I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never
understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to
act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took
that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the
Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without
taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an oath to get
power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in
ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically
indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I
had publicly declared this many times, and in many ways. And I aver that,
to this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract
judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath
to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability, imposed upon me
the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government,
that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it
possible to lose the nation and yet preserve the Constitution? By General
law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated
to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I
felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful, by
becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution, through
the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and
now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even
tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any
minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and
Constitution, altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont
attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then
think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General
Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I
objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity.
When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again
forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity
had come. When, in March, and May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and
successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation,
I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and
arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They
declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven to
the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the
Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose
the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss, but of
this I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no
loss by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment,
none in our white military force, no loss by it any how, or anywhere. On
the contrary, it shows a gain of quite one hundred and thirty thousand
soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as
facts, there can be no caviling. We have the men; and we could not have
had them without the measure.
"And now let any Union man who complains of the measure test himself by
writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force
of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred and thirty
thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be but
for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, it is
only because he cannot face the truth."
I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this
tale I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have
controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me.
Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the nation's condition is not
what either party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone can claim
it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a
great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of
the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial
history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and
goodness of God.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TO MRS. HORACE MANN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 5, 1864.
MRS HORACE MANN:
MADAM:--The petition of persons under eighteen, praying that I would
free all slave children, and the heading of which petition it appears you
wrote, was handed me a few days since by Senator Sumner. Please tell these
little people I am very glad their young hearts are so full of just and
generous sympathy, and that, while I have not the power to grant all they
ask, I trust they will remember that God has, and that, as it seems, he
wills to do it.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 12, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:
I am pressed to get from Libby, by special exchange, Jacob C. Hagenbuek,
first lieutenant, Company H, Sixty-seventh Pennsylvania Volunteers. Please
do it if you can without detriment or embarrassment.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 17, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of the Potomac:
Private William Collins of Company B, of the Sixty-ninth New York
Volunteers, has been convicted of desertion, and execution suspended as
in numerous other cases. Now Captain O'Neill, commanding the regiment,
and nearly all its other regimental and company officers, petition for his
full pardon and restoration to his company. Is there any good objection?
A. LINCOLN.
LECTURE ON LIBERTY
ADDRESS AT SANITARY FAIR IN BALTIMORE,
APRIL 18, 1864.
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--Calling to mind that we are in Baltimore, we
cannot fail to note that the world moves. Looking upon these many people
assembled here to serve, as they best may, the soldiers of the Union, it
occurs at once that three years ago the same soldiers could not so much
as pass through Baltimore. The change from then till now is both great and
gratifying. Blessings on the brave men who have wrought the change, and
the fair women who strive to reward them for it!
But Baltimore suggests more than could happen within Baltimore. The change
within Baltimore is part only of a far wider change. When the war began,
three years ago, neither party, nor any man, expected it would last till
now. Each looked for the end, in some way, long ere to-day. Neither did
any anticipate that domestic slavery would be much affected by the war.
But here we are; the war has not ended, and slavery has been much affected
how much needs not now to be recounted. So true is it that man proposes
and God disposes.
But we can see the past, though we may not claim to have directed it;
and seeing it, in this case, we feel more hopeful and confident for the
future.
The world has never had a good definition of the word liberty, and the
American people, just now, are much in want of one. We all declare for
liberty; but in using the same word we do not all mean the same thing.
With some the word liberty may mean for each man to do as he pleases with
himself, and the product of his labor; while with others the same word may
mean for some men to do as they please with other men, and the product
of other men's labor. Here are two, not only different, but incompatible
things, called by the same name, liberty. And it follows that each of
the things is, by the respective parties, called by two different and
incompatible names--liberty and tyranny.
The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat, for which the sheep
thanks the shepherd as his liberator, while the wolf denounces him for the
same act, as the destroyer of liberty, especially as the sheep was a black
one. Plainly, the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a definition of
the word liberty; and precisely the same difference prevails to-day among
us human creatures, even in the North, and all professing to love liberty.
Hence we behold the process by which thousands are daily passing from
under the yoke of bondage hailed by some as the advance of liberty, and
bewailed by others as the destruction of all liberty. Recently, as it
seems, the people of Maryland have been doing something to define liberty,
and thanks to them that, in what they have done, the wolf's dictionary has
been repudiated.
