CHAPTER VII

THE LUTHERAN INVASION

It is not uncommonly asserted that the religious changes in England,

although for convenience’ sake dated from the rejection of Papal

supremacy, were in reality the outcome of long-continued and

ever-increasing dissatisfaction with the then existing ecclesiastical

system. The Pope’s refusal to grant Henry his wished-for divorce

from Katherine, we are told, was a mere incident, which at most,

precipitated by a short while what had long been inevitable.[208]

Those who take this view are bound to believe that the Church in

England in the early sixteenth century was honeycombed by disbelief

in the traditional teachings, and that men were only too ready to

welcome emancipation. What then is the evidence for this picture of the

religious state of men’s minds in England on the eve of the Reformation?

It is, indeed, not improbable that up and down the country there were,

at this period, some dissatisfied spirits; some who would eagerly

seize any opportunity to free themselves from the restraints which no

longer appealed to their consciences, and from teachings they had come

to consider as mere ecclesiastical formalism. A Venetian traveller of

intelligence and observation, who visited the country at the beginning

of the century, whilst struck with the Catholic practices and with the

general manifestations of English piety he witnessed, understood that

there were “many who have various opinions concerning religion.”[209]

But so far as there is evidence at all, it points to the fact, that of

religious unrest, in any real sense, there could have been very little

in the country generally. It is, of course, impossible to suppose that

any measurable proportion of the people could have openly rejected the

teaching of the Church or have been even crypto-Lollards, without there

being satisfactory evidence of the fact forthcoming at the present day.

The similarity of the doctrines held by the English Reformers of

the sixteenth century with many of those taught by the followers of

Wycliffe has, indeed, led some writers to assume a direct connection

between them which certainly did not exist in fact. So far as England

at least is concerned, there is no justification for assuming for the

Reformation a line of descent from any form of English Lollardism. It

is impossible to study the century which preceded the overthrow of

the old religious system in England without coming to the conclusion

that as a body the Lollards had been long extinct, and that as

individuals, scattered over the length and breadth of the land,

without any practical principle of cohesion, the few who clung to the

tenets of Wycliffe were powerless to effect any change of opinion in

the overwhelming mass of the population at large. Lollardry, to the

Englishman of the day, was “heresy,” and any attempt to teach it was

firmly repressed by the ecclesiastical authority, supported by the

strong arm of the State; but it was also an offence against the common

feeling of the people, and there can be no manner of doubt that its

repression was popular. The genius of Milton enabled him to see the

fact that “Wycliffe’s preaching was soon damped and stifled by the Pope

and prelates for six or seven kings’ reigns,” and Mr. James Gairdner,

whose studies in this period of our national history enable him to

speak with authority, comes to the same conclusion. “Notwithstanding

the darkness that surrounds all subjects connected with the history of

the fifteenth century,” he writes, “we may venture pretty safely to

affirm that Lollardry was _not_ the beginning of modern Protestantism.

Plausible as it seems to regard Wycliffe as ‘the morning star of the

Reformation,’ the figure conveys an impression which is altogether

erroneous. Wycliffe’s real influence did not long survive his own day,

and so far from Lollardry having taken any deep root among the English

people, the traces of it had wholly disappeared long before the great

revolution of which it is thought to be the forerunner. At all events,

in the rich historical material for the beginning of Henry VIII.’s

reign, supplied by the correspondence of the time, we look in vain for

a single indication that any such thing as a Lollard sect existed. The

movement had died a natural death; from the time of Oldcastle it sank

into insignificance. Though still for a while considerable in point of

numbers, it no longer counted among its adherents any men of note; and

when another generation had passed away the serious action of civil war

left no place for the crotchets of fanaticism.”[210]

On the only evidence available, the student of the reign of Henry VII.

and of that of Henry VIII. up to the breach with Rome is bound to come

to the same conclusion as to the state of the English Church. If we

except manifestations of impatience with the Pope and Curia, which

could be paralleled in any age and country, and which were rather on

the secular side than on the religious, there is nothing that would

make us think that England was not fully loyal in mind and heart to

the established ecclesiastical system. In fact, as Mr. Brewer says,

everything proves that “the general body of the people had not as yet

learned to question the established doctrines of the Church. For the

most part, they paid their Peter pence and heard mass, and did as their

fathers had done before them.”[211]

It may be taken, therefore, for granted that the seeds of religious

discord were not the product of the country itself, nor, so far as we

have evidence on the subject at all, does it appear that the soil of

the country was in any way specially adapted for its fructification.

