CHAPTER VI.

DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH.

#38. How Wealth is Shared.# We have learned what wealth is, how it is to

be used, and how it may be produced in the greatest quantities, with the

least possible labour, but we have yet to enter on the more difficult

parts of our subject. We must now try to make out how wealth is shared

among those who have a hand in producing it. The requisites of

production, as we have seen, are land, labour, and capital; if these

were all supplied by the same person, no doubt the produce ought all to

belong to him, with the exception of what is taken by the government as

taxes. But, in a state of society such as exists at present, the

labourer seldom owns all the land and capital he uses; he goes to work

on another man's farm, or in another man's factory; he lives in another

man's house, and often eats another man's food; he derives benefits from

other men's inventions, and discoveries; and he uses roads, railways,

public buildings, &c., furnished at the cost of the community.

The production of wealth, therefore, depends not on the will and

exertions of a single man, but on the proper bringing together of land,

labour, and capital, by different persons and classes of persons. These

different persons must have their several shares of the wealth produced;

if they furnish something requisite for producing, they can make a

bargain and ask for more or less of the produce. But #it is not mere

chance or caprice which governs the sharing of wealth, and we have to

learn the natural laws according to which the distribution takes place#.

We must ascertain how it is that many of the population get so little,

and some so much. Men work very hard on a farm and raise crops; the

landlord comes and takes away a large part as rent, so that the

labourers have barely enough to live upon. When we are able to

understand why the labourer gets so little at present, we shall see,

perhaps, how he might manage to get more, but in any case we shall see

that it is due in great part to the laws of nature.

The part of our subject which we are now going to consider is called the

#distribution of wealth#, because it teaches us how the wealth produced

is distributed (Latin, _dis_, apart, and _tribuere_, to allot) between

the labourers, the owners of land, the owners of capital, and the

government. The part which the labourer gets is called #wages#; the

share of the land owner is called #rent#; that of the capitalist is

#interest#; and the government take #taxes#. We may say that, as a

general rule, the produce of work is divided into four shares, which may

be thus shown:

#produce = wages + rent + interest + taxes.#

#39. The Labourer's Share--Wages.# It ought to be carefully remembered

that the names #wages#, #rent#, and #interest#, as here used, do not

exactly agree in meaning with the names as we employ them in common

life. The wages paid to workmen are sometimes more than wages, being

partly interest; the rent almost always consists partly of interest; and

what is called interest may in some degree be really wages or rent.

By #wages# we mean, in political economy, nothing but what goes to pay

for the trouble of labour. But many workmen own their own tools; masons

have a boxful of chisels, mallets, rules, &c.; carpenters often require

twenty or thirty pounds' worth of planes and other implements; a

pianoforte maker sometimes owns seventy pounds' worth of tools; even

gardeners require spades, rakes, a barrow, scythe, or perhaps a mowing

machine and a roller. Now, all such tools represent so much invested

capital, and a certain amount of interest must be paid for this capital.

A pianoforte maker might expect five pounds a year as interest upon the

cost of his tools. But true wages, are what remains after allowance has

been made for such interest, and it would be proper to subtract also

what is paid to the government as taxes.

#40. The Land Owner's Share--Rent#, the second part of the produce,

means, in political economy, what is paid for the use of a natural

agent, whether land, or beds of minerals, or rivers, or lakes. The rent

of a house or factory is, therefore, not all rent in our meaning of the

word. Capital has been spent in building the house or factory, and

interest must be paid on this capital; we must then deduct this interest

from what is commonly called the rent, before we can find out what is

really rent. The ground rent of a house is the rent paid for the ground

on which it stands, and this will be more nearly the true rent, apart

from interest. Similarly, the ordinary rent of a farm will usually

include interest upon the capital spent on the farm buildings, roads,

gates, fences, drains, and other improvements. We shall afterwards learn

exactly how true rent arises.

