for ornaments and cut into small pieces by way of coin. Exported from
Egypt to Adouli (6).
The word means ‘mountain copper.’ Ramusio calls it white copper from
which the gold and silver have not been well separated in extracting
it from the ore. Gold, it may be remarked, does not occur as an export
from any of the African marts, throughout the _Periplûs_.
8. Σίδηρος, σιδηρύ σκεύη—Iron, iron utensils. Exported from Egypt to
Malaô, Moundou, Tabai, Opônê (8, 9, 12, 13). Iron spears, swords and
adzes exported to Adouli (6). Indian iron and sword-blades (στομωμα)
exported to Adouli from Arabia (Ariakê?). Spears (λόγχαι) manufactured
at Mouza, hatchets (πελύκια), swords (μάχαιραι), awls (ὀπέτια) exported
from Mouza to Azania (17).
On the Indian sword see Ktêsias, p. 80, 4. The Arabian poets celebrate
swords made of Indian steel. Cf. Plin. xxxiv. 41:—“Ex omnibus autem
generibus palma Serico ferro est.” This iron, as has already been
stated, was sent to India along with skins and cloth. Cf. also Edrisi,
vol. I. p. 65, ed. Joubert. Indian iron is mentioned in the Pandects as
an article of commerce.
9. Στίμμι—Stibium (Sans. _sauvîrânjana_, Prâk. _surmâ_). Exported from
Egypt to Barugaza (49), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
Stibium is a sulphuret of antimony, a dark pigment, called _kohol_,
much used in the East for dyeing the eyelids.
10. Χαλκὸς—Copper (Sans. _tâmra_) or Brass. Exported from Egypt to
Kanê (28), to Barugaza (49), Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Vessels made
thereof (Χαλκουργήματα) sent to Mouza as presents to the despot (24).
Drinking-vessels (ποτηρια) exported to the marts of Barbaria (8, 13).
Big and round drinking-cups to Adouli (6). A few (μελίεφθα ὀλίγα)
to Malaô (8); μελίεφθα χαλκᾶ for cooking with, and being cut into
bracelets and anklets for women to Adouli (6).
Regarding μελίεφθα Vincent says: “No usage of the word occurs
elsewhere; but metals were prepared with several materials to give
them colour, or to make them tractable, or malleable. Thus χολόβαφα in
Hesychius was brass prepared with ox’s gall to give it the colour of
gold, and used, like our tinsel ornaments or foil, for stage dresses
and decorations. Thus common brass was neither ductile nor malleable,
but the Cyprian brass was both. And thus perhaps brass, μελίεφθα was
formed with some preparation of honey.” Müller cannot accept this view.
“It is evident,” he says, “that the reference is to ductile copper
from which, as Pliny says, all impurity has been carefully removed by
smelting, so that pots, bracelets, and articles of that sort could be
fabricated from it. One might therefore think that the reading should
be περίεφθα or πυρίεφθα, but in such a case the writer would have said
περίεφθον χαλκόν. In vulgar speech μελίεφθα is used as a substantive
noun, and I am therefore almost persuaded that, just as molten copper,
ὁ χαλκὸς ὁ χυτὸς, _cuprum caldarium_, was called τρόχιος, from the
likeness in shape of its round masses to hoops, so _laminæ_ of ductile
copper (_plaques de cuivre_) might have been called μελίεφθα, because
shaped like thin honey-cakes, πεμματα μελίεφθα.”
11. Χρυσὸς—Gold. Exported from the marts of Apologos and Omana to
Barugaza (36). Gold plate—χρυσώματα—exported from Egypt to Mouza for
the despot (24), and to Adouli for the king (6).
V. Stones:—
1. Λιθία διαφανὴς—Gems (carbuncles?) found in Taprobanê (63); exported
in every variety from Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
2. Αδάμας—Diamonds. (Sans. _vajra_, _pîraka_). Exported from Mouziris
and Nelkunda (56).
3. Καλλεανὸς λίθος—Gold-stone, yellow crystal, chrysolith? Exported
from Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39).