The work, both of raising the seed and of scattering it over the soil

of England, must be attributed, if the plain facts of history are to be

believed, to Germans and the handful of English followers of the German

Reformers. If we would rightly understand the religious situation in

England at the commencement of the Reformation, it is of importance to

inquire into the methods of attack adopted in the Lutheran invasion,

and to note the chief doctrinal points which were first assailed.

Very shortly after the religious revolt had established itself in

Germany, the first indications of a serious attempt to undermine the

traditional faith of the English Church became manifest in England.

Roger Edgworth, a preacher during the reigns of Henry and Queen Mary,

says that his “long labours have been cast in most troublesome times

and most encumbered with errors and heresies, change of minds and

schisms that ever was in the realm.… Whilst I was a young student in

divinity,” he continues, “Luther’s heresies rose and were scattered

here in this realm, which, in less space than a man would think, had

so sore infected the Christian folk, first the youth and then the

elders, where the children could set their fathers to school, that the

king’s Majesty and all Christian clerks in the realm had much ado to

extinguish them. This they could not so perfectly quench, but that ever

since, when they might have any maintenance by man or woman of great

power, they burst forth afresh, even like fire hid under chaff.”[212]

Sir Thomas More, when Chancellor in 1532, attributed the rapid spread

of what to him and most people of his day in England was heresy, to

the flood of literature which was poured forth over the country by

the help of printing. “We have had,” he writes, “some years of late,

plenteous of evil books. For they have grown up so fast and sprung up

so thick, full of pestilent errors and pernicious heresies, that they

have infected and killed, I fear me, more simple souls than the famine

of the dear years have destroyed bodies.”[213]

We are not left in ignorance as to the books here referred to, as some

few years previously the bishops of England had issued a list of the

prohibited volumes. Thus, in October 1526, Bishop Tunstall ordered that

in London people should be warned not to read the works in question,

but that all who possessed them should deliver them over to the

bishop’s officials in order that they might be destroyed as pernicious

literature. The list included several works of Luther, three or four of

Tyndale, a couple of Zwingle, and several isolated works, such as the

_Supplication of Beggars_, and the _Dyalogue between the Father and the

Son_.[214]

In 1530 the king by proclamation forbade the reading or possession of

some eighty-five works of Wycliffe, Luther, Œcolampadius, Zwingle,

Pomeranus, Bucer, Wesselius, and indeed the German divines generally,

under the heading of “books of the Lutheran sect or faction conveyed

into the city of London.” Besides these Latin treatises, the

prohibition included many English tracts, such as _A book of the old

God and the new_, the _Burying of the Mass_, Frith’s _Disputation

concerning Purgatory_, and several prayer-books intended to propagate

the new doctrines, such as _Godly prayers_; _Matins and Evensong with

the seven Psalms and other heavenly psalms with commendations_; the

_Hortulus Animæ_ in English,[215] and the _Primer_ in English.

In his proclamation Henry VIII. speaks of the determination of the

English nation in times past to be true to the Catholic faith and to

defend the country against “wicked sects of heretics and Lollards,

who, by perversion of Holy Scripture, do induce erroneous opinions,

sow sedition amongst Christian people, and disturb the peace and

tranquillity of Christian realms, as lately happened in some parts of

Germany, where, by the procurement and sedition of Martin Luther and

other heretics, were slain an infinite number of Christian people.”

To prevent like misfortunes happening in England, he orders prompt

measures to be taken to put a stop to the circulation of books in

English and other languages, which teach things “intolerable to the

clean ears of any good Christian man.”[216]

By the king’s command, the convocation of Canterbury drew up a list

of prohibited heretical books. In the first catalogue of fifty-three

tracts and volumes, there is no mention of any work of Wycliffe, and

besides some volumes which had come from the pens of Tyndale, Frith,

and Roy, who were acknowledged disciples of Luther, the rest are all

the compositions of the German Reformers. The same may be said of a

supplementary list of tracts, the authors of which were unknown. All

these are condemned as containing false teaching, plainly contrary to

the Catholic faith, and the bishops add: “Moreover, following closely

in the footsteps of our fathers, we prohibit all from selling, giving,

reading, distributing, or publishing any tract, booklet, pamphlet,

or book, which translates or interprets the Holy Scripture in the

vernacular … or even knowingly to keep such volumes without the licence

of their diocesan in writing.”[217]

