"This programme does not mean cessation of the other activities of
Non-co-operation. They go on. Drink and untouchability must vanish. The
education movement is steadily going forward. The National institutions
that have sprung up will, if they are efficiently managed make headway
and attract students who are still hesitating. The pleaders, always a
cautious and calculating class by training, will, as they see the
movement progressing more and more, fall in line with the rest of the
country. Boycott of law courts by the public is making fair progress.
These things do not now require concentration of universal effort. They
apply to special classes. But the three things mentioned by me are the
most essential: they must be done now and without them the movement, as
a mass movement must be pronounced a failure." _"Young India" 30th
March._
After this it is impossible to rely upon boycott of schools &c. as
conditions for Swaraj within a year. It is now admitted and the
Secretaries report that the money demanded has been collected. Such
money was paid on the fraudulent representation of Swaraj within the
year. Judged by ordinary standards Mr. Gandhi's whole procedure with the
promises, the persuasions, the evasions, the subterfuges and all the
other manoeuvres, would be characterised by men of the world and of sane
judgment in language, I hesitate to reproduce, for the simple reason
that I believe that Mr. Gandhi is honest in his self hypnotisation. I
believe he does not really know what he is doing. At least this is the
only possible charitable assumption when we watch his feats of political
acrobatics which have the power of deluding such vast numbers of people
making them passionately intolerant, violently intolerant often, of the
slightest criticism of their hero.
When the Congress was asked in September to change its policy, Mr.
Gandhi's idea to start an organisation to supercede the existing
Government was not brought before them. It is the first direct step in
the path of revolution. His followers have been by this time brought to
a proper frame of mind. The use of the money to be collected was, as
stated on the 13th April, to be as follows; "The only activity involving
financial obligations is that of spinning, organising national service,
in some cases supporting lawyers, who might have suspended practice and
cannot be included in the national service as for supporting national
educational institutions." It will now be understood why some lawyers
were willing to suspend practice. Before the expiry of one year period
however other conditions were imposed which would put off Swaraj
practically for a very long time to come, the removal of untouchability
of the lower classes in India without which it was said Swaraj would be
a meaningless term. This means, as I have no doubt, Mr. Gandhi knew, he
was putting off Swaraj indefinitely. If this had been mentioned as
condition when the Congress was asked to change its policy it is very
doubtful whether he would have got the Congress to agree with him. As to
these two conditions themselves they are admirable. With a little tact
the Government might turn the tables on Mr. Gandhi. If proof of
untouchability consists only in the admission of the boys of these
classes to schools of higher classes, it does not mean much, though it
is a notable advance. If a contact with a low class person is placed on
the same footing as contact with caste man it may be said that we have
got rid of untouchability. But this will not come throughout the greater
portion of India for years. On these questions the education of Mr.
Gandhi has only commenced. He will find that without abrogating the
ceremonial law on which the caste system rests there will be no
practical reform. He is apparently not aware of the far more heinous
custom of distance pollution, _i.e._ not only pollution by touch but by
approach within a certain distance. This far from being a move against
Government would support the Government contention against reform.
About temperance also the move is salutary. If the system of picketing
adopted by the volunteers is abandoned and peaceful persuasion alone is
attempted no one has any right to complain. What all this has to do with
Parliamentary Swaraj or Home Rule one finds it difficult to understand.
But they are necessary for the 'Gandhi Swaraj' advocated in his 'Indian
Home Rule', and I have little doubt that like his other proposals they
were intended to attain that object.
It is admitted in the Report of the Secretaries that the crore of Rupees
which was required to be collected, as stated above, has been realised.
About the middle of July he said he still looked forward before the next
meeting of the Congress for the satisfaction of his demands about the
Punjab and the Khilafat and full immediate Swaraj in accordance with the
wishes of her chosen representatives. August and September were devoted
to the campaign of burning foreign cloth which in his view was an act of
non-violent non-co-operation with the Government. This step appeared
unintelligible and inaccurate to his followers who believed bona fide
that he was striving for political control. But it is quite consistent
with and in pursuance of his scheme of spiritual swaraj of sacrifice and
self-control. On the 27th of October Mr. Gandhi speaks of his "threat to
seek the shelter of the Himalayas should violence become universal in
India, and should it not have engulfed me."
As _New India_ points out: "that would be interesting to know when this
threat was made. We all know that Mr. Gandhi said that if there was
violence he would go to the Himalayas. There was a riot, but he did not
go, but excused himself by saying that if it occurred a second time, he
would go. A second riot occurred; he said nothing but did not go. Now
we hear that he had made a threat to go, should it become universal in
India. When and where was this said?"