It is not a settled point what stone is meant. Lassen says that the
Sanskrit word _kalyâṇa_ means _gold_, and would therefore identify it
with the chrysolith or gold-stone. If this view be correct, the reading
of the MS. need not be altered into καλλαῖνὸς, as Salmasius, whom
the editors of the _Periplûs_ generally follow, enjoins. In support
of the alteration Salmasius adduces Pliny, xxxvii. 56:—“Callais
sapphirum imitatur, candidior et litoroso mari similis. Callainas
vocant e turbido Callaino”, and other passages. Schwanbeck, however,
maintaining the correctness of the MS. reading, says that the Sanskrit
word _kalyâṇa_ generally signifies _money_, but in a more general
sense _anything beautiful_, and might therefore have been applied
to this gem. _Kalyâṇa_, he adds, would appear in Greek as καλλιανὸς
or καλλεανὸς rather than καλλαῖνὸς. In like manner _kalyâṇî_ of the
Indians appears in our author not as καλλάïνα, but, as it ought to be,
καλλίενα.
4. Λύγδος—Alabaster. Exported from Mouza (24). Salmasius says that an
imitation of this alabaster was formed of Parian marble, but that the
best and original _lygdus_ was brought from Arabia, that is, Mouza,
as noted in the _Periplûs_. Cf. Pliny (xxxvi. 8):—“Lygdinos in Tauro
repertos ... antea ex Arabia tantum advehi solitos enndoris eximii.”
5. Ὀνυχινὴ λίθια—Onyx (_akika_—agate). Sent in vast quantities
(πλειστη) from Ozênê and Paithana to Barugaza (48, 51), and thence
exported to Egypt (49). Regarding the onyx mines of Gujarât _vide_
Ritter, vol. VI. p. 603.
6. Μουρρίνη, sup. λιθια—Fluor-spath. Sent from Ozênê to Barugaza, and
exported to Egypt (49). Porcelain made at Diospolis (μουρῥίνη λιθία ἡ
γενομένη ἐν Διοσπόλει) exported from Egypt to Adouli (6).
The reading of the MS. is μοῤῥίνης. By this is to be understood
_vitrum murrhinum_, a sort of china or porcelain made in imitation of
cups or vases of _murrha_, a precious fossil-stone resembling, if
not identical with, _fluor-spath_, such as is found in Derbyshire.
Vessels of this stone were exported from India, and also, as we learn
from Pliny, from Karmania, to the Roman market, where they fetched
extravagant prices.[14] The “cups baked in Parthian fires” (_pocula
Parthis focis cocta_) mentioned by Propertius (IV. v. 26) must be
referred to the former class. The whole subject is one which has much
exercised the pens of the learned. “Six hundred writers,” says Müller,
“emulously applying themselves to explain what had the best claim to
be considered the _murrha_ of the ancients, have advanced the most
conflicting opinions. Now it is pretty well settled that the murrhine
vases were made of that stone which is called in German _flusspath_
(_spato-fluore_)”. He then refers to the following as the principal
authorities on the subject:—Pliny—xxxiii. 7 _et seq._; xxxiii. _proœm._
Suetonius—_Oct._ c. 71; Seneca—_Epist._ 123; Martial—iv. 86; xiv. 43;
_Digest_—xxxiii. 10, 3; xxxiv. 2. 19; Rozière—_Mémoire sur les Vases
murrhins_, &c.; in _Description de l’Égypt_, vol. VI. pp. 277 _et
seq._: Corsi—_Delle Pietre antiche_, p. 106; Thiersch—_Ueber die Vasa
Murrhina der Alten, in Abhandl. d. Munchn. Akad._ 1835, vol. I. pp.
443-509; A learned Englishman in the _Classical Journal_ for 1810,
p. 472; Witzsch in Pauly’s _Real Encycl._ vol. V. p. 253. See also
Vincent, vol. II. pp. 723-7.