About the same time a committee of bishops, including Archbishop

Warham and Bishop Tunstall was appointed to draw up a list of some

of the principal errors contained in the prohibited works of English

heretics beyond the sea. The king had heard that “many books in the

English tongue containing many detestable errors and damnable opinions,

printed in parts beyond the sea,” were being brought into England and

spread abroad. He was unwilling that “such evil seed sown amongst his

people (should) so take root that it might overgrow the corn of the

Catholic doctrine before sprung up in the souls of his subjects,” and

he consequently ordered this examination. This has been done and the

errors noted, “albeit many more there be in those books; which books

totally do swarm full of heresies and detestable opinions.” The books

thus examined and noted were eight in number: _The Wicked Mammon_;

the _Obedience of Christian man_; the _Revelation of Antichrist_;

the _Sum of Scripture_; the _Book of Beggars_; the _Kalendar of the

Prymer_; the _Prymer_, and an _Exposition unto the Seventh Chapter

of I Corinthians_. From these some hundreds of propositions were

culled which contradicted the plain teaching of the Church in matters

of faith and morality. In this condemnation, as the king states in

his directions to preachers to publish the same, the commission were

unanimous.[218]

The attack on the traditional teachings of the Church, moreover,

was not confined to unimportant points. From the first, high and

fundamental doctrines, as it seemed to men in those days, were put

in peril. The works sent forth by the advocates of the change speak

for themselves, and, when contrasted with those of Luther, leave no

room for doubt that they were founded on them, and inspired by the

spirit of the leader of the revolt, although, as was inevitable in

such circumstances, in particulars the disciples proved themselves in

advance of their master. Writing in 1546, Dr. Richard Smythe contrasts

the old times, when the faith was respected, with the then state of

mental unrest in religious matters. “In our days,” he writes, “not a

few things, nor of small importance, but (alack the more is the pity)

even the chiefest and most weighty matters of our religion and faith

are called in question, babbled, talked, and jangled upon (reasoned

I cannot nor ought not to call it). These matters in time past (when

reason had place and virtue with learning was duly regarded, yea, and

vice with insolency was generally detested and abhorred) were held in

such reverence and honour, in such esteem and dignity, yea, so received

and embraced by all estates, that it was not in any wise sufferable

that tag and rag, learned and unlearned, old and young, wise and

foolish, boys and wenches, master and man, tinkers and tilers, colliers

and coblers, with other such raskabilia might at their pleasure rail

and jest (for what is it else they now do?) against everything that

is good and virtuous, against all things that are expedient and

profitable, not sparing any Sacrament of the Church or ordinance of the

same, no matter how laudable, decent, or fitting it has been regarded

in times past, or how much it be now accepted by good and Catholic

men. In this way, both by preaching and teaching (if it so ought to

be called), playing, writing, printing, singing, and (Oh, good Lord!)

in how many other ways besides, divers of our age, being their own

schoolmasters, or rather scholars of the devil, have not forborne or

feared to speak and write against the most excellent and most blessed

Sacrament of the Altar, affirming that the said Sacrament is nothing

more than a bare figure, and that there is not in the same Sacrament

the very body and blood of our blessed Saviour and Redeemer, Jesus

Christ, but only a naked sign, a token, a memorial and a remembrance

only of the same, if they take it for so much even and do not call it

(as they are wont to do) an idol and very plain idolatry.”[219]

As to the date of the introduction of these heretical views into

England, Sir Thomas More entirely agreed with Dr. Smythe, the writer

just quoted. He places the growth of these ideas in the circulation

of books by Tyndale, Frith, and Barnes, and even as late as 1533,

declares that the number of those who had accepted the new teaching

was grossly exaggerated. He states his belief that “the realm is not

full of heretics, and it has in it but a few, though that few be indeed

over many and grown more also by negligence in some part than there

has been in some late years past.”[220] It was, indeed, part of the

strategy pursued by the innovators in religion to endeavour to make

the movement appear more important than it had any claim to be. It

is, writes More, the “policy” of “these heretics who call themselves

‘evangelical brethren,’” to make their number appear larger than it is.

“Some pot-headed apostles they have that wander about the realm into

sundry shires, for whom every one has a different name in every shire,

and some, peradventure, in corners here and there they bring into the

brotherhood. But whether they get any or none they do not hesitate to

lie when they come home, and say that more than half of every shire is

of their own sect. Boast and brag these blessed brethren never so fast,

they feel full well themselves that they be too feeble in what country

so ever they be strongest. For if they thought themselves able to meet

and match the Catholics they would not, I ween, lie still at rest for

three days.”