It is not very becoming for one in my position to make speeches at length;
but there is another subject upon which I feel that I ought to say a word.
A painful rumor, true, I fear, has reached us, of the massacre, by
the rebel forces at Fort Pillow, in the west end of Tennessee, on the
Mississippi River, of some three hundred colored soldiers and white
officers [I believe it latter turned out to be 500], who had just been
overpowered by their assailants [numbering 5000]. There seems to be some
anxiety in the public mind whether the Government is doing its duty to the
colored soldier, and to the service, at this point. At the beginning
of the war, and for some time, the use of colored troops was not
contemplated; and how the change of purpose was wrought I will not now
take time to explain. Upon a clear conviction of duty I resolved to turn
that element of strength to account; and I am responsible for it to the
American people, to the Christian world, to history, and in my final
account to God. Having determined to use the negro as a soldier, there is
no way but to give him all the protection given to any other soldier. The
difficulty is not in stating the principle, but in practically applying
it. It is a mistake to suppose the Government is indifferent to this
matter, or is not doing the best it can in regard to it. We do not to-day
know that a colored soldier, or white officer commanding colored soldiers,
has been massacred by the rebels when made a prisoner. We fear it, we
believe it, I may say,--but we do not know it. To take the life of one of
their prisoners on the assumption that they murder ours, when it is short
of certainty that they do murder ours, might be too serious, too cruel, a
mistake. We are having the Fort Pillow affair thoroughly investigated; and
such investigation will probably show conclusively how the truth is. If
after all that has been said it shall turn out that there has been no
massacre at Fort Pillow, it will be almost safe to say there has been
none, and will be none, elsewhere. If there has been the massacre of
three hundred there, or even the tenth part of three hundred, it will be
conclusively proved; and being so proved, the retribution shall as surely
come. It will be matter of grave consideration in what exact course to
apply the retribution; but in the supposed case it must come.
[There was a massacre of a black company and their officers at Fort
Pillow--they were prisoners who later on, the day of their capture,
were ordered executed. The black soldiers were tied alive to individual
planks--then man and plank were cobbled up like cord wood and burned. The
white officers were shot. D.W.]
TO CALVIN TRUESDALE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 20, 1864.
CALVIN TRUESDALE, ESQ., Postmaster, Rock Island, Ill.:
Thomas J. Pickett, late agent of the Quartermaster 's Department for the
island of Rock Island, has been removed or suspended from that position on
a charge of having sold timber and stone from the island for his private
benefit. Mr. Pickett is an old acquaintance and friend of mine, and I will
thank you, if you will, to set a day or days and place on and at which
to take testimony on the point. Notify Mr. Pickett and one J. B. Danforth
(who, as I understand, makes the charge) to be present with their
witnesses. Take the testimony in writing offered by both sides, and report
it in full to me. Please do this for me.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO OFFICER COMMANDING AT FORT WARREN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 20, 1864.
OFFICER IN MILITARY COMMAND, Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, Mass.:
If there is a man by the name of Charles Carpenter, under sentence of
death for desertion, at Fort Warren, suspend execution until further order
and send the record of his trial. If sentenced for any other offence,
telegraph what it is and when he is to be executed. Answer at all events.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO OFFICER COMMANDING AT FORT WARREN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 21,1864.
OFFICER IN COMMAND AT FORT WARREN, Boston Harbor, Mass.:
The order I sent yesterday in regard to Charles Carpenter is hereby
withdrawn and you are to act as if it never existed.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., April 21, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, New York:
Yesterday I was induced to telegraph the officer in military command at
Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, Massachusetts, suspending the execution of
Charles Carpenter, to be executed tomorrow for desertion. Just now,
on reaching your order in the case, I telegraphed the same officer
withdrawing the suspension, and leave the case entirely with you. The
man's friends are pressing me, but I refer them to you, intending to take
no further action myself.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 23, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:
Senator Ten Eyck is very anxious to have a special exchange of Capt. Frank
J. McLean, of Ninth Tennessee Cavalry now, or lately, at Johnson's Island,
for Capt. T. Ten Eyck, Eighteenth U. S. Infantry, and now at Richmond. I
would like to have it done. Can it be?
