term. Had their priesthood mingled in
the ordinary society of Edinburgh, and had Hume become acquainted with
them as he afterwards was with the clergy of France, he would perhaps
have blushed to write as he did, of the creed of learned and
accomplished men. In his subsequent editions, he carefully cleansed his
History of these offensive expressions, substituting in general the word
"creed" or "religion," instead of superstition.
The coincidence of his metaphysical opinions, with those of a
considerable portion of the Presbyterians, has already been noticed; and
his desire to strip religion of all forms and symbols, would seem to
point out the Presbyterian system as that with which he should naturally
have had the greatest sympathy. But he disliked enthusiasm or zeal,
whatever were the opinions of the zealots; and therefore he invariably
marks with censure the extreme views of that religious party. In the
English church, on the other hand, he met with a larger proportion of
learned, accomplished, and gentlemanlike men. Among persons, too, many
of whom were tempted to assume the sacerdotal character by its
emoluments, not by its duties, he found a tolerable portion of that
philosophical indifference, which it is to be feared he looked upon as
no blemish in a clergyman's character. In the Church of England, his
sympathies were thus with the insincere.[9:1] Where there was sincere
belief, but not to the extent of enthusiasm, the clergy of the Church of
Scotland would have the largest share of his confidence. Accordingly, we
find that he had formed a warm intimacy with many of the members of the
"moderate" party in that church. His own good taste and sense of
colloquial politeness, would suggest to him the propriety of avoiding,
whether in correspondence or conversation, all forms of expression or
enunciations of opinion, such as it would be unbecoming in a clergyman
to hear without reproving. On the other hand, his correspondence with
the clergy bears traces of his having made it part of the understanding
on which their intercourse was to be based, that they were not to make
him a subject for the exercise of their calling; and that they were to
abstain from all efforts of conversion, and all discussion of religious
subjects. Hence, although there are many observations on church politics
in his correspondence with his reverend friends, religion is a matter
never mentioned.
Before he published his second volume, Hume felt conscious of the
impropriety of the tone he had adopted in the first, towards religious
creeds. In a letter to Dr. Clephane, he says,--"I am convinced that
whatever I have said of religion should have received some more
softenings. There is no passage in the History which strikes in the
least at revelation. But as I run over all the sects successively, and
speak of each of them with some mark of disregard, the reader, putting
the whole together, concludes that I am of no sect; which to him will
appear the same thing as the being of no religion. With regard to
politics and the character of princes and great men, I think I am very
moderate. My views of _things_ are more conformable to Whig principles;
my representations of _persons_ to Tory prejudices. Nothing can so much
prove that men commonly regard more persons than things, as to find that
I am commonly numbered among the Tories."[11:1]
The following paper is evidently a draft of a preface, which, in the
consciousness that some apology was called for in connexion with this
subject, he intended to prefix to the second volume. He afterwards
published a great part of the substance of it in a note towards the end
of the volume: but there is sufficient difference in the contents of the
two papers to make the following a distinct object of interest.
PREFACE.
It ought to be no matter of offence, that in this volume, as
well as in the foregoing, the mischiefs which arise from the
abuses of religion are so often mentioned, while so little in
comparison is said of the salutary consequences which result
from true and genuine piety. The proper office of religion is
to reform men's lives, to purify their hearts, to enforce all
moral duties, and to secure obedience to the laws and civil
magistrate. While it pursues these useful purposes, its
operations, though infinitely valuable, are secret and silent,
and seldom come under the cognisance of history. That
adulterate species of it alone, which inflames faction,
animates sedition, and prompts rebellion, distinguishes itself
in the open theatre of the world. Those, therefore, who
attempt to draw inferences disadvantageous to religion from
the abuses of it mentioned by historians, proceed upon a very
gross, and a very obvious fallacy; for, besides that every
thing is liable to abuse, and the best things the most so, the
beneficent influence of religion is not to be sought for in
history. That principle is always the more pure and genuine,
the less figure it makes in the annals of war, politics,
intrigues, and revolutions, quarrels, and convulsions; which
it is the business of an historian to record and transmit to
posterity.
It ought as little to be matter of offence, that no religious
sect is mentioned in this work without being exposed sometimes
to some note of blame and disapprobation. The frailties of
our nature mingle themselves with every thing in which we
are employed, and no human institutions will ever reach
perfection, the idea of an infinite mind. The author of the
universe seems at first sight to require a worship absolutely
pure, simple, unadorned, without rites, institutions,
ceremonies; even without temples, priests, or verbal prayer
and supplication. Yet has this species of devotion been often
found to degenerate into the most dangerous fanaticism. When
we have recourse to the aid of the senses and imagination, in
order to adapt our religion in some degree to human infirmity,
it is very difficult, and almost impossible, to prevent
altogether the intrusion of superstition, or keep men from
laying too great stress on the ceremonial and ornamental parts
of their worship. Of all the sects into which Christians have
been divided, the Church of England seems to have chosen the
most happy medium; yet it will undoubtedly be allowed, that
during the age of which these volumes treat, there was a
tincture of superstition in the partisans of the hierarchy, as
well as a strong mixture of enthusiasm in their antagonists.
But it is the nature of the latter principle soon to evaporate
and decay. A spirit of moderation usually succeeds in a little
to the fervours of zeal; and it must be acknowledged, to the
honour of the present Presbyterians, Independents, and other
sectaries of this island, that they resemble in little more
than in name their predecessors, who flourished during the
civil wars, and who were the authors of such disorders. It
would appear ridiculous in the eyes of the judicious part of
mankind, to pretend that even the first reformers, in most
countries of Europe, did not carry matters to a most violent
extreme, and were not on many occasions liable to the
imputation of fanaticism. Not to mention that uncharitable
spirit which accompanies zealots of all kinds, and which led
the early reformers, almost universally, to inflict upon the
Catholics, and on all who differed from them, the same rigours
of which they themselves so loudly complained.