“For in all places where heresies have sprung up hitherto so hath it

proved yet. And so negligently might these things be handled, that at

length it might happen so here. And verily they look (far as they be

yet from the power) for it, and some of them have not hesitated to say

this, and some to write it, too. For I read the letter myself which was

cast into the palace of the Right Reverend Father in God, Cuthbert,

now Bishop of Durham, but then Bishop of London, in which among other

bragging word … were these words contained: ‘There will once come a

day.’ And out of question that day they long for but also daily look

for, and would, if they were not too weak, not fail to find it. And

they have the greater hope because … they see that it begins to grow

into a custom that among good Catholic folk they are suffered to talk

unchecked.” For good men in their own minds indeed think the Catholic

faith so strong that heretics with all their babbling will never be

able to vanquish it, “and in this undoubtedly their mind is not only

good, but also very true. But they do not look far enough. For as the

sea will never surround and overwhelm all the land, and yet has eaten

it in many places, and swallowed whole countries up and made many

places sea, which sometime were well-inhabited lands, and has lost part

of its own possession again in other places, so, though the faith of

Christ shall never be overwhelmed with heresy, nor the gate of hell

prevail against Christ’s Church, yet as in some places it winneth in

new peoples, so by negligence in some places the old may be lost.”[221]

Sir Thomas More is all for vigilance on the part of the authorities. He

likens those who are in power and office to the guardians of a fertile

field who are bound to prevent the sowing of tares on their master’s

land; and the multiplication of evil books and their circulation

among the people, cannot, in his opinion, have any other effect than

to prevent the fertilisation of the good seed of God’s word in the

hearts of many. “These new teachers,” he says, “despise Christ’s

Sacraments, which are His holy ordinances and a great part of Christ’s

New Law and Testament. Who can place less value on His commandments

than they who, upon the boldness of faith only, set all good works at

naught, and little consider the danger of their evil deeds upon the

boldness that a bare faith and slight repentance, without shrift or

penance, suffices, and that no vow made to God can bind a man to live

chastely or hinder a monk from marriage. All these things, with many

pestilent errors besides, these abominable books of Tyndale and his

fellows teach us. Of these books of heresies there are so many made

within these few years, what by Luther himself and by his fellows, and

afterwards by the new sects sprung out of his, which, like the children

of Vippara, would now gnaw out their mother’s belly, that the bare

names of those books were almost enough to make a book. Some of every

sort of those books are brought into this realm and kept in ‘hucker

mucker’ by some shrewd masters who keep them for no good. Besides

the Latin, French, and German books of which these evil sects have

put forth an innumerable number, there are some made in the English

tongue. First, Tyndale’s _English Testament_, father of them all by

reason of his false translating, and after that, the _Five Books of

Moses_ translated by the same man; we need not doubt in what manner

and for what purpose. Then you have his _Introduction to Saint Paul’s

Epistle_, with which he introduces his readers to a false understanding

of Saint Paul, making them believe, among many other heresies, that

Saint Paul held that faith only was always sufficient for salvation,

and that men’s good works were worth nothing and could not deserve

thanks or reward in heaven, although they were done in grace.… Then we

have from Tyndale _The Wicked Mammona_, by which many a man has been

beguiled and brought into many wicked heresies, which in good faith

would be to me a matter of no little wonder, for there was never a more

foolish frantic book, were it not that the devil is ever ready to put

out the eyes of those who are content to become blind. Then we have

Tyndale’s _Book of Obedience_, by which we are taught to disobey the

teaching of Christ’s Catholic Church and set His holy Sacraments at

naught. Then we have from Tyndale the _First Epistle of Saint John_,

expounded in such wise that I dare say that blessed Apostle had rather

his Epistle had never been put in writing than that his holy words

should be believed by all Christian people in such a sense. Then we

have the _Supplication of Beggars_, a piteous beggarly book, in which

he would have all the souls in Purgatory beg all about for nothing.

Then we have from George Joye, otherwise called Clarke, a _Goodly Godly

Epistle_, wherein he teaches divers other heresies, but specially that

men’s vows and promises of chastity are not lawful, and can bind no man

in conscience not to wed when he will. And this man, considering that

when a man teaches one thing and does another himself, the people set

less value by his preaching, determined therefore with himself, that

he would show himself an example of his preaching. Therefore, being a

priest, he has beguiled a woman and wedded her; the poor woman, I ween,

being unaware that he is a priest. Then you have also an _Exposition

on the Seventh Chapter of Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Corinthians_,

by which exposition also priests, friars, monks, and nuns are taught

the evangelical liberty that they may run out a-caterwauling and wed.

