XVII.

The transmutation of Hellas proper into part of the Roman Empire, and

the intrusion of Stoicism and Christianity into the sphere of Hellenic

thought and feeling, mark the end of the Greek age. It still remains,

however, to consider the relation of this passion to the character of

the race, and to determine its influence.

In the fifth section of this essay, I asserted that it is now impossible

to ascertain whether the Greeks derived paiderastia from any of the

surrounding nations, and if so, from which. Homer's silence makes it

probable that the contact of Hellenic with Phoenician traders in the

post-heroic period led to the adoption by the Greek race of a custom

which they speedily assimilated and stamped with an Hellenic character.

At the same time, I suggested in the tenth section that paiderastia, in

its more enthusiastic and martial form, may have been developed within

the very sanctuary of Greek national existence by the Dorians, matured

in the course of their migrations, and systematised after their

settlement in Crete and Sparta. That the Greeks themselves regarded

Crete as the classic ground of paiderastia favours either theory, and

suggests a fusion of them both; for the geographical position of this

island made it the meeting-place of Hellenes with the Asiatic races,

while it was also one of the earliest Dorian acquisitions.

When we come to ask why this passion struck roots so deep into the very

heart and brain of the Greek nation, we must reject the favourite

hypothesis of climate. Climate is, no doubt, powerful to a great extent

in determining the complexion of sexual morality; yet, as regards

paiderastia, we have abundant proof that nations both of North and South

have, according to circumstances quite independent of climatic

conditions, been both equally addicted and equally averse to this

habit. The Etruscan,[183] the Chinese, the ancient Keltic tribes, the

Tartar hordes of Timour Khan, the Persians under Moslem rule--races sunk

in the sloth of populous cities, as well as the nomadic children of the

Asian steppes, have all acquired a notoriety at least equal to that of

the Greeks. The only difference between these people and the Greeks in

respect to paiderastia is that everything which the Greek genius touched

acquired a portion of its distinction, so that what in semi-barbarous

society may be ignored as vice, in Greece demands attention as a phase

of the spiritual life of a world-historic nation.

Like climate, ethnology must also be eliminated. It is only a

superficial philosophy of history which is satisfied with the

nomenclature of Semitic, Aryan, and so forth; which imagines that

something is gained for the explanation of a complex psychological

problem when hereditary affinities have been demonstrated. The deeps of

national personality are far more abysmal than this. Granting that

climate and descent are elements of great importance, the religious and

moral principles, the æsthetic apprehensions, and the customs which

determine the character of a race, leave always something still to be

analysed. In dealing with Greek paiderastia, we are far more likely to

reach a probable solution if we confine our attention to the specific

social conditions which fostered the growth of this passion in Greece,

and to the general habit of mind which permitted its evolution out of

the common stuff of humanity, than if we dilate at ease upon the climate

of the Ægean, or discuss the ethnical complexion of the Hellenic stock.

In other words, it was the Pagan view of human life and duty which gave

scope to paiderastia, while certain special Greek customs aided its

development.

The Greeks themselves, quoted more than once above, have put us on the

right track in this inquiry. However paiderastia began in Hellas, it was

encouraged by gymnastics and syssitia. Youths and boys engaged together

in athletic exercises, training their bodies to the highest point of

physical attainment, growing critical about the points and proportions

of the human form, lived of necessity in an atmosphere of mutual

attention. Young men could not be insensible to the grace of boys in

whom the bloom of beauty was unfolding. Boys could not fail to admire

the strength and goodliness of men displayed in the comeliness of

perfected development. Having exercised together in the

wrestling-ground, the same young men and boys consorted at the common

tables. Their talk fell naturally upon feats of strength and training;

nor was it unnatural, in the absence of a powerful religious

prohibition, that love should spring from such discourse and

intercourse.

The nakedness, which Greek custom permitted in gymnastic games and some

religious rites, no doubt contributed to the erotic force of masculine

passion; and the history of their feeling upon this point deserves

notice. Plato, in the _Republic_ (452), observes that "not long ago the

Greeks were of the opinion, which is still generally received among the

barbarians, that the sight of a naked man was ridiculous and unseemly."

He goes on to mention the Cretans and the Lacedæmonians as the

institutors of naked games. To these conditions may be added dances in

public, the ritual of gods like Erôs, ceremonial processions, and

contests for the prize of beauty.

The famous passage in the first book of Thucydides (cap. vi.)

illustrates the same point. While describing the primitive culture of

the Hellenes, he thinks it worth while to mention that the Spartans, who

first stripped themselves for running and wrestling, abandoned the

girdle which it was usual to wear around the loins. He sees in this

habit one of the strongest points of distinction between the Greeks and

barbarians. Herodotus insists upon the same point (book i. 10), which is

further confirmed by the verse of Ennius: "Flagitii," &c.

The nakedness which Homer (_Iliad_, xxii. 66) and Tyrtæus (i. 21)

describes as shameful and unseemly is that of an old man. Both poets

seem to imply that a young man's naked body is beautiful even in death.