These hints, however obvious, the author thought proper to
suggest, with regard to the free and impartial manner in which
he has treated religious controversy. As to the civil and
political part of his performance, he scorns to suggest any
apology, where he thinks himself entitled to approbation. To
be above the temptation of interest is a species of virtue,
which we do not find by experience to be very common; but to
neglect at the same time all popular and vulgar applause, is
an enterprise much more rare and arduous. Whoever, in a
factious nation, pays court to neither party, must expect that
justice will be done him by time only, perhaps only by a
distant posterity.[13:1]
The "Natural History of Religion" above referred to, remarkable even
among its author's other works, for the breadth of its research, and its
apt union of philosophy with historical detail, was published in 1757,
along with three other essays;[13:2] and a curious incident connected
with this publication has now to be revealed. In 1783, a work was
published in London, called "Essays on Suicide and the Immortality of
the Soul, ascribed to the late David Hume, Esq., never before published;
with remarks, intended as an antidote to the poison contained in these
performances, by the Editor." The editor and his antidote are now both
forgotten: but the style of Hume and his method of thinking were at once
recognised in these essays, and they have been incorporated with the
general edition of his works. If any doubt attached to the authorship,
it would be cleared up by some allusions in his subsequent
correspondence, where we shall find him naturally expressing alarm at
the circumstance of Wilkes having, through the negligence of Millar, had
possession of a copy containing the two suppressed essays. Many copies,
indeed, of the first edition of the dissertations bear marks of having
been mutilated.[14:1] That Hume wrote these essays, and intended to
publish them, is thus an incident in his life which ought not to be
passed over; but it is also part of his history, that he repented of the
act at the last available moment, and suppressed the publication.
That after the ghastly scene which he witnessed twenty years
earlier,[14:2] he should have written on suicide with his usual
philosophical indifference, and contempt for the prevalent sentiments
and feelings of mankind, is a remarkable proof how little he was liable
to ordinary imaginative impressions; how completely he was free of
subjection to those
"lords of the visionary eye, whose lid
Once raised remains aghast, and will not fall."
It may safely be pronounced, that had he widened the circle of his
utilitarian theory, and embraced within it, as he might have done,
Hutcheson's theory of universal benevolence, he never would have
palliated self-slaughter. He looked at it only in relation to the person
who perpetrates the act. The utilitarian principle, however, should have
suggested to him the misery caused to surviving relatives by one such
deed, the horrible uncertainty that must pervade any society where it is
common; and he would have felt that no single life can be so dreadful a
burden to the owner as to justify him in causing such an amount of evil
to the rest of the world, as he would produce by casting it away. The
result of modern reading and inquiry into vital statistics, is to show
that the desire of longevity, which the author of our being has
implanted in all bosoms, is an adaptation to universal utility; because
it is from premature deaths, produced by violence or disease, that
communities are burdened with those unproductive members of society,
which in a healthy and long-lived community, receive domestic support
from the productive members.[15:1]
The reasonings of an enthusiast have generally more plausibility than
those of a philosopher who has gone astray from his own theory; for the
straying philosopher speaks like one who has misgivings; while the
enthusiast never doubts that he is in the right, and urges his opinions
with a corresponding confidence and sincerity. Thus the justification of
suicide which Rousseau puts into a letter from St. Preux to Lord Edward
Bomston, is a far more attractive vindication than that which Hume had
intended to publish.
This was not the only suppression connected with the publication of the
Dissertations. As at first printed, they were preceded by an
affectionate and laudatory dedication to John Home. Before the edition
was published, this dedication was suppressed; because Hume thought it
might injure his friend, in the estimation of his brethren of the
church. Before the edition was sold, however, Hume desired the
dedication to be restored. This step was probably owing to Home having
intimated to him his design of resigning his charge as minister of
Athelstaneford, which he did in June, 1757. This not only removed the
objection to the dedication, but as it severed the dramatic martyr from
his professional brethren, it made him more dependant on the sympathy
and suffrages of other friends, and rendered Hume's testimony to his
merits more valuable.
He thus writes on this subject to Smith.
HUME _to_ ADAM SMITH.
[16:1]"DEAR SMITH,--The dedication to John Home, you have probably seen;
for I find it has been inserted in some of the weekly papers, both here
and in London. Some of my friends thought it was indiscreet in me to
make myself responsible to the public, for the productions of another.
But the author had lain under such singular and unaccountable
obstructions in his road to fame, that I thought it incumbent on his
wellwishers to go as much out of the common road to assist him. I
believe the composition of the dedication will be esteemed very prudent,
and not inelegant.
"I can now give you the satisfaction of hearing that the play, though
not near so well acted in Covent Garden as in this place, is likely to
be very successful. Its great intrinsic merit breaks through all
obstacles. When it shall be printed, (which will be soon,) I am
persuaded it will be esteemed the best, and by French critics the only
tragedy of our language! This encouragement will no doubt engage the
author to go on in the same career. He meets with great countenance in
London, and, I hope, will soon be rendered independent in his fortune.
"Did you ever hear of such madness and folly as our clergy have lately
fallen into? For my part, I expect that the next Assembly will very
solemnly pronounce the sentence of excommunication against me; but I do
not apprehend it to be a matter of any consequence; what do you think?
"I am somewhat idle at present, and somewhat undetermined as to my next
undertaking. Shall I go backwards or forwards in my History? I think you
used to tell me, that you approved more of my going backwards. The other
would be the more popular subject; but I am afraid that I shall not find
materials sufficient to ascertain the truth--at least, without settling
in London, which, I own, I have some reluctance to. I am settled here
very much to my mind; and would not wish, at my years, to change the
place of my abode.
"I have just now received a copy of 'Douglas' from London; it will
instantly be put in the press. I hope to be able to send you a copy in
the same parcel with the dedication."[18:1]
HUME _to_ ANDREW MILLAR.
"_Edinburgh, 20th January, 1757._
"DEAR SIR,--The dedication of my Dissertations to Mr. Hume[18:2] was
shown to some of his friends here, men of very good sense, who were
seized with an apprehension that it would hurt that party in the church,
with which he had always been connected, and would involve him, and them
of consequence, in the suspicion of infidelity. Neither he nor I were in
the least affected with their panic; but to satisfy them, we agreed to
stand by the arbitration of one person, of great rank and of known
prudence; and I promised them to write to you to suspend the publication
for one post, in case you should have resolved to publish it presently.
Next post you shall be sure to hear from me; and if we be obliged to
suppress it, you'll be pleased to place the charges of print and paper
to my account. I indorse this day your two bills to Mr. Alexander
Cunningham. I am," &c.