7. Ὀψιανὸς λίθος—the Opsian or Obsidian stone, found in the Bay of
Hanfelah (5). Pliny says,—“The opsians or obsidians are also reckoned
as a sort of glass bearing the likeness of the stone which Obsius (or
Obsidius) found in Ethiopia, of a very black colour, sometimes even
translucent, hazier than ordinary glass to look through, and when used
for mirrors on the walls reflecting but shadows instead of distinct
images.” (Bk. xxxvi. 37). The only Obsius mentioned in history is a
M. Obsius who had been Prætor, a friend of Germanicus, referred to by
Tacitus (_Ann._ IV. 68, 71). He had perhaps been for a time prefect
of Egypt, and had coasted the shore of Ethiopia at the time when
Germanicus traversed Egypt till he came to the confines of Ethiopia.
Perhaps, however, the name of the substance is of Greek origin—ὀψιανὀς,
from its reflecting power.
8. Σάπφειρος—the Sapphire. Exported from Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia
(39). “The ancients distinguished two sorts of dark blue or purple,
one of which was spotted with gold. Pliny says it is never pellucid,
which seems to make it a different stone from what is now called
sapphire.”—Vincent (vol. II. p. 757), who adds in a note, “Dr. Burgess
has specimens of both sorts, the one with gold spots like lapis lazuli,
and not transparent.”[15]
9. Ὑάκινθος—Hyacinth or Jacinth. Exported from Mouziris and Nelkunda
(56). According to Salmasius this is the Ruby. In Solinus xxx. it would
seem to be the Amethyst (Sansk. _pushkarâja_.)
10. Ὑαλος ἀργὴ—Glass of a coarse kind. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza
(49), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56). Vessels of glass (ὑαλα σκευη)
exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39). Crystal of
many sorts (λιθίας ὑαλῆς πλεῖστα γενη) exported from Egypt to Adouli,
Aualitês, Mossulon (6, 7, 10); from Mouza to Azania (17).
11. Χρυσόλιθος—Chrysolite. Exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in
Indo-Skythia (39), to Barugaza (43), to Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
Some take this to be the topaz (Hind. _pîrojâ_).
VI. Wearing Apparel:—
1. Ἱμάτια ἄγναφα—Cloths undressed. Manufactured in Egypt and thence
exported to Adouli (6). These were disposed of to the tribes of
Barbaria—the Troglodyte shepherds of Upper Egypt, Nubia and Ethiopia.
2. Ἱμάτια βαρβαρικὰ σύμμικτα γεγναμμένα—Cloths for the Barbarine
markets, dressed and dyed of various colours. Exported to Malaô and
Aualitês (8, 7).
3. Ἱματισμὸς Ἀραβικὸς—Cloth or coating for the Arabian markets.
Exported from Egypt (24). Different kinds are enumerated:—Χειριδωτὸς,
with sleeves reaching to the wrist; Ὁτε ἁπλοῦς καὶ ὁ κοινὸς, with
single texture and of the common sort; σκοτουλάτος, wrought with
figures, checkered; the word is a transliteration of the Latin
_scutulatus_, from _scutum_, the checks being lozenge-shaped, like a
shield: see Juvenal, Sat. ii. 79; διάχρυσος, shot with gold; πολυτελὴς,
a kind of great price sent to the despot of Mouza; Κοινὸς καὶ ἁπλοῦς
καὶ ὁ νόθος, cloth of a common sort, and cloth of simple texture,
and cloth in imitation of a better commodity, sent to Kanê (28);
Διάφορος ἁπλους, of superior quality and single texture, for the king
(28); Ἁπλοῦς, _of single texture_, in great quantity, and νόθος, in
inferior sort imitating a better, in small quantity, sent to Barbarikon
in Indo-Skythia (39), ἁπλοῦς καὶ νόθος παντοῖος, and for the king
ἁπλοῦς πολυτελης, sent to Barugaza (49); Ἱματισμὸς οὐ πολύς—cloth in
small quantity sent to Muziris and Nelkunda (56); ἐντόπιος, of native
manufacture, exported from the marts of Apologos and Omana to Barugaza
(36).