That work has no name of the maker, but some think it was Friar Roy

who, when he had fallen into heresy, then found it unlawful to live

in chastity and ran out of his Order. Then have we the _Examinations

of Thorpe_ put forth as it is said by George Constantine (by whom I

know well there has been a great many books of that sort sent into

this realm). In that book, the heretic that made it as (if it were) a

communication between the bishop and his chaplains and himself, makes

all the parties speak as he himself likes, and sets down nothing as

spoken against his heresies, but what he himself would seem solemnly

to answer. When any good Christian man who has either learning or any

natural wit reads this book, he shall be able not only to perceive

him for a foolish heretic and his arguments easy to answer, but shall

also see that he shows himself a false liar in his rehearsal of the

matter in which he makes the other part sometimes speak for his own

convenience such manner of things as no man who was not a very wild

goose would have done.

“Then have we _Jonas_ made out by Tyndale, a book that whosoever

delight therein shall stand in such peril, that Jonas was never so

swallowed up by the whale, as by the delight of that book a man’s soul

may be so swallowed by the devil that he shall never have the grace to

get out again. Then, we have from Tyndale the answer to my _Dyalogue_.

Then, the book of Frith against _Purgatory_. Then, the book of Luther

translated into English in the name of Brightwell, but, as I am

informed, it was translated by Frith; a book, such as Tyndale never

made one more foolish nor one more full of lies.… Then, we have the

_Practice of Prelates_, wherein Tyndale intended to have made a special

show of his high worldly wit, so that men should have seen therein that

there was nothing done among princes that he was not fully advertised

of the secrets. Then, we have now the book of Friar Barnes, sometime a

doctor of Cambridge, who was abjured before this time for heresy, and

is at this day come under a safe conduct to the realm. Surely, of all

their books that yet came abroad in English (of all which there was

never one wise nor good) there was none so bad, so foolish, so false

as his. This, since his coming, has been plainly proved to his face,

and that in such wise that, when the books that he cites and alleges

in his book were brought forth before him, and his ignorance showed

him, he himself did in divers things confess his oversight, and clearly

acknowledged that he had been mistaken and wrongly understood the

passages.

“Then, we have besides Barnes’s book, the _A B C for children_. And

because there is no grace therein, lest we should lack prayers, we

have the _Primer_ and the _Ploughman’s Prayer_ and a book of other

small devotions, and then the whole _Psalter_ too. After the _Psalter_,

children were wont to go straight to their _Donat_ and their Accidence,

but now they go straight to Scripture. And for this end we have as a

Donat, the book of the _Pathway to Scripture_, and for an Accidence,

the _Whole sum of Scripture_ in a little book, so that after these

books are learned well, we are ready for Tyndale’s _Pentateuchs_ and

Tyndale’s _Testament_, and all the other high heresies that he and

Joye and Frith and Friar Barnes teach in all their books. Of all these

heresies the seed is sown, and prettily sprung up in these little

books before. For the _Primer_ and _Psalter_, prayers and all, were

translated and made in this manner by heretics only. The _Psalter_ was

translated by George Joye, the priest that is wedded now, and I hear

say the _Primer_ too, in which the seven Psalms are printed without

the Litany, lest folks should pray to the saints; and the _Dirge_ is

left out altogether, lest a man might happen to pray with it for his

father’s soul. In their Calendar, before their devout prayers, they

have given us a new saint, Sir Thomas Hytton, the heretic who was

burned in Kent. They have put him in on St. Matthew’s Eve, by the name

of St. Thomas the Martyr.

“It would be a long work to rehearse all their books, for there are

yet more than I have known. Against all these the king’s high wisdom

politically provided, in that his proclamation forbade any manner of

English books printed beyond the sea to be brought into this realm, or

any printed within this realm to be sold unless the name of the printer

and his dwelling-place were set upon the book. But still, as I said

before, a few malicious, mischievous persons have now brought into this

realm these ungracious books full of pestilent, poisoned heresies that

have already in other realms killed, by schisms and war, many thousand

bodies, and by sinful errors and abominable heresies many more thousand

souls.