Early in 1757, Hume resigned his office of librarian of the Advocates'
Library. As a verbal intimation of his wishing to leave this situation
was not considered satisfactory, he favoured his learned employers with
the following laconic letter:--
"_Edinburgh, January 8, 1757._
"SIR,--A few days ago, I sent the Faculty a verbal resignation; but as I
am told that it is expected I should give a resignation under my hand,
and as I am very desirous to deliver over the charge of the library as
soon as possible, I have been induced to write you at present, and beg
of you to inform the Faculty, that they may choose me a successor
whenever they think proper. I am, sir, your most humble servant.[19:1]
"_To Mr. Charles Binning,
Vice-Dean of the Faculty of Advocates._"
HUME _to_ WILLIAM MURE _of Caldwell_.
"DEAR MURE,--I hope you do not think yourself obliged, by saying civil
things, to make atonement for the too homely truths, which you told me
formerly. I will not believe so. I take for granted, that you are
equally sincere in both: though I must own that I think my first volume
a great deal better than the second. The subject admitted of more
eloquence, and of greater nicety of reasoning, and more acute
distinctions. The opposition, I may say the rage, with which it was
received by the public, I must confess, did not a little surprise me.
Whatever knowledge I pretend to in history, and human affairs, I had not
so bad an opinion of men as to expect that candour, disinterestedness,
and humanity, could entitle me to that treatment. Yet such was my fate.
After a long interval, I at last collected so much courage, as to renew
my application to the second volume, though with infinite disgust and
reluctance; and I am sensible that, in many passages of it, there are
great signs of that disposition, and that my usual fire does not every
where appear. At other times, I excited myself, and perhaps succeeded
better.
Exul eram; requiesque mihi, non fama, petita est;
Mens intenta suis, ne foret usque malis.
Nam simul ac mea caluerant pectora musae,
Altior humano spiritus ille malo est.[20:1]
"I leave you to judge whether your letter came in a very seasonable
time. I own that I had the weakness to be affected by it, when I found
that a person, whose judgment I very much valued, could tell me, though
I was not asking his opinion----But I will not proceed any farther. The
matter gave me uneasiness at the time, though without the least
resentment. At present the uneasiness is gone; and all my usual
friendship, confirmed by years and long acquaintance, still remains.
"Pray, whether do you pity or blame me most, with regard to this
dedication of my Dissertations to my friend, the poet? I am sure I never
executed any thing which was either more elegant in the composition, or
more generous in the intention; yet such an alarm seized some fools
here, (men of very good sense, but fools in that particular,) that they
assailed both him and me with the utmost violence; and engaged us to
change our intention. I wrote to Millar to suppress that dedication; two
posts after, I retracted that order. Can any thing be more unlucky than
that, in the interval of these four days, he should have opened his
sale, and disposed of eight hundred copies, without that dedication,
whence, I imagined, my friend would reap some advantage, and myself so
much honour? I have not been so heartily vexed at any accident of a long
time. However, I have insisted that the dedication shall still be
published.
"I am a little uncertain what work I shall next undertake; for I do not
care to be long idle. I think you seem to approve of my going forward:
and I am sensible that the subject is much more interesting to us, and
even will be so to posterity, than any other I could choose: but can I
hope that there are materials for composing a just and sure history of
it? I am afraid not. However, I shall examine the matter. I fancy it
will be requisite for me to take a journey to London, and settle there
for some time, in order to gather such materials as are not to be found
in print. But, if I should go backwards, and write the History of
England from the accession of Henry the Seventh, I might remain where I
am; and I own to you, at my time of life, these changes of habitation
are not agreeable, even though the place be better to which one removes.
"I am sorry my fair cousin does not find London so agreeable as,
perhaps, she expected. She must not judge by one winter. It will improve
against next winter, and appear still better the winter after that.
Please make my compliments to her, and tell her that she must not be
discouraged. By the by, Mrs. Binnie tells me that she writes her a very
different account of matters, so that I find my cousin is a hypocrite.
"I shall make use of your criticisms, and wish there had been more of
them. That practice of doubling the genitive is certainly very
barbarous, and I carefully avoided it in the first volume; but I find it
so universal a practice, both in writing and speaking, that I thought it
better to comply with it, and have even changed all the passages in the
first volume, in conformity to use. All languages contain solecisms of
that kind.
"Please make my compliments to Sir Harry Erskine, and tell him that I
have executed what I proposed. I am," &c.[22:1]
The following letter shows that he did not long remain idle, or
undecided in his historical projects:--
HUME _to_ ANDREW MILLAR.
"_Edinburgh, 20th May, 1757._
"I have already begun, and am a little advanced in a third volume of
History. I do not preclude myself from the view of going forward to the
period after the Revolution; but, at present, I begin with the reign of
Henry the Seventh. It is properly at that period modern history
commences. America was discovered; commerce extended; the arts
cultivated; printing invented; religion reformed, and all the
governments of Europe almost changed. I wish, therefore, I had begun
here at first. I should have obviated many objections that were made to
the other volumes. I shall be considerably advanced in this volume
before I be in London.
"I come now to speak to you of an affair which gives me uneasiness, and
which I mention with reluctance. I am told that one Dr. Brown has
published a book in London, where there is a note containing personal
reflections on me, for which he quotes a letter I wrote to you.[23:1]
What sort of behaviour this is, to make use of a private letter, without
the permission of the person to whom it was addressed, is easily
conceived; but how he came to see any of my letters, I cannot imagine;
nor what I wrote, that could give him any handle for his calumny. All I
can recollect of the matter is this, that above two years ago, when
Bailie Hamilton was in London, he wrote me, that the stop in the sale of
my History proceeded from some strokes of irreligion, which had raised
the cry of the clergy against me. This gave me occasion to remark to
you, that the Bailie's complaint must have proceeded from his own
misconduct; that the cause he assigned could never have produced that
effect; that it was rather likely to increase the sale, according to all
past experience; that you had offered (as I heard) a large sum for
Bolingbroke's Works, trusting to this consequence; and that the strokes
complained of were so few, and of such small importance, that, if any
ill effects could have been apprehended from them, they might easily
have been retrenched. As far as I can recollect, this was the purport of
my letter;[24:1] but I must beg you, that you would cause it to be
transcribed, and send me a copy of it, for I find by John Hume that you
have it still by you. I doubt not but I could easily refute Dr. Brown;
but as I had taken a resolution never to have the least altercation with
these fellows, I shall not readily be brought to pay any attention to
him; and I cannot but be displeased that your inadvertence or
indiscretion (for I cannot give it a better name) should have brought me
to this dilemma. I fancy Brown will find it a difficult matter to
persuade the public that I do not speak my sentiments in every subject I
handle, and that I have any view to any interest whatsoever. I leave
that to him and his gang: for he is a flatterer, as I am told, of that
low fellow, Warburton; and any thing so low as Warburton, or his
flatterers, I should certainly be ashamed to engage with. I am, &c.
