TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 22, 1862.
MY DEAR GENERAL BANKS:--Early last week you left me in high hope with your
assurance that you would be off with your expedition at the end of that
week, or early in this. It is now the end of this, and I have just been
overwhelmed and confounded with the sight of a requisition made by you
which, I am assured, cannot be filled and got off within an hour short of
two months. I enclose you a copy of the requisition, in some hope that
it is not genuine--that you have never seen it. My dear General, this
expanding and piling up of impedimenta has been, so far, almost our ruin,
and will be our final ruin if it is not abandoned. If you had the articles
of this requisition upon the wharf, with the necessary animals to make
them of any use, and forage for the animals, you could not get vessels
together in two weeks to carry the whole, to say nothing of your twenty
thousand men; and, having the vessels, you could not put the cargoes
aboard in two weeks more. And, after all, where you are going you have no
use for them. When you parted with me you had no such ideas in your mind.
I know you had not, or you could not have expected to be off so soon as
you said. You must get back to something like the plan you had then, or
your expedition is a failure before you start. You must be off before
Congress meets. You would be better off anywhere, and especially where
you are going, for not having a thousand wagons doing nothing but hauling
forage to feed the animals that draw them, and taking at least two
thousand men to care for the wagons and animals, who otherwise might be
two thousand good soldiers. Now, dear General, do not think this is an
ill-natured letter; it is the very reverse. The simple publication of this
requisition would ruin you.
Very truly your friend,
A. LINCOLN.
TO CARL SCHURZ.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 24, 1862.
GENERAL CARL SCHURZ.
MY DEAR SIR--I have just received and read your letter of the 20th. The
purport of it is that we lost the late elections and the administration
is failing because the war is unsuccessful, and that I must not flatter
myself that I am not justly to blame for it. I certainly know that if
the war fails the administration fails, and that I will be blamed for
it, whether I deserve it or not. And I ought to be blamed if I could do
better. You think I could do better; therefore you blame me already.
I think I could not do better; therefore I blame you for blaming me. I
understand you now to be willing to accept the help of men who are not
Republicans, provided they have "heart in it." Agreed. I want no others.
But who is to be the judge of hearts, or of "heart in it"? If I must
discard my own judgment and take yours, I must also take that of others
and by the time I should reject all I should be advised to reject, I
should have none left, Republicans or others not even yourself. For be
assured, my dear sir, there are men who have "heart in it" that think you
are performing your part as poorly as you think I am performing mine. I
certainly have been dissatisfied with the slowness of Buell and McClellan;
but before I relieved them I had great fears I should not find successors
to them who would do better; and I am sorry to add that I have seen little
since to relieve those fears.
I do not see clearly the prospect of any more rapid movements. I fear we
shall at last find out that the difficulty is in our case rather than in
particular generals. I wish to disparage no one certainly not those
who sympathize with me; but I must say I need success more than I need
sympathy, and that I have not seen the so much greater evidence of getting
success from my sympathizers than from those who are denounced as the
contrary. It does seem to me that in the field the two classes have been
very much alike in what they have done and what they have failed to do.
In sealing their faith with their blood, Baker and Lyon and Bohien and
Richardson, Republicans, did all that men could do; but did they any
more than Kearny and Stevens and Reno and Mansfield, none of whom were
Republicans, and some at least of whom have been bitterly and repeatedly
denounced to me as secession sympathizers? I will not perform the
ungrateful task of comparing cases of failure.
In answer to your question, "Has it not been publicly stated in the
newspapers, and apparently proved as a fact, that from the commencement of
the war the enemy was continually supplied with information by some of the
confidential subordinates of as important an officer as Adjutant-General
Thomas?" I must say "No," as far as my knowledge extends. And I add that
if you can give any tangible evidence upon the subject, I will thank you
to come to this city and do so.
Very truly your friend,
A. LINCOLN.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 25, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth, Virginia:
If I should be in boat off Aquia Creek at dark tomorrow (Wednesday)
evening, could you, without inconvenience, meet me and pass an hour or two
with me?