A. LINCOLN.
INDORSEMENT ON OFFER OF TROOPS, APRIL 23, 1864.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:
1. The Governors of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin offer
to the President infantry troops for the approaching campaign as follows:
Ohio, thirty thousand; Indiana, twenty thousand; Illinois, twenty
thousand; Iowa, ten thousand; Wisconsin, five thousand.
2. The term of service to be one hundred days, reckoned from the date of
muster into the service of the United States, unless sooner discharged.
3. The troops to be mustered into the service of the United States by
regiments, when the regiments are filled up, according to regulations,
to the minimum strength--the regiments to be organized according to the
regulations of the War Department. The whole number to be furnished within
twenty days from date of notice of the acceptance of this proposition.
4. The troops to be clothed, armed, equipped, subsisted; transported,
and paid as other United States infantry volunteers, and to serve in
fortifications,--or wherever their services may be required, within or
without their respective States.
5. No bounty to be paid the troops, nor the service charged or credited on
any draft.
6. The draft for three years' service to go on in any State or district
where the quota is not filled up; but if any officer or soldier in this
special service should be drafted, he shall be credited for the service
rendered.
JOHN BROUGH, Governor of Ohio. O. P. MORTON, Governor of Indiana. RICHARD
PATES, Governor of Illinois. WILLIAM M. STONE, Governor of Iowa. JAMES T.
LEWIS, Governor of Wisconsin
(Indorsement.)
April 23, 1864.
The foregoing proposition of the governors is accepted, and the Secretary
of War is directed to carry it into execution.
A. LINCOLN.
TO SECRETARY STANTON.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 23, 1864.
HON. SECRETARY OF WAR:
MY DEAR SIR:--According to our understanding with Major-General Frank P.
Blair at the time he took his seat in Congress last winter, he now asks to
withdraw his resignation as Major-General, then tendered, and be sent to
the field. Let this be done. Let the order sending him be such as shown me
to-day by the Adjutant-General, only dropping from it the names of Maguire
and Tompkins.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO JOHN WILLIAMS.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, April 25, 1864.
JOHN WILLIAMS, Springfield, Ill.:
Yours of the 15th is just received. Thanks for your kind remembrance. I
would accept your offer at once, were it not that I fear there might be
some impropriety in it, though I do not see that there would. I will think
of it a while.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, April 25, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:
A Mr. Corby brought you a note from me at the foot of a petition I
believe, in the case of Dawson, to be executed to-day. The record has been
examined here, and it shows too strong a case for a pardon or commutation,
unless there is something in the poor man's favor outside of the record,
which you on the ground may know, but I do not. My note to you only means
that if you know of any such thing rendering a suspension of the execution
proper, on your own judgment, you are at liberty to suspend it. Otherwise
I do not interfere.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL THOMAS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., April 26, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS, Chattanooga, Term.:
Suspend execution of death sentence of young Perry, of Wisconsin,
condemned for sleeping on his post, till further orders, and forward
record for examination.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GOVERNOR MURPHY.
WASHINGTON, D. C., April 27, 1864.
GOVERNOR MURPHY, Little Rock, Arkansas:
I am much gratified to learn that you got out so large a vote, so nearly
all the right way, at the late election; and not less so that your State
government including the legislature, is organized and in good working
order. Whatever I can I will do to protect you; meanwhile you must do your
utmost to protect yourselves. Present my greeting to all.
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, APRIL 28, 1864.
TO THE HONORABLE THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
I have the honor to transmit herewith an address to the President of
the United States, and through him to both Houses of Congress, on the
condition and wants of the people of east Tennessee, and asking their
attention to the necessity of some action on the part of the Government
for their relief, and which address is presented by a committee of an
organization called "The East Tennessee Relief Association."
Deeply commiserating the condition of these most loyal and suffering
people, I am unprepared to make any specific recommendation for their
relief. The military is doing and will continue to do the best for them
within its power. Their address represents that the construction of direct
railroad communication between Knoxville and Cincinnati by way of central
Kentucky would be of great consequence in the present emergency. It may
be remembered that in the annual message of December, 1861, such railroad
construction was recommended. I now add that, with the hearty concurrence
of Congress, I would yet be pleased to construct a road, both for the
relief of these people and for its continuing military importance.