"P.S. Since you are acquainted with Dr. Brown, I must beg of you to read
this letter to him; for it is probably, or indeed certainly, all the
answer I shall ever deign to give him."[25:1]
The reader will feel interested in the sketch, by the pen of Hume, of an
eminent contemporary--his friend Wilkie--in the following letter.
HUME _to_ GILBERT ELLIOT _of Minto_.
"_Edinburgh, 3d July, 1757._
"DEAR SIR,--To show you that I am not such an affecter of singularity as
to entertain prejudices against ministers of state,[25:2] I am resolved
to congratulate you on your return to power, and to express my wishes,
that, both for your sake and the public's, your ministry, and that of
your friends, may be more durable than it was before. We even hope it
will, though the strange motley composition which it consists of, gives
us some apprehensions. However, we are glad to find, from past
experience, that you can neither rise nor fall, without credit and
reputation. You know that, according to the whimsical way in this
country, it is more difficult to rise than fall with reputation.
"I suppose that, by this time, you have undoubtedly read and admired the
wonderful production of the Epigoniad, and that you have so much love
for arts, and for your native country, as to be very industrious in
propagating the fame of it. It is certainly a most singular production,
full of sublimity and genius, adorned by a noble, harmonious, forcible,
and even correct versification. We generally think the story deficient
and uninteresting; but perhaps the new fancy of crossing the invention
of all modern romance-writers may make some atonement, and even bestow
an air of novelty on the imitation of Homer. As I cannot but hope that
this work will soon become the subject of conversation in London, I
shall take this opportunity of supplying you with some anecdotes with
regard to the author, besides such as you already know,--of his being a
very worthy and a very entertaining man, adorned with all that
simplicity of manners, so common to great men, and even with some of
that rusticity and negligence which serve to abate that envy to which
they are so much exposed.
"You know he is a farmer's son, in the neighbourhood of this town, where
there are a great number of pigeon-houses. The farmers are very much
infested with the pigeons, and Wilkie's father planted him often as a
scarecrow (an office for which he is well qualified) in the midst of his
fields of wheat. It was in this situation that he confessed he first
conceived the design of his epic poem, and even executed part of it. He
carried out his Homer with him, together with a table, and pen and ink,
and a great rusty gun. He composed and wrote two or three lines, till a
flock of pigeons settled in the field, then rose up, ran towards them,
and fired at them; returned again to his former station, and added a
rhyme or two more, till he met with a fresh interruption.
"Two or three years ago, Jemmy Russel put a very pleasant trick on an
English physician, one Dr. Roebuck, who was travelling in this country.
Russel carried him out one day on horseback to see the outlets of the
town, and purposely led him by Wilkie's farm. He saw the bard at a
small distance, sowing his corn, with a sheet about him, all besmeared
with dirt and sweat, with a coat and visage entirely proportioned to his
occupation. Russel says to his companion, 'Here is a fellow, a peasant,
with whom I have some business: let us call him.' He made a sign, and
Wilkie came to them: some questions were asked him with regard to the
season, to his farm and husbandry, which he readily answered; but soon
took an opportunity of digressing to the Greek poets, and enlarging on
that branch of literature. Dr. Roebuck, who had scarce understood his
rustic English, or rather his broad Scotch, immediately comprehended
him, for his Greek was admirable; and on leaving him, he could not
forbear expressing the highest admiration to Russel, that a clown, a
rustic, a mere hind, such as he saw this fellow was, should be possessed
of so much erudition. 'Is it usual,' says he, 'for your peasants in
Scotland to read the Greek poets?'--'O Yes,' replies Russel, very
coolly, 'we have long winter evenings; and in what can they employ
themselves better, than in reading the Greek poets?' Roebuck left the
country in a full persuasion that there are at least a dozen farmers in
every parish who read Homer, Hesiod, and Sophocles, every
winter-evening, to their families; and, if ever he writes an account of
his travels, it is likely he will not omit so curious a circumstance.
"Wilkie is now a settled minister at Ratho, within four miles of the
town.[27:1] He possesses about £80 or £90 a-year, which he esteems
exorbitant riches. Formerly, when he had only £20, as helper, he said
that he could not conceive what article, either of human convenience or
pleasure he was deficient in, nor what any man could mean by desiring
more money. He possesses several branches of erudition, besides the
Greek poetry; and, particularly, is a very profound geometrician, a
science commonly very incompatible with the lively imagination of a
poet. He has even made some new discoveries in that science; and he told
me, that, when a young man, he threw cross and pile, whether he should
devote himself chiefly to mathematics or to poetry, and fears that
rather he crossed the bent of his genius in taking to the latter. Yet
this man, who has composed the second epic poem in our language!
understands so little of orthography, that, regularly through the whole
poem, he spelled the word yield in this manner, 'ealde;' and I had great
difficulty to convince him of his mistake.
"I fancy our friend, Robertson, will be able to publish his History next
winter. You are sufficiently acquainted with the merit of this work; and
really it is admirable how many men of genius this country produces at
present. Is it not strange that, at a time when we have lost our
princes, our parliaments, our independent government,--even the presence
of our chief nobility; are unhappy, in our accent and pronunciation;
speak a very corrupt dialect of the tongue we make use of,--is it not
strange, I say, that, in these circumstances, we should really be the
people most distinguished for literature in Europe?
"Having spoke so much to Mr. Elliot, the man of letters, you must now
allow me to say a few words to Mr. Elliot, the lord of the admiralty.