A. LINCOLN.
TO ATTORNEY-GENERAL BATES.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
November 29, 1862.
HON. ATTORNEY-GENERAL.
MY DEAR SIR:--Few things perplex me more than this question between
Governor Gamble and the War Department, as to whether the peculiar force
organized by the former in Missouri are State troops or United States
troops. Now, this is either an immaterial or a mischievous question.
First, if no more is desired than to have it settled what name the force
is to be called by, it is immaterial. Secondly, if it is desired for more
than the fixing a name, it can only be to get a position from which to
draw practical inferences; then it is mischievous. Instead of settling one
dispute by deciding the question, I should merely furnish a nest-full of
eggs for hatching new disputes. I believe the force is not strictly either
"State troops" or "United States troops." It is of mixed character. I
therefore think it is safer, when a practical question arises, to
decide that question directly, and not indirectly by deciding a general
abstraction supposed to include it, and also including a great deal more.
Without dispute Governor Gamble appoints the officers of this force, and
fills vacancies when they occur. The question now practically in dispute
is: Can Governor Gamble make a vacancy by removing an officer or accepting
a resignation? Now, while it is proper that this question shall be
settled, I do not perceive why either Governor Gamble or the government
here should care which way it is settled. I am perplexed with it only
because there seems to be pertinacity about it. It seems to me that it
might be either way without injury to the service; or that the offer of
the Secretary of War to let Governor Gamble make vacancies, and he (the
Secretary) to ratify the making of them, ought to be satisfactory.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.
[Cipher.]
WASHINGTON, November 30, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, Saint Louis, Missouri:
Frank Blair wants Manter's Thirty-second, Curly's Twenty seventh, Boyd's
Twenty-fourth and the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry to go with him down the
river. I understand it is with you to decide whether he shall have them
and if so, and if also it is consistent with the public service, you will
oblige me a good deal by letting him have them.
A. LINCOLN.
ON EXECUTING 300 INDIANS
LETTER TO JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 1, 1862.
JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL.
SIR:--Three hundred Indians have been sentenced to death in Minnesota by
a military commission, and execution only awaits my action. I wish your
legal opinion whether if I should conclude to execute only a part of them,
I must myself designate which, or could I leave the designation to some
officer on the ground?
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 1, 1862.
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES--Since your
last annual assembling another year of health and bountiful harvests
has passed; and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless us with a
return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light he gives
us, trusting that in his own good time and wise way all will yet be well.
The correspondence touching foreign affairs which has taken place during
the last year is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with a request
to that effect, made by the House of Representatives near the close of the
last session of Congress.
If the condition of our relations with other nations is less gratifying
than it has usually been at former periods, it is certainly more
satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as we are might
reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June last there were some
grounds to expect that the maritime powers which, at the beginning of
our domestic difficulties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we think,
recognized the insurgents as a belligerent, would soon recede from that
position, which has proved only less injurious to themselves than to
our own country. But the temporary reverses which afterward befell the
national arms, and which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens
abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice.
The civil war, which has so radically changed, for the moment, the
occupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily disturbed
the social condition, and affected very deeply the prosperity, of the
nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily
increasing throughout a period of half a century. It has, at the same
time, excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have produced
a profound agitation throughout the civilized world. In this unusual
agitation we have forborne from taking part in any controversy between
foreign states, and between parties or factions in such states. We have
attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution, but we have left
to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own affairs.
Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by foreign nations
with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and often
exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to those nations
themselves, nevertheless, complaint on the part of this government, even
if it were just, would certainly be unwise.
The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the slave trade has
been put into operation with a good prospect of complete success. It is
an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it
on the part of her Majesty's government has been marked with a jealous
respect for the authority of the United States and the rights of their
moral and loyal citizens.
The convention with Hanover for the abolition of the state dues has been
carried into full effect under the act of Congress for that purpose.