4. Αβόλλαι—Riding or watch cloaks. Exported from Egypt to Mouza (34),
to Kanê (28). This word is a transliteration of the Latin _Abolla_.
It is supposed, however, to be derived from Greek: ἀμβολλη, i. e.
ἀμφιβολὴ. It was a woollen cloak of close texture—often mentioned in
the Roman writers: _e.g._ Juven. _Sat._ iii. 115 and iv. 70; Sueton.
_Calig._ c. 35. Where the word occurs in sec. 6 the reading of the MS.
is ἅβολοι, which Müller has corrected to ἀβόλλαι, though Salmasius had
defended the original reading.
5. Δικρόσσια (Lat. _Mantilia utrinque fimbriata_)—Cloths with a double
fringe. Exported from Egypt to Adouli (6). This word occurs only in
the _Periplûs_. The simple Κροσσιον, however, is met with in Herodian,
_Epim._ p. 72. An adjective δίκροσσος is found in Pollux vii. 72.
“We cannot err much,” says Vincent, “in rendering the δικρόσσια of
the _Periplûs_ either _cloth fringed_, with Salmasius, or _striped_,
with Apollonius. Meursius says λεντία ἄκροσσα are _plain linens not
striped_.”
6. Ζώναι πολύμιτοι πηχυαῖοι—Flowered or embroidered girdles, a cubit
broad. Exported from Egypt to Barugaza (49). Σκιωταὶ—girdles (_kâcha_)
shaded of different colours, exported to Mouza (24). This word occurs
only in the _Periplûs_.
7. Καυνάκαὶ—Garments of frieze. Exported from Arabia to Adouli (6); a
pure sort—ἁπλοι—exported to the same mart from Egypt (6). In the latter
of these two passages the MS. reading is γαυνάκαὶ. Both forms are in
use: conf. Latin _gaunace_—Varro, _de L. L._ 4, 35. It means also _a
fur garment_ or _blanket_—_vestis stragula_.
8. Λώδικες—Quilts or coverlids. Exported in small quantity from Egypt
to Mouza (24) and Kanê (28).
9. Περιζώματα—Sashes, girdles, or aprons. Exported from Barugaza to
Adouli (6), and into Barbaria (14).
10. Πολύμιτα—Stuffs in which several threads were taken for the woof
in order to weave flowers or other objects: Latin _polymita_ and
_plumatica_. Exported from Egypt to Barbarikon in Indo-Skythia (39), to
Mouziris and Nelkunda (56).
11. Σάγοι Ἀρσινοητικοὶ γεγναμμένοι καὶ βεβαμμένοι—Coarse cloaks made at
Arsinoê, dressed and dyed. Exported from Egypt to Barbaria (8, 13).
12. Στολαὶ Ἀρσινοητικάι—Women’s robes made at Arsinoê. Exported from
Egypt to Adouli (6).
13. Χιτῶνες—Tunics. Exported from Egypt to Malaô, Moundou, Mossulon (8,
9, 10).
VII. In addition to the above, works of art are mentioned.
Ἀνδριάντες—Images, sent as presents to Kharibaël (48). Cf. Strabo (p.
714), who among the articles sent to Arabia enumerates τορευμα, γραφην,
πλασμα, pieces of sculpture, painting, statues.
Μουσικἀ—Instruments of music, for presents to the king of Ariakê (49).
ANONYMI [ARRIANI UT FERTUR] PERIPLUS MARIS ERYTHRÆI.
1. The first of the important roadsteads established on the Red Sea,
and the first also of the great trading marts upon its coast, is the
port of +Myos-hormos+ in Egypt. Beyond it at a distance of 1800
stadia is +Berenikê+, which is to your right if you approach it by
sea. These roadsteads are both situate at the furthest end of Egypt,
and are bays of the Red Sea.