There is a cousin-german of mine, Alexander Edgar, who is midshipman in
the Vestal, off Harwich, and has passed his trials, above four months
ago, for a lieutenantcy. He always behaved well in all his service,
which has been very long; and, almost from his infancy, he has had the
good-will, and even friendship, of all his captains; is modest, sober,
frugal, and attentive, and very deserving of promotion. I recommended
him to Mr. Oswald, who always protected him, but can no longer be of
service to him. He is of a very good family, though his father spent his
estate and died a bankrupt; and the poor lad has now scarce any other
friends than what I can procure him: permit me the freedom of
recommending him to your protection. If I did not think him worthy of
it, I should not venture to do so, notwithstanding his near relationship
to me. I think I ought to make some apologies for this liberty I use
with you; but I think it would be wronging our friendship to make too
many. I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant."[29:1]
Wilkie's Epigoniad, of which few ordinary readers now know more than the
name, if even that be very generally remembered south of the Tweed,
inspired many zealous Scotsmen of the day, with the belief that their
country had, at last, produced a great epic poet: but the national
feeling was not responded to in England.[29:2]
Finding that the Epigoniad was attacked by the English critics, Hume
was determined to be the champion of his countryman's fame against all
comers; and accordingly addressed a letter to the editor of _The
Critical Review_, containing a long complimentary criticism, in which he
says,--
There remained a tradition among the Greeks, that Homer had
taken this second siege of Thebes for the subject of a poem,
which is lost; and our author seems to have pleased himself
with the thoughts of reviving the work, as well as of treading
in the footsteps of his favourite author. The actors are
mostly the same with those of the Iliad; Diomede is the hero;
Ulysses, Agamemnon, Menelaus, Nestor, Idomeneus, Merion, even
Thersites, all appear in different passages of the poem; and
act parts suitable to the lively characters drawn of them by
that great master. The whole turn of this new poem would
almost lead us to imagine, that the Scottish bard had found
the lost manuscript of that father of poetry, and had made a
faithful translation of it into English. Longinus imagines,
that the Odyssey was executed by Homer in his old age; we
shall allow the Iliad to be the work of his middle age; and we
shall suppose that the Epigoniad was the essay of his youth,
where his noble and sublime genius breaks forth by frequent
intervals, and gives strong symptoms of that constant flame
which distinguished its meridian. . . .
The story of a poem, whatever may be imagined, is the least
essential part of it; the force of the versification, the
vivacity of the images, the justness of the descriptions, the
natural play of the passions, are the chief circumstances
which distinguish the great poet from the prosaic novelist,
and give him so high a rank among the heroes in literature;
and I will venture to affirm, that all these advantages,
especially the three former, are to be found, in an eminent
degree, in the Epigoniad. The author, inspired with the true
genius of Greece, and smit with the most profound veneration
for Homer, disdains all frivolous ornaments; and relying
entirely on his sublime imagination, and his nervous and
harmonious expression, has ventured to present to his reader
the naked beauties of nature, and challenges for his partisans
all the admirers of genuine antiquity.[31:1]
In his conduct on this occasion, Hume exhibited strong national
partiality. It may seem at first sight at variance with some of his
other characteristics; but it is undoubtedly true, that Hume was imbued
with an intense spirit of nationality. It was a nationality, however, of
a peculiar and restricted character. He cared little about the heroism
of his country, or even its struggles for independence: Wallace, Bruce,
and the Black Douglas, were, in his eyes, less interesting than Ulysses
or Æneas,
----carent quia vate sacro.
But in that arena which he thought the greatest, in the theatre where
intellect exhibits her might, he panted to see his country first and
greatest. No Scotsman could write a book of respectable talent without
calling forth his loud and warm eulogiums. Wilkie was to be the Homer,
Blacklock the Pindar, and Home the Shakspere, or something still
greater, of his country. On those who were even his rivals in his own
peculiar walks--Adam Smith, Robertson, Ferguson, and Henry, he heaped
the same honest, hearty commendation. He urged them to write; he raised
the spirit of literary ambition in their breasts; he found publishers
for their works; and, when these were completed, he trumpeted the
praises of the authors through society.
The following letter shows how accidentally Hume became acquainted with
a matter, which, according to modern notions, should have formed part of
his systematic studies, before he began to write a history of England.
HUME _to_ GILBERT ELLIOT _of Minto_.
"_Edinburgh, 9th Aug. 1757._
"DEAR SIR,--I can easily perceive that your friends were no lawyers, who
said that there was no statute in Henry the Seventh's reign, which
facilitated the alienation of lands, and broke the ancient entails: it
is 4 Hen. VII. cap. 24; but a man may read that passage fifty times, and
not find any thing that seems, in the least, to point that way. I should
certainly have overlooked the meaning of it, had I not been guided by
Lord Kames. You must know that it was a practice in the courts of
justice, before Henry the Seventh's time, to break entails by a device
which seems very ridiculous, but which is continued to this day, and
first received the sanction of law during the reign of that prince. You
have an entailed estate, I suppose, and want to break the entail. You
agree with me that I am to claim the estate by a sham title, prior to
the first entailer; you confess in court that my title is good and
valid; the judges, upon this confession of the party, adjudge the estate
to me; upon which I immediately restore the estate to you, free and
unencumbered; and by this hocus-pocus the entail is broke.--Such was the
practice, pretty common before Henry the Seventh. All that the
parliament then did, was to regulate the method of proceeding in this
fine device, and to determine that the titles of minors, and femmes
couvert, were not to be injured by it. As to other people, who had an
interest to preserve an entail, and who had any good reason to plead in
their own favour, they would naturally appear for themselves. This
practice is called a fine, and a recovery: fine, from the Latin word
finis; because it forecloses all parties, and puts a final issue to
their claims and pretensions: a recovery, because a man thereby recovers
his estate, without the encumbrance of an entail.
"By the bye, I am told, that there are many of these practices still
continued in the law of England; which are as foolish, juvenile, and
ridiculous, as are to be met with in ---- I mean in ---- I would be
understood to mean in ---- any craft or profession of the world.[33:1]
"I am writing the History of England, from the accession of Henry the
Seventh, and am some years advanced in Henry the Eighth. I undertook
this work because I was tired of idleness, and found reading alone,
after I had often perused all good books, (which I think is soon done,)
somewhat a languid occupation. As to the approbation or esteem of those
blockheads who call themselves the public, and whom a bookseller, a
lord, a priest, or a party can guide, I do most heartily despise it. I
shall be able, I think, to make a tolerable smooth, well-told tale of
the history of England during that period; but I own I have not yet been
able to throw much new light into it. I begin the Reformation to-morrow.