“Although these books cannot either be there printed without great

cost, nor here sold without great adventure and peril, yet, with money

sent hence, they cease not to print them there, and send them hither by

the whole sacks full at once; and in some places, looking for no lucre,

cast them abroad at night, so great a pestilent pleasure have some

devilish people caught with the labour, travail, cast, charge, peril,

harm, and hurt of themselves to seek the destruction of others.”[222]

In his introduction to the _Confutation_ of Tyndale’s answer, from

which the foregoing extracts are taken, Sir Thomas More gives ample

evidence that the teaching of “the New Learning” was founded entirely

upon that of the German Reformer Luther, although on certain points his

English followers had gone beyond their master. He takes for example

what Hytton, “whom Tyndale has canonized,” had been teaching “his holy

congregations, in divers corners and luskes lanes.” Baptism, he had

allowed to be “a sacrament necessary for salvation,” though he declared

that there was no need for a priest to administer it. Matrimony, he

thought a good thing for Christians, but would be sorry to say it was

a sacrament. Extreme Unction and Confirmation, together with Holy

Orders, he altogether rejected as sacraments, declaring them to be

mere ceremonies of man’s invention. “The mass,” he declared, “should

never be said,” since to do so was rather an act of sin than virtue.

Confession to a priest was unnecessary, and the penance enjoined was

“without profit to the soul.” Purgatory he denied, “and said further,

that neither prayer nor fasting for the souls departed can do them

any good.” Religious vows were wrong, and those who entered religion

“sinned in so doing.” He held further, that “no man had any free-will

after he had once sinned;” that “all the images of Christ and His

saints should be thrown out of the Church,” and that whatsoever laws

“the Pope or a General Council might make beyond what is expressly

commanded in Scripture” need not be obeyed. “As touching the Sacrament

of the Altar, he said that it was a necessary sacrament, but held that

after the consecration, there was nothing whatever therein, but only

the very substance of material bread and wine.”[223]

Now, it was to defend these points of Catholic faith, as More, in

common with the most learned in the land, believed them to be, that he

took up his pen against Tyndale and others. I wish, he says, to second

“the king’s gracious purpose, as being his most unworthy chancellor,”

since “I know well that the king’s highness, for his faithful mind to

God, desires nothing more effectually than the maintenance of the true

Catholic faith, whereof is his no more honourable than well-deserved

title, ‘defensor.’ He detests nothing more than these pestilent books

which Tyndale and others send over into the realm in order to set

forth their abominable heresies. For this purpose he has not only by

his most erudite famous books, both in English and Latin, declared his

most Catholic purpose and intent, but also by his open proclamations

divers times renewed, and finally in his own most royal person in the

Star Chamber most eloquently by his mouth, in the presence of his

lords spiritual and temporal, has given monition and warning to all

the justices of peace of every quarter of his realm then assembled

before his Highness, to be declared by them to all his people, and did

prohibit and forbid under great penalties, the bringing in, reading,

and keep of those pernicious poisoned books.”[224]

The other writers of the time, moreover, had no doubt whatever as to

the place whence the novel opinions had sprung, and they feared that

social disturbances would follow in the wake of the religious teaching

of the sectaries as they had done in the country of their birth. Thus

Germen Gardynare, writing to a friend about the execution of John Frith

for heresy, says that he was “amongst others found busy at Oxford

in setting abroad these heresies which lately sprang up in Germany,

and by the help of such folk are spread abroad into sundry places of

Christendom, tending to nothing else but to the division and rending

asunder of Christ’s mystical body, His Church; and to the pulling down

of all power and the utter subversion of all commonwealths.”[225]