_Commentary._
(1) +Myos Hormos.+—Its situation is determined by the cluster of
islands now called +Jifâtîn+ [lat. 27° 12´ N., long. 33° 55´ E.]
of which the three largest lie opposite an indenture of the coast of
Egypt on the curve of which its harbour was situated [near Ras Abu
Somer, a little north of Satâjah Island]. It was founded by Ptolemy
Philadelphos B. C. 274, who selected it as the principal
port of the Egyptian trade with India in preference to Arsinoê,[16]
N. N. E. of Suez, on account of the difficulty and tediousness of
the navigation down the Heroöpolite Gulf. The vessels bound for
Africa and the south of Arabia left its harbour about the time of
the autumnal equinox, when the North West wind which then prevailed
carried them quickly down the Gulf. Those bound for the Malabar
Coast or Ceylon left in July, and if they cleared the Red Sea before
the 1st of September, they had the monsoon to assist their passage
across the ocean. +Myos Hormos+ was distant from +Koptos+
[lat. 26° N.], the station on the Nile through which it communicated
with Alexandria, a journey of seven or eight days along a road opened
through the desert by Philadelphos. The name +Myos Hormos+ is of
Greek origin, and may signify either the Harbour of the Mouse, or,
more probably, of the Mussel, since the pearl mussel abounded in its
neighbourhood. +Agatharkhidês+ calls it +Aphroditēs Hormos+,
and Pliny +Veneris Portus+. [Veneris Portus however was probably
at Sherm Sheikh, lat. 24° 36´ N. Off the coast is Wade Jemâl Island,
lat. 24° 39´ N., long. 35° 8´ E., called Iambe by Pliny, and perhaps
the Aphroditês Island of Ptolemy IV. v. 77.] Referring to this name
Vincent says: “Here if the reader will advert to Aphroditê, the Greek
title of Venus, as springing from the foam of the ocean, it will
immediately appear that the Greeks were translating here, for the
native term to this day is _Suffange-el-Bahri_, ‘sponge of the sea’;
and the vulgar error of the sponge being the foam of the sea, will
immediately account for Aphroditê.”
The rival of Myos-Hormos was +Berenikê+, a city built by Ptolemy
Philadelphos, who so named it in honour of his mother, who was the
daughter of Ptolemy Lagos and Antigonê. It was in the same parallel
with Syênê and therefore not far from the Tropic [lat. 23° 55´ N.].
It stood nearly at the bottom of _Foul Bay_ (ἐν βάθει τοῦ Ἀκαθάρτου
Κὀλπου), so called from the coast being foul with shoals and breakers,
and not from the impurity of its water, as its Latin name, _Sinus
Immundus_, would lead us to suppose. Its ruins are still perceptible
even to the arrangement of the streets, and in the centre is a small
Egyptian temple adorned with hieroglyphics and bas-reliefs of Greek
workmanship. Opposite to the town is a very fine natural harbour, the
entrance of which has been deep enough for small vessels, though the
bar is now impassable at low water. Its prosperity under the Ptolemies
and afterwards under the Romans was owing to its safe anchorage and
its being, like Myos-Hormos, the terminus of a great road from Koptos
along which the traffic of Alexandria with Ethiopia, Arabia, and India
passed to and fro. Its distance from +Koptos+ was 258 Roman miles
or 11 days’ journey. The distance between Myos-Hormos and Berenikê is
given in the _Periplûs_ at 225 miles, but this is considerably above
the mark. The difficulty of the navigation may probably have made the
distance seem greater than it was in reality.
2. The country which adjoins them on the right below Berenîkê
is +Barbaria+. Here the sea-board is peopled by the
+Ikhthyophagoi+, who live in scattered huts built in the narrow
gorges of the hills, and further inland are the +Berbers+, and
beyond them the +Agriophagoi+ and +Moskhophagoi+, tribes
under regular government by kings. Beyond these again, and still
further inland towards the west [is situated the metropolis called
Meroê].