"I find the public, with you, have rejected the Epigoniad, for the
present. They may do so if they please; but it has a great deal of
merit, much more than any one of them is capable of throwing into a
work.
"I disapprove very much of Ferguson's scruples, with regard to entering
into Lord Bute's family, with the inspection of more than one boy; but I
hope Lord Bute will conform himself to his delicacy, at least if he
wants to have a man of sense, knowledge, taste, elegance, and morals,
for a tutor to his son.[34:1]
"I am obliged to you for your good intentions, with regard to my cousin;
but you must express yourself otherwise, than by saying that you will
concur with the rest of my friends in endeavouring to promote him; for
now that Oswald is out of court, whom have I besides to apply to? Dear
Sir, your most obedient humble servant."[34:2]
HUME _to_ ANDREW MILLAR.
"_Edinburgh, 3d September, 1757._
"As to my opinions, you know I defend none of them positively; I only
propose my doubts where I am so unhappy as not to receive the same
conviction with the rest of mankind. It surprises me much to see any
body who pretends to be a man of letters, discover anger on that
account; since it is certain, by the experience of all ages, that
nothing contributes more to the progress of learning than such disputes
and novelties.
"Apropos to anger; I am positively assured, that Dr. Warburton wrote
that letter to himself, which you sent me; and indeed the style
discovers him sufficiently.[35:1] I should answer him; but he attacks so
small a corner of my building, that I can abandon it without drawing
great consequences after it. If he would come into the field and dispute
concerning the principal topics of my philosophy, I should probably
accept the challenge: at present nothing could tempt me to take the pen
in hand but anger, of which I feel myself incapable, even upon this
provocation.
"I have finished the Index to the new collection of my pieces; this
Index cost me more trouble than I was aware of when I began it. I am
obliged to Mr. Strahan, for the uncommon pains he has taken in making it
correct. The Errata which I have given, consist mostly of small
alterations in the style, which I made myself. You know I always expect
half-a-dozen of copies on each new edition. I would wish that Mr.
Strahan would accept of one, as a proof of the sense which I have of his
care on this occasion. Please keep one by you, which I fancy I shall
have occasion to send abroad; and be so good as to send the other four,
with any other parcel you are sending hither. I am very assiduous in
writing a new volume of History, and am now pretty well advanced. I find
the whole will be comprised in one volume, though somewhat more bulky
than any of the former. The period of time is a great deal longer than
that of either of the former, but is not near so full of interesting
matter; and as the original historians are much fewer, there are not so
many circumstances transmitted to us. I am pretty certain, that I shall
be able to deliver to you the manuscript about a twelvemonth hence, and
shall certainly be in London myself for that purpose. You seemed
desirous that we should mutually enter into articles about this volume;
which I declined, till I should be so much advanced as to be sure of my
resolution of executing it, and could judge with some certainty of the
bulk. Now that I am satisfied in both these particulars, I am willing to
engage with you for the same price, viz. seven hundred pounds, payable
three months after the publication. If you approve of this proposal,
please write me a letter for that purpose; and I shall also, in return,
send you an obligatory letter. I think this justice is due to you, that
you may see I do not intend, on account of any success, to screw up the
price, or ask beyond what you have already allowed me, which, I own, was
very reasonable.
"Mr. Dalrymple has paid me twenty pounds and a crown. I can never meet
with Mr. Wright, though I call often at his shop. Mr. Balfour does not
name any day.
"I am glad of the approbation which Mr. Dalrymple's book meets with; I
think it really deserves it.[37:1]
"Nothing surprises me more than the ill usage which the Epigoniad has
received. Every body here likes it extremely. The plan and story is not
so much admired, as the poetry and versification; but your critics seem
willing to allow it no merit at all. I fancy it has not been enough
dispersed; and that your engaging on it, would extremely forward its
success. The whole edition is out. There were five hundred and fifty
disposed of here; two hundred sent to London. As the author is my very
good friend and acquaintance, I should be much pleased to bring you to
an understanding together. If the bad success on the first edition has
not discouraged you, I would engage him to make you proposals for that
purpose. He will correct all the blemishes remarked. I should not be
displeased that you read to Dr. Warburton, the paragraph in the first
page of my letter, with regard to himself. The hopes of getting an
answer, might probably engage him to give us something farther of the
same kind; which, at least, saves you the expense of advertising. I see
the doctor likes a literary squabble.
"I would be glad to know, how near you think you are to a new edition of
my History, and whether you intend a duodecimo edition of these
philosophical pieces. I am," &c.[38:1]
DAVID HUME _to_ DR. CLEPHANE.
"_Edinburgh, 3d Sept. 1757._
"DEAR DOCTOR,--I am charmed to find you so punctual a correspondent. I
always knew you to be a good friend, though I was afraid that I had lost
you, and that you had joined that great multitude who abused me, and
reproached me with Paganism, and Jacobitism, and many other wretched
isms, of which I am only guilty of a part.
"I believe a man, when he is once an author, is an author for life; for
I am now very busily engaged in writing another volume of history, and
have crept backwards to the reign of Henry the Seventh. I wish indeed
that I had begun there; for, by that means, I should have been able,
without making any digression, by the plain course of the narration, to
have shown how absolute the authority was which the English kings then
possessed, and that the Stuarts did little or nothing more than continue
matters in the former track, which the people were determined no longer
to admit. By this means I should have escaped the reproach of the most
terrible ism of them all, that of Jacobitism. I shall certainly be in
London next summer; and probably to remain there during life; at least,
if I can settle myself to my mind, which I beg you to have an eye to. A
room in a sober, discreet family, who would not be averse to admit a
sober, discreet, virtuous, frugal, regular, quiet, good-natured man of a
bad character,--such a room, I say, would suit me extremely, especially
if I could take most of my meals in the family; and more especially
still, if it was not far distant from Dr. Clephane's. I shall then be
able, dear doctor, to spend £150 a-year, which is the sum upon which, I
remember, you formerly undertook me. But I would not have you reckon
upon _probabilities_, as you then called them, for I am resolved to
write no more. I shall read and correct, and chat and be idle, the rest
of my life.
