It is surprising that an authority which can be supported with so much

ease, and so little expense, and capable of such extensive advantages

to the country, should be cavilled at by those whose duty it is to watch

over it, and whose existence as a people depends upon it. But this,

perhaps, will ever be the case, till some misfortune awakens us into

reason, and the instance now before us is but a gentle beginning of what

America must expect, unless she guards her union with nicer care and

stricter honor. United, she is formidable, and that with the least

possible charge a nation can be so; separated, she is a medley of

individual nothings, subject to the sport of foreign nations.

It is very probable that the ingenuity of commerce may have found out

a method to evade and supersede the intentions of the British, in

interdicting the trade with the West India islands. The language of both

being the same, and their customs well understood, the vessels of one

country may, by deception, pass for those of another. But this would

be a practice too debasing for a sovereign people to stoop to, and too

profligate not to be discountenanced. An illicit trade, under any shape

it can be placed, cannot be carried on without a violation of truth.

America is now sovereign and independent, and ought to conduct her

affairs in a regular style of character. She has the same right to

say that no British vessel shall enter ports, or that no British

manufactures shall be imported, but in American bottoms, the property

of, and navigated by American subjects, as Britain has to say the same

thing respecting the West Indies. Or she may lay a duty of ten, fifteen,

or twenty shillings per ton (exclusive of other duties) on every

British vessel coming from any port of the West Indies, where she is not

admitted to trade, the said tonnage to continue as long on her side as

the prohibition continues on the other.

But it is only by acting in union, that the usurpations of foreign

nations on the freedom of trade can be counteracted, and security

extended to the commerce of America. And when we view a flag, which to

the eye is beautiful, and to contemplate its rise and origin inspires

a sensation of sublime delight, our national honor must unite with our

interest to prevent injury to the one, or insult to the other.

COMMON SENSE.

NEW YORK, December 9, 1783.

The Writings of Thomas Paine — Volume 1 (1774-1779): The American Crisis · 第 18 / 18 段