Sir Thomas More, too, saw danger to the ship of State from the storms

which threatened the nation in the rise of the religious novelties

imported from abroad. As a warning anticipation of what might come to

pass in England if the flood was allowed to gain head, he describes

what was known of the state of Germany when he wrote in 1528. What

helped Luther to successfully spread his poison was, he says, “that

liberty which he so highly commended unto the people, inducing them

to believe that having faith they needed nothing else. For he taught

them to neglect fasting, prayer, and such other things as vain and

unfruitful ceremonies, teaching them also that being faithful

Christians they were so near cousins to Christ that they were, in a

full freedom and liberty, discharged of all governors and all manner of

laws spiritual and temporal, except only the Gospel. And though he said

that, as a point of special perfection, it would be good to suffer and

bear the rule and authority of Popes and princes and other governors,

whose rule and authority he calls mere tyranny, yet he says the people

are so free by faith that they are no more bound thereto than they are

to suffer wrong. And this doctrine Tyndale also teaches as the special

matter of his holy book of disobedience. Now, this doctrine was heard

so pleasantly in Germany by the common people that it blinded them in

looking on the remnant, and would not allow them to consider and see

what end the same would come to. The temporal lords also were glad to

hear this talk against the clergy, and the people were as glad to hear

it against the clergy and against the lords too, and against all the

governors of every good town and city. Finally, it went so far that it

began to burst out and fall to open force and violence. For intending

to begin at the most feeble, a boisterous company of the unhappy sect

gathered together and first rebelled against an abbot, and afterwards

against a bishop, wherewith the temporal lords had good game and sport

and dissembled the matter, gaping after the lands of the spirituality,

till they had almost played as Æsop tells of the dog, which, in order

to snatch at the shadow of the cheese in the water, let the cheese

he had in his mouth fall, and lost it. For so it was shortly after

that those uplandish Lutherans took so great boldness and began to

grow so strong that they set also upon the temporal lords. These … so

acquitted themselves that they slew in one summer 70,000 Lutherans

and subdued the rest in that part of Germany to a most miserable

servitude.… And in divers other parts of Germany and Switzerland this

ungracious sect is so grown, by the negligence of governors in great

cities, that in the end the common people have compelled the rulers to

follow them.…

“And now it is too piteous a sight to see the ‘dispiteous dispyghts’

done in many places to God and all good men, with the marvellous

change from the face and fashion of Christendom into a very tyrannous

persecution, not only of all good Christians living and dead, but

also of Christ Himself. For there you will see now goodly monasteries

destroyed, the places burnt up, and the religious people put out

and sent to seek their living; or, in many cities, the places (the

buildings) yet standing with more despite to God than if they were

burned to ashes. For the religious people, monks, friars, and nuns,

are wholly driven or drawn out, except such as would agree to forsake

their vows of chastity and be wedded; and places dedicated to

cleanliness and chastity, left only to these apostates as brothels to

live there in lechery. Now are the parish churches in many places not

only defaced, all the ornaments taken away, the holy images pulled

down, and either broken or burned, but also the Holy Sacrament cast

out. And the abominable beasts (which I abhor to think about) did

not abhor in despite to defile the pixes and in many places use the

churches continually for a common siege. And that they have done in

so despiteful a wise that when a stranger from other places where

Christ is worshipped resorts to these cities, some of those unhappy

wretched citizens do not fail, as it were, for courtesy and kindness,

to accompany them in their walking abroad to show them the pleasures

and commodities of the town, and then bring them to the church, only

to show them in derision what uses the churches serve for!” Then,

after pointing out that “of this sect were the greater part of those

ungracious people who lately entered into Rome with the Duke of

Bourbon,” Sir Thomas More details at considerable length the horrors

committed during that sack of the Eternal City; adding: “For this

purpose I rehearse to you these their heavy mischievous dealings, that

you may perceive by their deeds what good comes of their sect. For as

our Saviour says: ‘ye shall know the tree by the fruit.’”[226]

The activity of the teachers of the new doctrine was everywhere

remarkable. More only wished that the maintainers of the traditional

Catholic faith were half so zealous “as those that are fallen into

false heresies and have forsaken the faith.” These seem, he says,

indeed to “have a hot fire of hell in their hearts that can never

suffer them to rest or cease, but forces them night and day to labour

and work busily to subvert and destroy the Catholic Christian faith

by every means they can devise.”[227] The time was, “and even until

now very late,” when no man would allow any heresy to be spoken at

his table; for this “has been till of late the common Christian zeal

towards the Catholic faith.” But now (1533) “though, God be thanked,

the faith is itself as fast rooted in this realm as ever it was before

(except in some very few places, and yet even in those few the very

faithful folk are many more than the faithless), even good men are

beginning to tolerate the discussion of heretical views, and to take

part in ‘the evil talk.’”

To understand the Reformation in England, it is important to note

the progress of its growth, and to note that the lines upon which

it developed were to all intents and purposes those which had been

laid down by Luther for the German religious revolution, although, in

many ways, England was carried along the path of reformed doctrines,

even further than the original leader had been prepared to go. The

special points of the traditional faith of the English people, which

the reforming party successfully attacked, were precisely those

which had been the battle-ground in Germany, and Sir Thomas More’s

description of the result there might somewhat later have been written

of this country. Tyndale was described by More as “the captain of the

English heretics,” and the influence of his works no doubt greatly

helped to the overthrow of the traditional teaching. The key of the

position taken up by the English Reformers, as well as by their German

predecessors, was the claim that all belief must be determined by

the plain word of Holy Scripture, and by that alone. Tradition they

rejected, although Sir Thomas More pointed out forcibly that the

Church had always acknowledged the twofold authority of the written

and unwritten word.[228] Upon this ground Tyndale and his successors

rejected all the sacraments but two, attacked popular devotion to

sacred images and prayers to our Lady and the saints, and rejected

the old teaching about Purgatory and the help the souls of the

departed faithful could derive from the suffrages and penances of

the living. Confirmation and the anointing of priests at ordination

they contemptuously called “butter smearing,” and with their denial

of the priesthood quickly came their rejection of the doctrine of the

Sacrifice in the Mass, and their teaching that the Holy Eucharist is a

“token and sign” rather than the actual Body and Blood of our Lord.