We have already seen that paiderastia, as it existed in early Hellas,

was a martial institution, and that it never wholly lost its virile

character. This suggests the consideration of another class of

circumstances which were in the highest degree conducive to its free

development. The Dorians, to begin with, lived like regiments of

soldiers in barracks. The duty of training the younger men was thrown

upon the elder; so that the close relations thus established in a race

which did not positively discountenance the love of male for male rather

tended actively to encourage it. Nor is it difficult to understand why

the romantic emotions in such a society were more naturally aroused by

male companions than by women. Matrimony was not a matter of elective

affinity between two persons seeking to spend their lives agreeably and

profitably in common, so much as an institution used by the State for

raising vigorous recruits for the national army. All that is known about

the Spartan marriage customs, taken together with Plato's speculations

about a community of wives, proves this conclusively. It followed that

the relation of the sexes to each other was both more formal and more

simple than it is with us; the natural and the political purposes of

cohabitation were less veiled by those personal and emotional

considerations which play so large a part in modern life. There was less

scope for the emergence of passionate enthusiasm between men and women,

while the full conditions of a spiritual attachment, solely determined

by reciprocal inclination, were only to be found in comradeship. In the

wrestling-ground, at the common tables, in the ceremonies of religion,

at the Pan-hellenic games, in the camp, in the hunting-field, on the

benches of the council chamber, and beneath the porches of the Agora,

men were all in all unto each other. Women meanwhile kept the house at

home, gave birth to babies, and reared children till such time as the

State thought fit to undertake their training. It is, moreover, well

known that the age at which boys were separated from their mothers was

tender. Thenceforth they lived with persons of their own sex; their

expanding feelings were confined within the sphere of masculine

experience until the age arrived when marriage had to be considered in

the light of a duty to the commonwealth. How far this tended to

influence the growth of sentiment, and to determine its quality, may be

imagined.

In the foregoing paragraph I have restricted my attention almost wholly

to the Dorians: but what has just been said about the circumstance of

their social life suggests a further consideration regarding paiderastia

at large among the Greeks, which takes rank with the weightiest of all.

The peculiar status of Greek women is a subject surrounded with

difficulty; yet no man can help feeling that the idealisation of

masculine love, which formed so prominent a feature of Greek life in the

historic period, was intimately connected with the failure of the race

to give their proper sphere in society to women. The Greeks themselves

were not directly conscious of this fact; nor can I remember any passage

in which a Greek has suggested that boy-love flourished precisely upon

the special ground which had been wrestled from the right domain of file

other sex. Far in advance of the barbarian tribes around them, they

could not well discern the defects of their own civilisation; nor was it

to be expected that they should have anticipated that exaltation of the

love of women into a semi-religious cult which was the later product of

chivalrous Christianity. We, from the standpoint of a more fully

organised society, detect their errors, and pronounce that paiderastia

was a necessary consequence of their unequal social culture; nor do we

fail to notice that, just as paiderastia was a post-Homeric intrusion

into Greek life, so women, after the age of the Homeric poems, suffered

a corresponding depression in the social scale. In the _Iliad_ and the

_Odyssey_, and in the tragedies which deal with the heroic age, they

play a part of importance for which the actual conditions of historic

Hellas offered no opportunities.

It was at Athens that the social disadvantages of women told with

greatest force; and this perhaps may help to explain the philosophic

idealisation of boy-love among the Athenians. To talk familiarly with

free women on the deepest subjects, to treat them as intellectual

companions, or to choose them as associates in undertakings of political

moment, seems never to have entered the mind of an Athenian. Women were

conspicuous by their absence from all places of resort--from the

palæstra, the theatre, the Agora, Pnyx, the law-court, the symposium;

and it was here, and here alone, that the spiritual energies of the men

expanded. Therefore, as the military ardour of the Dorians naturally

associated itself with paiderastia, so the characteristic passion of the

Athenians for culture took the same direction. The result in each case

was a highly wrought psychical condition, which, however alien to our

instincts, must be regarded as an exaltation of the race above its

common human needs--as a manifestation of fervid, highly-pitched

emotional enthusiasm.

It does not follow from the facts which I have just discussed that,

either at Athens or at Sparta, women were excluded from an important

position in the home, or that the family in Greece was not the sphere of

female influence more active than the extant fragments of Greek

literature reveal to us. The women of Sophocles and Euripides, and the

noble ladies described by Plutarch, warn us to be cautious in our

conclusions on this topic. The fact, however, remains that in Greece, as

in mediæval Europe, the home was not regarded as the proper sphere for

enthusiastic passion: both paiderastia and chivalry ignored the family,

while the latter even set the matrimonial tie at nought. It is therefore

precisely at this point of the family, regarded as a comparatively

undeveloped factor in the higher spiritual life of Greeks, that the two

problems of paiderastia and the position of women in Greece intersect.

In reviewing the external circumstances which favoured paiderastia, it

may be added, as a minor cause, that the leisure in which the Greeks

lived, supported by a crowd of slaves, and attending chiefly to their

physical and mental culture, rendered them peculiarly liable to

pre-occupations of passion and pleasure-seeking. In the early periods,

when war was incessant, this abundance of spare time bore less corrupt

fruit than during the stagnation into which the Greeks, enslaved by

Macedonia and Rome, declined.

So far, I have been occupied in the present section with the specific

conditions of Greek society which may be regarded as determining the

growth of paiderastia. With respect to the general habit of mind which

caused the Greeks, in contradistinction to the Jews and Christians, to

tolerate this form of feeling, it will be enough here to remark that

Paganism could have nothing logically to say against it. The further

consideration of this matter I shall reserve for the next division of my

essay, contenting myself for the moment with the observation that Greek

religion and the instincts of the Greek race offered no direct obstacle

to the expansion of a habit which was strongly encouraged by the

circumstances I have just enumerated.

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