(2) Adjoining +Berenikê+ was +Barbaria+ (ἡ Βαρβαρικὴ χώρα)—the
land about Ras Abû Fatima [lat. 22° 26´ N.—Ptol. IV. vii. 28]. The
reading of the MS. is ἡ Τισηβαρικὴ which Müller rejects because the
name nowhere occurs in any work, and because if +Barbaria+ is not
mentioned here, our author could not afterwards (Section 5) say ἡ ἄλλη
Βαρβαρία. The +Agriophagoi+ who lived in the interior are mentioned
by Pliny (vi. 35), who says that they lived principally on the flesh
of panthers and lions. Vincent writes as if instead of Αγριοφάγων the
reading should be Ακριδοφάγων locust-eaters, who are mentioned by
Agatharkhidês in his _De Mari Erythraeo_, Section 58. Another inland
tribe is mentioned in connection with them—the +Moskhophagoi+, who may
be identified with the +Rizophagoi+ or +Spermatophagoi+ of the same
writer, who were so named because they lived on roots of the tender
suckers and buds of trees, called in Greek μόσχοι. This being a term
applied also to the young of animals, Vincent was led to think that
this tribe fed on the brinde or flesh cut out of the living animal as
described by Bruce.
3. Below the +Moskhophagoi+, near the sea, lies a little trading
town distant from Berenîkê about 4000 stadia, called +Ptolemaïs
Thêrôn+, from which, in the days of the Ptolemies, the hunters
employed by them used to go up into the interior to catch elephants. In
this mart is procured the true (or marine) tortoise-shell, and the land
kind also, which, however, is scarce, of a white colour, and smaller
size. A little ivory is also sometimes obtainable, resembling that of
+Adouli+. This place has no port, and is approachable only by
boats.
(3) To the south of the Moskhophagoi lies +Ptolemaïs Thêrôn+,
or, as it is called by Pliny, +Ptolemaïs Epitheras+. [On
Er-rih island, lat. 18° 9´ N., long 38° 27´ E., are the ruins of an
ancient town—probably Ptolemaïs Therôn—Müller however places Suche
here.—Ptol. I. viii. 1.; IV. vii. 7; VIII. xvi. 10]. It was originally
an Ethiopian village, but was extended and fortified by Ptolemy
Philadelphos, who made it the depôt of the elephant trade, for which
its situation on the skirts of the great Nubian forest, where these
animals abounded, rendered it peculiarly suitable. The Egyptians
before this had imported their elephants from Asia, but as the supply
was precarious, and the cost of importation very great, Philadelphos
made the most tempting offers to the Ethiopian elephant-hunters
(Elephantophagoi) to induce them to abstain from eating the animal,
or to reserve at least a portion of them for the royal stables. They
rejected however all his solicitations, declaring that even for all
Egypt they would not forego the luxury of their repast. The king
resolved thereupon to procure his supplies by employing hunters of his
own.
4. Leaving Ptolemaïs Thêrôn we are conducted, at the distance of about
3000 stadia, to +Adouli+, a regular and established port of trade
situated on a deep bay the direction of which is due south. Facing
this, at a distance seaward of about 200 stadia from the inmost recess
of the bay, lies an island called +Oreinê+ (or ‘the mountainous’),
which runs on either side parallel with the mainland. Ships, that come
to trade with Adouli, now-a-days anchor here, to avoid being attacked
from the shore; for in former times when they used to anchor at the
very head of the bay, beside an island called +Diodôros+, which
was so close to land that the sea was fordable, the neighbouring
barbarians, taking advantage of this, would run across to attack the
ships at their moorings. At the distance of 20 stadia from the sea,
opposite +Oreinê+, is the village of Adouli, which is not of any
great size, and inland from this a three days’ journey is a city,
+Kolöê+, the first market where ivory can be procured. From Kolöê
it takes a journey of five days to reach the metropolis of the people
called the +Auxumitae+, whereto is brought, through the province
called +Kyêneion+, all the ivory obtained on the other side of
the Nile, before it is sent on to Adouli. The whole mass, I may say,
of the elephants and rhinoceroses which are killed _to supply the
trade_ frequent the uplands _of the interior_, though at rare times
they are seen near the coast, even in the neighbourhood of Adouli.
Besides the islands already mentioned, a cluster consisting of many
small ones lies out in the sea to the right of this port. They bear
the name of +Alalaiou+, and yield the tortoises with which the
+Ikhthyophagoi+ supply the market.