No means were left untried to further the spread of the new views.

Books of prayer were drawn up, in which, under the guise of familiar

devotions, the poison of the reformed doctrine was unsuspectedly

imbibed. Richard Whitford complains that his works, which just on the

eve of the Reformation were deservedly popular, had been made use of

for the purpose of interpolating tracts against points of Catholic

faith, which people were induced to buy under the supposition that they

were from the pen of the celebrated monk of Sion. John Waylande, the

printer of some Whitford books, in 1537 prefixed the following notice

to the new edition of the _Werke for Householders_. “The said author

required me instantly that I should not print nor join any other works

with his, specially of uncertain authors. For of late he found a work

joined in the same volume with his works, and bought and taken for his

work. This was not his, but was put there instead of his work that

before was named among the contents of his book, and yet his (real)

work was left out, as is complained in this preface here unto the

Reader.”

In his preface Whitford says that the substituted work was obviously by

one of the Reformers, and “not only puts me into infamy and slander,

but also puts all readers in jeopardy of conscience to be infected (by

heresy) and in danger of the king’s laws, for the manifold erroneous

opinions that are contained in the same book.” He consequently adds a

warning to his readers: “By my poor advice,” he says, “read not those

books that go forth without named authors. For, doubtless, many of them

that seem very devout and good works, are full of heresies, and your

old English poet says, ‘There is no poison so perilous of sharpness as

that is that hath of sugar a sweetness.’”[229]

In a subsequent volume, published in 1541, called _Dyvers holy

instructions and teachings_, Whitford again complains of this device of

the teachers of the new doctrines. In the preface he gives the exact

titles of the four little tracts which go to make up the volume, in

order, as he says, “to give you warning to search well and surely that

no other works are put amongst them that might deceive you. For, of a

certainty, I found now but very lately a work joined and bound with my

poor labours and under the contents of the same volume, and one of my

works which was named in the same contents left out. Instead of this,

was put this other work that was not mine. For the title of mine was

this, ‘A daily exercise and experience of death,’ and the other work

has no name of any author. And all such works in this time are ever to

be suspected, for so the heretics are used to send forth their poison

among the people covered with sugar. For they seem to be good and

devout workers, and are in very deed stark heresies.”[230]

Even the smallest points were not deemed too insignificant for the

teaching of novel doctrines destructive of the old Catholic spirit.

To take an example: John Standish, writing in Mary’s reign about the

vernacular Scripture, complains of the translation which had been made

in the time of Henry VIII. “Who is able,” he writes, “to tell at

first sight how many hundred faults are even in their best translation

(if there is any good). Shall they be suffered still to continue? Shall

they still poison more like as they do in a thousand damnable English

books set forth within the last twenty-two years? Lord deliver us from

them all, and that with all speed! I take God to record (if I may

speak only of one fault in the translation and touch no more) my heart

did ever abhor to hear this word _Dominus_ … translated _the_ Lord,

whereas it ought to be translated _our_ Lord, the very Latin phrase

so declaring. Is not St. John saying to Peter (John, xxi.), _Dominus

est_, ‘it is our Lord’? whereas they have falsely translated it as in

many other places ‘_the_ Lord.’ And likewise in the salutation of our

Lady, ‘Hail, Mary, full of grace, _dominus tecum_,’ does not this word

_dominus_ here include _noster_, and so ought to be translated ‘our

Lord is with thee’? Would you make the Archangel like a devil call him

_the_ Lord? He is the Lord to every evil spirit, but to us He is our

most merciful Lord and ought to be called so. If, perchance, you ask of

a husbandman whose ground that is, he will answer, ‘the lord’s,’ who is

perhaps no better than a collier. Well, I speak this, not now so much

for the translation, seeing that it swarms as full of faults as leaves

(I will not say lines) as I do, because I wish that the common speech

among people sprung from this fond translation, ‘I thank the Lord’;

‘the Lord be praised’; ‘the Lord knoweth’; with all such-like phrases

might be given up, and that the people might be taught to call Him ‘our

Lord,’ saying, ‘I thank our Lord’; ‘our Lord be praised,’[231] &c., &c.”

The Eve of the Reformation Studies in the Religious Life and Thought of the English people in the Period Preceding the Rejection of the Roman jurisdiction by Henry VIII · 第 7 / 14 章