John B. Houston, a loyal man and prominent citizen, was arrested, and
yesterday, started off by General Burbridge, to be sent beyond our lines
by way of Catlettsburg, for no other offense than opposition to your
re-election," and I have answered him as follows below, of which please
take notice and report to me.
A. LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, D.C., November 10, 1864. GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE, Frankfort, Ky.:
Yours of yesterday received. I can scarcely believe that General John
B. Houston has been arrested "for no other offense than opposition to my
re-election;" for, if that had been deemed sufficient cause of arrest, I
should have heard of more than one arrest in Kentucky on election day.
If, however, General Houston has been arrested for no other cause than
opposition to my re-election, General Burbridge will discharge him at
once, I sending him a copy of this as an order to that effect.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL S. A. HURLBUT.
(Private.)
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 14, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL HURLBUT:
Few things since I have been here have impressed me more painfully
than what, for four or five months past, has appeared a bitter military
opposition to the new State government of Louisiana. I still indulged some
hope that I was mistaken in the fact; but copies of a correspondence
on the subject between General Canby and yourself, and shown me to-day,
dispel that hope. A very fair proportion of the people of Louisiana
have inaugurated a new State government, making an excellent new
constitution--better for the poor black man than we have in Illinois. This
was done under military protection, directed by me, in the belief, still
sincerely entertained, that with such a nucleus around which to build we
could get the State into position again sooner than otherwise. In this
belief a general promise of protection and support, applicable alike to
Louisiana and other States, was given in the last annual message. During
the formation of the new government and constitution they were supported
by nearly every loyal person, and opposed by every secessionist. And
this support and this opposition, from the respective standpoints of the
parties, was perfectly consistent and logical. Every Unionist ought to
wish the new government to succeed; and every disunionist must desire it
to fail. Its failure would gladden the heart of Slidell in Europe, and
of every enemy of the old flag in the world. Every advocate of slavery
naturally desires to see blasted and crushed the liberty promised the
black man by the new constitution. But why General Canby and General
Hurlbut should join on the same side is to me incomprehensible.
Of course, in the condition of things at New Orleans, the military must
not be thwarted by the civil authority; but when the Constitutional
Convention, for what it deems a breach of privilege, arrests an editor in
no way connected with the military, the military necessity for insulting
the convention and forcibly discharging the editor is difficult to
perceive. Neither is the military necessity for protecting the people
against paying large salaries fixed by a legislature of their own choosing
very apparent. Equally difficult to perceive is the military necessity for
forcibly interposing to prevent a bank from loaning its own money to the
State. These things, if they have occurred, are, at the best, no better
than gratuitous hostility. I wish I could hope that they may be shown not
to have occurred. To make assurance against misunderstanding, I repeat
that in the existing condition of things in Louisiana, the military
must not be thwarted by the civil authority; and I add that on points of
difference the commanding general must be judge and master. But I also add
that in the exercise of this judgment and control, a purpose, obvious, and
scarcely unavowed, to transcend all military necessity, in order to crush
out the civil government, will not be overlooked.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
REPLY TO MARYLAND UNION COMMITTEE, NOVEMBER 17, 1864.
The President, in reply, said that he had to confess he had been duly
notified of the intention to make this friendly call some days ago, and in
this he had had a fair opportunity afforded to be ready with a set speech;
but he had not prepared one, being too busy for that purpose. He would
say, however, that he was gratified with the result of the presidential
election. He had kept as near as he could to the exercise of his best
judgment for the interest of the whole country, and to have the seal of
approbation stamped on the course he had pursued was exceedingly grateful
to his feelings. He thought he could say, in as large a sense as any other
man, that his pleasure consisted in belief that the policy he had pursued
was the best, if not the only one, for the safety of the country.
He had said before, and now repeated, that he indulged in no feeling of
triumph over any man who thought or acted differently from himself. He
had no such feeling toward any living man. When he thought of Maryland, in
particular, he was of the opinion that she had more than double her share
in what had occurred in the recent elections. The adoption of a free-State
constitution was a greater thing than the part taken by the people of the
State in the presidential election. He would any day have stipulated to
lose Maryland in the presidential election to save it by the adoption of
a free-State constitution, because the presidential election comes every
four years, while that is a thing which, being done, cannot be undone. He
therefore thought that in that they had a victory for the right worth a
great deal more than their part in the presidential election, though
of the latter he thought highly. He had once before said, but would say
again, that those who have differed with us and opposed us will see that
the result of the presidential election is better for their own good than
if they had been successful.