"I must now make room for Sir Harry, who smiles at the sum at which I
have set up my rest. I am," &c.[39:1]
Among the officers of the Scottish Royal Regiment who served in the
expedition to Port L'Orient, and afterwards continued in terms of
familiar acquaintance with Hume, was captain, afterwards Colonel
Edmondstoune, of Newton in Perthshire. His letters, which were preserved
by Hume, and will occasionally be cited in these pages, show that he
was a man of wit and learning. Frequent allusions to him, under the name
of Guidelianus, have already occurred in Hume's letters to mutual
friends. The following, graceful and thoroughly amiable as it is, is
apparently the earliest of Hume's letters to him which has been
preserved.
HUME _to_ CAPTAIN EDMONDSTOUNE.
"_Edinburgh, 29th Sept. 1757._
"DEAR EDMONDSTOUNE,--I believe it is a rule in law, that any summons
prevents prescription; and in like manner, that the wakening a process
keeps one's rank in the lords' row.[40:1] It is with some such view that
I now write to you; not to send you a formal letter, which would require
a formal answer, and would therefore get no answer at all: but just to
take a shake of your hand, and ask you how you do, and speak a little
nonsense to you as usual, and then fall into s[ilence] without giving
myself the trouble of supporting the conversation any lon[ger]; and, in
a word, keep you from forgetting that you have some such friend in the
world as myself.
"But pray, why did you not write me as you promised and give me your
direction? Was you afraid I should write to you? You see I can find out
a method of directing to you without your information.
"Tell me about the Epigoniad. Was there ever so much fine versification
bestowed on so indifferent a story? Has it had any success in Ireland? I
fancy not; for the criticklings in Dublin depend on the criticklings in
London, who depend on the booksellers, who depend on their interest,
which depends on their printing a book themselves. This is the cause why
Wilkie's book is at present neglected, or damned, as they call it: but I
am much mistaken if it end so. Pray what says the primate of it? I hear
he has the generosity to support damned books till the resurrection, and
that he is one of the saints who pray them out of purgatory. I hope he
is an honest fellow and one of [us.] Captain Masterton told me, that he
was not quite of my opinion with regard to the 'Douglas,' and that he
blamed my dedicatory address to the author. But I persist still, and
will prove in spite of him and you, and of every man who [wears eit]her
black or scarlet, that it is an admirable tragedy, comparable [to the
exce]llent pieces of the good age of Louis Quatorze. The author is here
at present, and is refitting his 'Agis' for the theatre, which I hope
will have justice done it. _Il est le mieux renté de touts les beaux
esprits._ He has a pension from his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales,
as you have probably heard.
"I hear sometimes from the Doctor, who desires me to tell him something
about you. But I am no necromancer; only, as the ancients
said,--_prudentia est quædam divinatio_. I conjecture that you are
lounging, and reading, and playing at whist, and blaming yourself for
not writing letters, and yet persisting in the neglect of your
duty."[41:1]
The following is the second letter in which we find Hume appreciating
the merits of his friend and rival, Robertson. There is no passage in
literary history, perhaps, more truly dignified, than the perfect
cordiality and sincere interchange of services between two men, whose
claims on the admiration of the world came in so close competition with
each other.
HUME _to_ ANDREW MILLAR.
"_Edinburgh, 6th April, 1758._
"DEAR SIR,--I am very glad that Mr. Robertson is entering on terms with
you. It was indeed my advice to him, when he set out for London, that he
should think of no other body; and I ventured to assure him that he
would find your way of dealing frank, and open, and generous. He read me
part of his History, and I had an opportunity of reading another part of
it in manuscript above a twelvemonth ago. Upon the whole, my
expectations, both from what I saw, and from my knowledge of the author,
were very much raised, and I consider it as a work of uncommon merit. I
know that he has employed himself with great diligence and care in
collecting the facts: his style is lively and entertaining; and he
judges with temper and candour. He is a man generally known and esteemed
in this country: and we look upon him very deservedly as inferior to
nobody in capacity and learning. Hamilton and Balfour have offered him a
very unusual price; no less than five hundred pounds for one edition of
two thousand; but I own, that I should be better pleased to see him in
your hands. I only inform you of this fact, that you may see how high
the general expectations are of Mr. Robertson's performance. It will
have a quick sale in this country, from the character of the author; and
in England, from the merit of the work, as soon as it is known.
"Some part of his subject is common with mine; but as his work is a
History of Scotland, mine of England, we do not interfere; and it will
rather be an amusement to the reader to compare our method of treating
the same subject. I give you thanks, however, for your attention in
asking my opinion."[43:1]
The following is from another letter on the same subject.
"_Edinburgh, 20th June, 1758._
"I send enclosed a letter from Mr. Robertson. He wishes it were
practicable to send him more than one sheet every post. I am afraid, if
this be not done, our publications will interfere, which would be
disagreeable to you as well as to both of us.
"I have read a small pamphlet called 'Sketches,' which, from the style,
I take to be Dr. Armstrong's, though the public voice gives it to Allan
Ramsay.[43:2] I find the ingenious author, whoever he be, ridicules the
new method of spelling, as he calls it; but that method of spelling
_honor_, instead of _honour_, was Lord Bolingbroke's, Dr. Middleton's,
and Mr. Pope's; besides many other eminent writers'. However, to tell
truth, I hate to be any way particular in a trifle; and therefore, if
Mr. Strahan has not printed off above ten or twelve sheets, I should not
be displeased if you told him to follow the usual, that is, his own way
of spelling throughout; we shall make the other volumes conformable to
it: if he be advanced farther, there is no great matter."[43:3]
A letter to Elliot, after some farther recommendations of Hume's
nephew, young Edgar, to his attention, thus proceeds:--
HUME _to_ GILBERT ELLIOT _of Minto_.
"_Edinburgh, 11th May, 1758._
"I have the prospect of paying my respects to you this autumn, in
London. I am now come within sight of land, and am drawing near to a
period of that volume which I had undertaken. I find the subject
curious; and I believe that this volume will contain some novelty, as
well as greater accuracy of composition, than is employed by our
ordinary historians. I could add, greater than is requisite to please
the taste of the public,--at least if we may judge by the vast success
of Dr. Smollett's history. _Vanitas vanitatum, atque omnia vanitas_,
says the Preacher; the great object of us authors, and of you orators
and statesmen, is to gain applause; and you see at what rate it is to be
purchased. I fancy there is a future state, to give poets, historians,
and philosophers their due reward, and to distribute to them those
recompenses which are so strangely shared out in this life. It is of
little consequence that posterity does them justice, if they are for
ever to be ignorant of it, and are to remain in perpetual slumber in
their literary paradise. However, it is some comfort, that virtue is its
own reward, and that a man cannot employ himself in the cultivation of
letters without reaping a real present satisfaction from his industry. I
am, dear sir, your most obliged humble servant.