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
APRIL 28, 1864.
TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
In obedience to the resolution of your honorable body, a copy of which is
herewith returned, I have the honor to make the following brief statement,
which is believed to contain the information sought:
Prior to and at the meeting of the present Congress, Robert C. Schenck, of
Ohio, and Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, members elect thereto, by
and with the consent of the Senate held commissions from the Executive
as major-generals in the volunteer army. General Schenck tendered the
resignation of his said commission, and took his seat in the House of
Representatives, at the assembling thereof, upon the distinct verbal
understanding with the Secretary of War and the Executive that he might,
at any time during the session, at his own pleasure, withdraw said
resignation and return to the field.
General Blair was, by temporary assignment of General Sherman, in command
of a corps through the battles in front of Chattanooga, and in the march
to the relief of Knoxville, which occurred in the latter days of November
and early days of December last, and of course was not present at the
assembling of Congress. When he subsequently arrived here, he sought, and
was allowed by the Secretary of War and the Executive, the same conditions
and promise as allowed and made to General Schenck.
General Schenck has not applied to withdraw his resignation; but when
General Grant was made Lieutenant-General, producing some change of
commanders, General Blair sought to be assigned to the command of a corps.
This was made known to Generals Grant and Sherman, and assented to by
them, and the particular corps for him designated.
This was all arranged and understood, as now remembered, so much as a
month ago; but the formal withdrawal of General Blair's resignation,
and making the order assigning him to the command of the corps, were not
consummated at the War Department until last week, perhaps on the 23d of
April instant. As a summary of the whole, it may be stated that General
Blair holds no military commission or appointment other than as herein
stated, and that it is believed he is now acting as major-General upon the
assumed validity of the commission herein stated, in connection with the
facts herein stated, and not otherwise. There are some letters, notes,
telegrams, orders, entries, and perhaps other documents in connection with
this subject, which it is believed would throw no additional light upon
it, but which will be cheerfully furnished if desired.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 30, 1864.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:
Not expecting to see you before the spring campaign opens, I wish to
express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you have done up to
this time, so far as I understand it.
The particulars of your plans I neither know nor seek to know. You are
vigilant and self-reliant; and, pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude
any restraints or constraints upon you. While I am very anxious that any
great disaster or capture of our men in great number shall be avoided, I
know that these points are less likely to escape your attention than they
would be mine. If there be anything wanting which is within my power to
give, do not fail to let me know it.
And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain you.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
MAY 2, 1864.
TO THE HONORABLE THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
In compliance with the request contained in your resolution of the 29th
ultimo, a copy of which resolution is herewith returned, I have the honor
to transmit the following:
[Correspondence and orders relating to the resignation and reinstatement
of Major-General Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri.]
The foregoing constitutes all sought by the resolution so far as is
remembered or has been found upon diligent search.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.
WASHINGTON, D. C., May 4, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, Chattanooga, Tenn.:
I have an imploring appeal in behalf of the citizens who say your Order
No.8 will compel them to go north of Nashville. This is in no sense an
order, nor is it even a request that you will do anything which in the
least shall be a drawback upon your military operations, but anything you
can do consistently with those operations for those suffering people I
shall be glad of.
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 5, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Commanding, Saint Louis, Mo.:
The President directs me to inquire whether a day has yet been fixed for
the execution of citizen Robert Louden, and if so what day?
JOHN HAY, Major and Assistant Adjutant-General.
TO MRS. S. B. McCONKEY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 9, 1864.
MRS. SARAH B. McCONKEY, West Chester, Pa.:
MADAM:--Our mutual friend, Judge Lewis, tells me you do me the honor to
inquire for my personal welfare. I have been very anxious for some days in
regard to our armies in the field, but am considerably cheered, just now,
by favorable news from them.
I am sure you will join me in the hope for their further success; while
yourself, and other good mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters, do all
you and they can, to relieve and comfort the gallant soldiers who compose
them.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
RECOMMENDATION OF THANKSGIVING.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 9, 1864