Thanking the committee for their compliment, he brought his brief speech
to a close.
PROCLAMATION CONCERNING BLOCKADE, NOVEMBER 19, 1864
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A Proclamation.
Whereas by my proclamation of the 19th of April, 1861, it was declared
that the ports of certain States, including those of Norfolk, in the State
of Virginia, Fernandina and Pensacola, in the State of Florida, were, for
reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed under blockade; and:
Whereas the said ports were subsequently blockaded accordingly, but having
for some time past been in the military possession of the United States,
it is deeemd advisable that they should be opened to domestic and foreign
commerce:
Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section
of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled "An
act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for
other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of
Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola shall so far cease and determine, from
and after the first day of December next, that commercial intercourse with
those ports, except as to persons, things, and information contraband of
war, may, from that time, be carried on, subject to the laws of the United
States, to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which may
be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and to such military
and naval regulations as are now in force, or may hereafter be found
necessary.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this
nineteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the
eighty-ninth.
A. LINCOLN.
By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
FIVE-STAR MOTHER
TO MRS. BIXBY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 21, 1864.
MRS. BIXBY, Boston, Massachusetts.
DEAR MADAM:--I have been shown in the files of the War Department a
statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that you are the mother
of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I feel
how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should attempt to
beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain
from tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the thanks
of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our Heavenly Father may
assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished
memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to
have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom.
Yours very sincerely and respectfully,
A. LINCOLN.
TO J. PHILLIPS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 21, 1864.
DEACON JOHN PHILLIPS.
MY DEAR SIR:--I have heard of the incident at the polls in your town, in
which you acted so honorable a part, and I take the liberty of writing
to you to express my personal gratitude for the compliment paid me by the
suffrage of a citizen so venerable.
The example of such devotion to civic duties in one whose days have
already been extended an average lifetime beyond the Psalmist's limit,
cannot but be valuable and fruitful. It is not for myself only, but for
the country which you have in your sphere served so long and so well, that
I thank you.
Your friend and servant,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE. WASHINGTON, D. C. NOVEMBER 22, 1864.
GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE, Frankfort, Ky.:
Yours of to-day received. It seems that Lieutenant-Governor Jacobs and
Colonel Wolford are stationary now. General Sudarth and Mr. Hodges are
here, and the Secretary of War and myself are trying to devise means of
pacification and harmony for Kentucky, which we hope to effect soon, now
that the passion-exciting subject of the election is past.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN, WASHINGTON, D.C., NOVEMBER 25, 1864
GOVERNOR CURTIN, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania;
I have no knowledge, information, or belief, that three States--or any
States, offer to resume allegiance.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON D.C., NOV.
26, 1864
MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS:
Please telegraph me briefly on what charge and evidence Mrs. Anna B.
Martin has been sent to the penitentiary at Alton.
A. LINCOLN.
MEMORANDUM,
DECEMBER 3, 1864.
On Thursday of last week, two ladies from Tennessee came before the
President, asking the release of their husbands held as prisoners of war
at Johnson's Island. They were put off until Friday, when they came again,
and were again put off until Saturday. At each of the interviews one of
the ladies urged that her husband was a religious man, and on Saturday the
President ordered the release of the prisoners, when he said to this lady:
"You say your husband is a religious man; tell him when you meet him, that
I say I am not much of a judge of religion, but that, in my opinion, the
religion that sets men to rebel and fight against their own government,
because, as they think, that government does not sufficiently help some
men to eat their bread in the sweat of other men's faces, is not the sort
of religion upon which people can get to heaven."
A. LINCOLN.
ORDER CONCERNING THE STEAMER "FUNAYMA SOLACE."
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 3, 1864.