#41. The Capitalist's Share.# The proper share of the capitalist is

#interest#; but this is usually a good deal less than what actually

remains in the hands of the capitalist. Business is generally carried on

by some capitalist who rents a piece of land, builds a factory,

purchases machinery, and then employs men to work the machinery, paying

them wages. The capitalist himself often acts as manager, and works

every day almost as long as the workmen. When the goods are finished and

sold, he keeps the whole of the money he gets for them; but then he has

already paid out a large sum as wages, while the goods were being made;

another part goes to pay the rent of the land which he has hired.

Having struck off these portions, there ought to remain a certain

#profit#, part of which he uses to live upon. But even this profit

consists of more than interest upon his capital. It should include also

a payment for his labour in superintending the business. The manager of

a factory may seldom touch the cotton, flax, iron, or other material,

which is manufactured; nevertheless, he works with his head and his pen,

calculating the prices at which he can produce goods, inquiring where he

can buy the materials most cheaply, choosing good workmen, keeping the

accounts straight, and so on. Severe mental labour is really far more

difficult and exhausting than manual labour; and in raising up a good

business, and carrying it through times of danger, a manager has to

undergo great anxiety and mental fatigue. Thus, it is necessary that a

successful manager should receive a considerable share of the produce,

so as to make it worth his while to give this labour. His share is

called #the wages of superintendence#, and, although usually much larger

than the share of a common labourer, it is really wages of the same

nature.

Another part of the capitalist's so-called profit ought to be laid aside

as #recompense for risk#. There is always more or less uncertainty in

trade, and even the most skilful and careful manager may lose money by

circumstances over which he has no control. Sometimes, after building a

factory, the demand for the goods which he is going to produce falls

off; sometimes the materials cannot be bought; perhaps it is discovered,

when too late, that the factory has been built in an unsuitable place;

occasionally, too, the workmen are discontented, and refuse to work for

such wages as the capitalist can afford to pay. Now, whenever any of

these mistakes or misfortunes happen, it is the capitalist who mainly

suffers, because he loses a great deal of money, on which he might

otherwise have lived comfortably. Sometimes men who have worked hard

all their lives, and grown rich by degrees, lose all their wealth again

in the end, by some error of judgment or by some unfortunate event due

to no fault of their own.

A capitalist, then, must have some inducement for running into these

disagreeable risks; by lending his capital to the government he might

get interest for it, and be nearly sure not to lose. If, then, he puts

it into trade, and runs the risk of loss, he must have a recompense for

the risk. This ought to be at least enough to make the profits of the

successful business balance the losses of the unfortunate ones, so that

on the average capitalists will get the interest of capital and the

wages of superintendence free from loss. We may say, then, that--

profit = wages of superintendence

+ interest + recompense for risk.

#42. About Interest.# That which is paid for the use of capital

altogether apart from what is due for the trouble and risk of the person

conducting the business, is called #interest#. This interest, of course,

will be greater or less according as the amount of capital is greater or

less; it will also be greater or less according as the capital is

employed for a longer or shorter time. Thus the rate of interest is

always stated in proportion to the capital sum and to the time; _five

per cent. per annum_ means that, for every hundred pounds of capital,

five pounds are paid during every year in which the capital is used, and

in the same proportion for longer or shorter times.

The rates of interest actually paid in business vary very much, from one

or two per cent. up to fifty per cent. or more. When the rate is above

five or six per cent., it will be to some extent not true interest, but

compensation for the risk of losing the capital altogether. To learn the

true average rate of interest, we must inquire what is paid for money

lent to those who are sure to pay it back, and who give property in

pledge, so that there may be no doubt about the matter. It seems

probable that the true average rate of interest in England is at present

about four per cent., but it varies in different countries, being lower

in England and Holland than anywhere else. In the United States it is

probably six or seven per cent.

The most important fact about #interest# is that #it is the same in one

business as in another#. The rates of profit differ very much, it is

true, but this is because the labour of superintendence is different, or

because there is greater risk in one trade than another. But the true

interest is the same, because capital, being lent in the form of money,

can be lent to one trade just as easily as to another. There is nothing

in circulating capital which fits it for one trade more than another:

accordingly it will be lent to that trade which offers ever so little

more interest than other trades. Thus #there is a constant tendency to

the equality of interest in all branches of industry#.

Political economy · 第 6 / 16 章