A blockade of 3000 miles of seacoast could not be established and
vigorously enforced in a season of great commercial activity like
the present without committing occasional mistakes and inflicting
unintentional injuries upon foreign nations and their subjects.
A civil war occurring in a country where foreigners reside and carry on
trade under treaty stipulations is necessarily fruitful of complaints
of the violation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend to excite
misapprehensions, and possibly to produce mutual reclamations between
nations which have a common interest in preserving peace and friendship.
In clear cases of these kinds I have so far as possible heard and
redressed complaints which have been presented by friendly powers. There
is still, however, a large and an augmenting number of doubtful cases
upon which the government is unable to agree with the governments whose
protection is demanded by the claimants. There are, moreover, many cases
in which the United States or their citizens suffer wrongs from the naval
or military authorities of foreign nations which the governments of those
states are not at once prepared to redress. I have proposed to some of the
foreign states thus interested mutual conventions to examine and adjust
such complaints. This proposition has been made especially to Great
Britain, to France, to Spain, and to Prussia. In each case it has been
kindly received, but has not yet been formally adopted.
I deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the owners of
the Norwegian bark Admiral P. Tordenskiold, which vessel was in May, 1861,
prevented by the commander of the blockading force off Charleston from
leaving that port with cargo, notwithstanding a similar privilege had
shortly before been granted to an English vessel. I have directed the
Secretary of State to cause the papers in the case to be communicated to
the proper committees.
Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African
descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as
was contemplated in recent acts of Congress, Other parties, at home
and abroad--some from interested motives, others upon patriotic
considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic
sentiments--have suggested similar measures, while, on the other hand,
several of the Spanish American republics have protested against the
sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these
circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any state without
first obtaining the consent of its government, with an agreement on its
part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the rights of freemen;
and I have at the same time offered to the several states situated within
the Tropics, or having colonies there, to negotiate with them, subject to
the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigration
of persons of that class to their respective territories, upon conditions
which shall be equal, just, and humane. Liberia and Haiti are as yet the
only countries to which colonists of African descent from here could go
with certainty of being received and adopted as citizens; and I regret
to say such persons contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to
migrate to those countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think
their interest demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this
respect is improving, and that ere long there will be an augmented and
considerable migration to both these countries from the United States.
The new commercial treaty between the United States and the Sultan of
Turkey has been carried into execution.
A commercial and consular treaty has been negotiated, subject to the
Senate's consent, with Liberia, and a similar negotiation is now pending
with the Republic of Haiti. A considerable improvement of the national
commerce is expected to result from these measures.
Our relations with Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Russia,
Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome, and the
other European states remain undisturbed. Very favorable relations also
continue to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, China, and Japan.
During the last year there has not only been no change of our previous
relations with the independent states of our own continent, but more
friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed are believed to
be entertained by these neighbors, whose safety and progress are so
intimately connected with our own. This statement especially applies to
Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, Peru, and Chile.
The commission under the convention with the Republic of New Granada
closed its session without having audited and passed upon all the claims
which were submitted to it. A proposition is pending to revive the
convention, that it may be able to do more complete justice. The joint
commission between the United States and the Republic of Costa Rica has
completed its labors and submitted its report.
I have favored the project for connecting the United States with Europe by
an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar project to extend the telegraph from
San Francisco to connect by a Pacific telegraph with the line which is
being extended across the Russian Empire.
The Territories of the United States, with unimportant exceptions, have
remained undisturbed by the civil war; and they are exhibiting such
evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some of them will
soon be in a condition to be organized as States and be constitutionally
admitted into the Federal Union.
The immense mineral resources of some of those Territories ought to be
developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction would have
a tendency to improve the revenues of the government and diminish the
burdens of the people. It is worthy of your serious consideration whether
some extraordinary measures to promote that end cannot be adopted. The
means which suggests itself as most likely to be effective is a scientific
exploration of the mineral regions in those Territories with a view to the
publication of its results at home and in foreign countries--results which
cannot fail to be auspicious.