A war steamer, called the Funayma Solace, having been built in this
country, for the Japanese government and at the instance of that
government, it is deemed to comport with the public interest, in view of
the unsettled condition of the relations of the United States with that
Empire, that the steamer should not be allowed to proceed to Japan. If,
however, the Secretary of the Navy should ascertain that the steamer is
adapted to our service, he is authorized to purchase her, but the purchase
money will be held in trust toward satisfying any valid claims which may
be presented by the Japanese on account of the construction of the steamer
and the failure to deliver the same, as above set forth.
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
WASHINGTON CITY, December 5, 1864
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend that
Captain John A. Winslow, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks from
Congress for the skill and gallantry exhibited by him in the brilliant
action whilst in command of the United States steamer Keaysarge, which led
to the total destruction of the piratical craft Alabama, on the 19th of
June, 1864., a vessel superior in tonnage, superior in number of guns, and
superior in number of crew.
This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with the
requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is in the
following words, viz:
That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one
grade, if, upon recommendation by the President by name he receives the
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the
enemy, or far extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession.
A. LINCOLN,
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
WASHINGTON CITY, December 5, 1864.
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend
that Lieutenant William B. Gushing, United States Navy, receive a vote of
thanks from Congress for his important, gallant, and perilous achievement
in destroying the rebel ironclad steamer Albemarle on the night of the
27th of October, 1864., at Plymouth, N. C.
The destruction of so formidable a vessel, which had resisted the
continued attacks of a number of our vessels on former occasions, is an
important event touching our future naval and military operations, and
would reflect honor on any officer, and redounds to the credit of this
young officer and the few brave comrades who assisted in this successful
and daring undertaking.
This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with the
requirements of the ninth section of the Aforesaid act, which is in the
following words, namely:
That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one
grade if upon recommendation of the President by name he receives the
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the
enemy, or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession.
A. LINCOLN.
ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS,
DECEMBER 6, 1864.
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
Again the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim our profoundest
gratitude to Almighty God.
The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory.
Mexico continues to be a theater of civil war. While our political
relations with that country have undergone no change, we have at the same
time strictly maintained neutrality between the belligerents.
At the request of the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, a competent
engineer has been authorized to make a survey of the river San Juan
and the port of San Juan. It is a source of much satisfaction that the
difficulties which for a moment excited some political apprehensions and
caused a closing of the interoceanic transit route have been amicably
adjusted, and that there is a good prospect that the route will soon
be reopened with an increase of capacity and adaptation. We could not
exaggerate either the commercial or the political importance of that great
improvement.
It would be doing injustice to an important South American State not
to acknowledge the directness, frankness, and cordiality with which the
United States of Colombia have entered into intimate relations with this
government. A claims convention has been constituted to complete the
unfinished work of the one which closed its session in 1861.
The new liberal constitution of Venezuela having gone into effect with
the universal acquiescence of the people, the government under it has been
recognized and diplomatic intercourse with it has opened in a cordial
and friendly spirit. The long-deferred Aves Island claim has been
satisfactorily paid and discharged.
Mutual payments have been made of the claims awarded by the late joint
commission for the settlement of claims between the United States and
Peru. An earnest and cordial friendship continues to exist between the two
countries, and such efforts as were in my power have been used to remove
misunderstanding, and avert a threatened war between Peru and Spain.
Our relations are of the most friendly nature with Chile, the Argentine
Republic, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador, and Haiti.
During the past year no differences of any kind have arisen with any of
these republics, and on the other hand, their sympathies with the United
States are constantly expressed with cordiality and earnestness.
The claim arising from the seizure of the cargo of the brig Macedonian in
1821 has been paid in full by the Government of Chile.
Civil war continues in the Spanish part of San Domingo, apparently without
prospect of an early close.
Official correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and it gives
us a pleasing view of social and political progress in that republic. It
may be expected to derive new vigor from American influence improved by
the rapid disappearance of slavery in the United States.
I solicit your authority to furnish to the republic a gunboat, at moderate
cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by instalments. Such a vessel
is needed for the safety of that state against the native African races,
and in Liberian hands it would be more effective in arresting the African
slave-trade than a squadron in our own hands. The possession of the least
organized naval force would stimulate a generous ambition in the republic,
and the confidence which we should manifest by furnishing it would win
forbearance and favor toward the colony from all civilized nations.