"P.S.--I am sorry to hear that the bill for the importation of Irish
cattle is rejected. Besides other arguments for it, I remember a strong
argument which was used in Charles II.'s time against the prohibition,
when it was first laid on: it was affirmed that the shipping employed in
that commerce was nearly equal to that which served for the carriage of
coal from Newcastle to London. It is not improbable that this argument
has, at present, escaped all the reasoners on that subject; and I
thought it a proper one to be suggested to a lord of the Admiralty. It
is to be found, if my memory do not deceive me, in Carte's Ormond, and
was employed by that duke."[45:1]
In the year 1759, Adam Ferguson was appointed professor of natural
philosophy in the university of Edinburgh. From the following
correspondence, it appears that Hume and others were desirous that Smith
should occupy a chair in Edinburgh, and, apparently, the same that was
obtained by Ferguson,[45:2] and that Ferguson should succeed Smith in
Glasgow. The singular terms on which the Edinburgh professorship appears
to have been disposed of, were, probably, not such as Smith would accede
to; and we afterwards find Hume conducting a negotiation for Ferguson
alone.
HUME _to_ ADAM SMITH.
"_8th June, 1758._
"DEAR SMITH,--I sit down to write to you along with Johnstone; and as we
have been talking over the matter, it is probable we shall employ the
same arguments. As he is the younger lawyer, I leave him to open the
case, and, suppose that you have read his letter first. We are certain
that the settlement of you here, and of Ferguson at Glasgow, would be
perfectly easy, by Lord Milton's interest. The prospect of prevailing
with Abercromby is also very good; for the same statesman, by his
influence over the town council, could oblige him either to attend,
which he never would do, or dispose of the office for the money which he
gave for it. The only real difficulty is, then, with you. Pray, then,
consider that this is, perhaps, the only opportunity we shall ever have
of getting you to town. I dare swear that you think the difference of
place is worth paying something for; and yet it will really cost you
nothing. You made above £100 a-year, by your class, when in this place,
though you had not the character of professor. We cannot suppose that it
will be less than £130 after you are settled. John Stevenson; and it is
John Stevenson, makes near £150, as we were informed upon inquiry.[46:1]
Here is £100 a-year for eight years' purchase; which is a cheap
purchase, even considered as the way of a bargain. We flatter ourselves
that you rate our company at something; and the prospect of settling
Ferguson will be an additional inducement. For, though we think of
making him take up the project if you refuse it, yet it is uncertain
whether he will consent; and it is attended, in his case, with many very
obvious objections. I beseech you, therefore, to weigh all these motives
over again. The alteration of these circumstances merit that you should
put the matter again in deliberation. I had a letter from Miss Hepburn,
where she regrets very much that you are settled at Glasgow, and that we
had the chance of seeing you so seldom. I am," &c.
"P.S.--Lord Milton can, with his finger, stop the foul mouths of all the
roarers against heresy."[47:1]
HUME _to the_ REV. JOHN JARDINE.[47:2]
"REV. SIR,--I am informed, by the late Rev. Mr. John Home, that the
still Rev. Adam Ferguson's affair is so far on a good footing, that it
is agreed to refer the matter to the Justice Clerk, whether more shall
be paid to Mr. Abercromby than he himself gave for that professorship.
Now, as it is obvious that, in these kinds of references, where the
question is not of law and justice, the circumstances of the person are
to be considered, I beg of you to inform my Lord of the true state of
the case. Ferguson must borrow almost the whole sum which he pays for
this office. If any more, therefore, be asked than £1000, it would be
the most ruinous thing in the world for him to accept of the office. I
am even of opinion that if any other method of subsistence offered, it
were preferable to this scheme of paying the length of £1000; at least
such would be my sentiments, if the case were mine.
"If the Justice Clerk considers the matter aright, he will never agree
to so unreasonable a demand as that of paying more; and I hope you will
second these arguments with all your usual eloquence, by which you so
successfully confound the devices of Satan, and bring sinners to
repentance. I am, Rev. Sir, your most obsequious humble servant."[47:3]
Towards the end of the year 1758, but at what particular time is not
more minutely known, Hume went to London, and resided in Lisle Street,
Leicester Fields. His object probably was to superintend the printing
of the "History of the House of Tudor;" but he was able at the same time
to perform essential services to his friend Dr. Robertson, whose
"History of Scotland" was then going through the press in London. Of
Hume's letters to Dr. Robertson, several have been published, though
only in a fragmentary form, in Dugald Stewart's "Life of
Robertson."[48:1] The portions thus preserved, are naturally those which
have most relation to the person to whom they are addressed; but of the
letters themselves, which doubtless, like many others from the same
hand, contained some curious particulars of their author's habits and
passing thoughts, no trace has been found.[48:2] Several of these
letters, written while Robertson's work was at press, have relation to
minor historical questions, which have subsequently been settled. The
following extracts are given, from the parts which have least reference
to these details.
HUME _to_ DR. ROBERTSON.
(_Extracts._)
I am afraid that you, as well as myself, have drawn Mary's
character with too great softenings. She was, undoubtedly, a
violent woman at all times. You will see in _Murden_ proofs of
the utmost rancour against her innocent, good-natured, dutiful
son. She certainly disinherited him. What think you of a
conspiracy for kidnapping him, and delivering him a prisoner
to the King of Spain, never to recover his liberty till he
should turn Catholic? Tell Goodall, that if he can but give me
up Queen Mary, I hope to satisfy him in every thing else; and
he will have the pleasure of seeing John Knox and the
Reformers made very ridiculous. . . .
You have very good cause to be satisfied with the success of
your History, as far as it can be judged of from a few weeks'
publication. I have not heard of one who does not praise it
warmly; and were I to enumerate all those whose suffrages I
have either heard in its favour, or been told of, I should
fill my letter with a list of names. Mallet told me that he
was sure there was no Englishman capable of composing such a
work. The town will have it that you was educated at Oxford,
thinking it impossible for a mere untravelled Scotsman to
produce such language. In short, you may depend on the success
of your work, and that your name is known very much to your
advantage.