The condition of the finances win claim your most diligent consideration.
The vast expenditures incident to the military and naval operations
required for the suppression of the rebellion have hitherto been met with
a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar circumstances, and the
public credit has been fully maintained. The continuance of the war,
however, and the increased disbursements made necessary by the augmented
forces now in the field demand your best reflections as to the best modes
of providing the necessary revenue without injury to business and with the
least possible burdens upon labor.
The suspension of specie payments by the banks soon after the commencement
of your last session made large issues of United States notes unavoidable.
In no other way could the payment of troops and the satisfaction of other
just demands be so economically or so well provided for. The judicious
legislation of Congress, securing the receivability of these notes for
loans and internal duties and making them a legal tender for other debts,
has made them an universal currency, and has satisfied, partially at
least, and for the time, the long-felt want of an uniform circulating
medium, saving thereby to the people immense sums in discounts and
exchanges.
A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period compatible
with due regard to all interests concerned should ever be kept in view.
Fluctuations in the value of currency are always injurious, and to reduce
these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a
leading purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility, prompt and certain
convertibility, into coin is generally acknowledged to be the best and
surest safeguard against them; and it is extremely doubtful whether a
circulation of United States notes payable in coin and sufficiently large
for the wants of the people can be permanently, usefully, and safely
maintained.
Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary provision for the
public wants can be made and the great advantages of a safe and uniform
currency secured?
I know of none which promises so certain results and is at the same time
so unobjectionable as the organization of banking associations, under
a general act of Congress, well guarded in its provisions. To such
associations the government might furnish circulating notes, on the
security of United States bonds deposited in the treasury. These notes,
prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uniform in
appearance and security and convertible always into coin, would at once
protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency and facilitate
commerce by cheap and safe exchanges.
A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would compensate
the United States for the preparation and distribution of the notes and
a general supervision of the system, and would lighten the burden of
that part of the public debt employed as securities. The public credit,
moreover, would be greatly improved and the negotiation of new loans
greatly facilitated by the steady market demand for government bonds which
the adoption of the proposed system would create.
It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of considerable weight,
in my judgment, that it would reconcile as far as possible all existing
interests by the opportunity offered to existing institutions to
reorganize under the act, substituting only the secured uniform national
circulation for the local and various circulation, secured and unsecured,
now issued by them.
The receipts into the treasury from all sources, including loans and
balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th
June, 1862, were $583,885,247.06, of which sum $49,056,397.62 were derived
from customs; $1,795,331.73 from the direct tax; from public lands,
$152,203.77; from miscellaneous sources, $931,787.64; from loans in all
forms, $529,692,460.50. The remainder, $2,257,065.80, was the balance from
last year.
The disbursements during the same period were: For congressional,
executive, and judicial purposes, $5,939,009.29; for foreign intercourse,
$1,339,710.35; for miscellaneous expenses, including the mints, loans,
post-office deficiencies, collection of revenue, and other like charges,
$14,129,771.50; for expenses under the Interior Department, $3,102,985.52;
under the War Department, $394,368,407.36; under the Navy Department,
$42,674,569.69; for interest on public debt, $13,190,324.45; and for
payment of public debt, including reimbursement of temporary loan and
redemptions, $96,096,922.09; making an aggregate of $570,841,700.25,
and leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st day of July, 1862, of
$13,043,546.81.
It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922.09, expended for
reimbursements and redemption of public debt, being included also in the
loans made, may be properly deducted both from receipts and expenditures,
leaving the actual receipts for the year $487,788,324.97, and the
expenditures $474,744,778.16.
Other information on the subject of the finances will be found in the
report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose statements and views I
invite your most candid and considerate attention.
The reports of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy are herewith
transmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more than brief
abstracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions and operations
conducted through those departments. Nor could I give a summary of them
here upon any principle which would admit of its being much shorter than
the reports themselves. I therefore content myself with laying the reports
before you and asking your attention to them.