The proposed overland telegraph between America and Europe, by the way of
Bering Straits and Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by Congress at the
last session, has been undertaken, under very favorable circumstances,
by an association of American citizens, with the cordial good-will and
support as well of this Government as of those of Great Britain and
Russia. Assurances have been received from most of the South American
States of their high appreciation of the enterprise and their readiness
to co-operate in constructing lines tributary to that world-encircling
communication. I learn with much satisfaction that the noble design of a
telegraphic communication between the eastern coast of America and
Great Britain has been renewed, with full expectation of its early
accomplishment.
Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic peace the country will
be able to resume with energy and advantage its former high career of
commerce and civilization.
Our very popular and estimable representative in Egypt died in April last.
An unpleasant altercation which arose between the temporary incumbent of
the office and the Government of the Pasha resulted in a suspension
of intercourse. The evil was promptly corrected on the arrival of the
successor in the consulate, and our relations with Egypt, as well as our
relations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely satisfactory.
The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in China has at last been
suppressed, with the co-operating good offices of this Government and of
the other Western commercial States. The judicial consular establishment
there has become very difficult and onerous, and it will need legislative
revision to adapt it to the extension of our commerce and to the more
intimate intercourse which has been instituted with the Government and
people of that vast Empire. China seems to be accepting with hearty
good-will the conventional laws which regulate commercial and social
intercourse among the Western nations.
Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan and the anomalous form of its
Government, the action of that empire in performing treaty stipulations is
inconstant and capricious. Nevertheless, good progress has been effected
by the Western powers, moving with enlightened concert. Our own pecuniary
claims have been allowed or put in course of settlement, and the inland
sea has been reopened to commerce. There is reason also to believe that
these proceedings have increased rather than diminished the friendship of
Japan toward the United States.
The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have been opened by
proclamation. It is hoped that foreign merchants will now consider whether
it is not safer and more profitable to themselves, as well as just to
the United States, to resort to these and other open ports than it is to
pursue, through many hazards and at vast cost, a contraband trade with
other ports which are closed, if not by actual military occupation, at
least by a lawful and effective blockade.
For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty of the Executive, under
the law of nations, to exclude enemies of the human race from an asylum in
the United States. If Congress should think that proceedings in such
cases lack the authority of law, or ought to be further regulated by it, I
recommend that provision be made for effectually preventing foreign
slave traders from acquiring domicile and facilities for their criminal
occupation in our country.
It is possible that if it were a new and open question the maritime
powers, with the lights they now enjoy, would not concede the privileges
of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the United States, destitute,
as they are, and always have been, equally of ships of war and of ports
and harbors. Disloyal emissaries have been neither assiduous nor more
successful during the last year than they were before that time in their
efforts, under favor of that privilege, to embroil our country in foreign
wars. The desire and determination of the governments of the maritime
states to defeat that design are believed to be as sincere as and can
not be more earnest than our own. Nevertheless, unforeseen political
difficulties have arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports and on
the northern boundary of the United States, which have required, and are
likely to continue to require, the practice of constant vigilance and a
just and conciliatory spirit on the part of the United States, as well as
of the nations concerned and their governments.
Commissioners have been appointed under the treaty with Great Britain
on the adjustment of the claims of the Hudson Bay and Puget Sound
Agricultural Companies, in Oregon, and are now proceeding to the execution
of the trust assigned to them.
In view of the insecurity of life and property in the region adjacent
to the Canadian border, by reason of recent assaults and depredations
committed by inimical and desperate persons who are harbored there, it
has been thought proper to give notice that after the expiration of six
months, the period conditionally stipulated in the existing arrangement
with Great Britain, the United States must hold themselves at liberty
to increase their naval armament upon the Lakes if they shall find that
proceeding necessary. The condition of the border will necessarily come
into consideration in connection with the question of continuing or
modifying the rights of transit from Canada through the United States, as
well as the regulation of imposts, which were temporarily established by
the reciprocity treaty of the 5th June, 1854.
I desire, however, to be understood while making this statement that the
colonial authorities of Canada are not deemed to be intentionally unjust
or unfriendly toward the United States, but, on the contrary, there is
every reason to expect that, with the approval of the Imperial Government,
they will take the necessary measures to prevent new incursions across the
border.