appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet,
in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign
countries to enter the insurrectionary councils of land or naval forces;
commanding and other officers of the army and in the navy betrayed our
councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces.
Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as
well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves.
Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in
the States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent
unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection with
all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the country which were
most loyal, political combinations and secret societies were formed
furthering the work of disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or
cupidity or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals
were found furnishing men, money, and materials of war and supplies to the
insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications,
navy yards, arsenals, military posts, and garrisons one after another were
betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents.
Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the emergency.
The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial
machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the
government, but to embarrass and betray it.
Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the
abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been prevented
by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect
moderation, in our intercourse with nations.
The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not
distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal
Government, which one year before had been thought a model worthy of
universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain
itself.
Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly levied
and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new hopes to the
insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease and desertions
commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether conscription had
not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United States.
In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy the
extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases of
insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval forces,
unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed
measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable
correspondence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign countries to
new passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the
writ of habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were
represented to him as being or about to engage in disloyal and treasonable
practices to be arrested by special civil as well as military agencies
and detained in military custody when necessary to prevent them and deter
others from such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted,
and some of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time
under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, with
the public safety.
Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line
between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole structure
of the government is firm and stable. Apprehension of public danger and
facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions
which prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is
believed to have culminated and to be declining.
The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to
the normal course of the administration as far as regard for the public
welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state
prisoners now held in military custody be released on their subscribing
to a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in
hostility to the United States.
The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from the
effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the
insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed
incompatible with the public safety.
To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep their parole,
the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of treason or
disloyalty which they may have comminuted.
Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the
military authorities alone.
By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. WASHINGTON CITY, February 15, 1862
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES:
The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the
Navy," approved December 21, 1861, provides
"That the President of the United States, by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired
list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such
officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be
thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation
of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks
of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy,
be restored to the active list, and not otherwise."
In conformity with this law, Captain Louis M. Goldsborough, of the navy,
was nominated to the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command
of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, which recently rendered such
important service to the Union in the expedition to the coast of North
Carolina.
Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond
with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence
as an example, I cordially recommend that Captain Louis M. Goldsborough
receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry
displayed in the combined attack of the forces commanded by him and
Brigadier-General Burnside in the capture of Roanoke Island and the
destruction of rebel gunboats On the 7th, 8th, and 10th of February, 1862.
A. LINCOLN.
FIRST WRITTEN NOTICE OF GRANT
TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
February 16, 1862.
MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, St. Louis, Missouri:
You have Fort Donelson safe, unless Grant shall be overwhelmed from
outside; to prevent which latter will, I think, require all the vigilance,
energy, and skill of yourself and Buell, acting in full co-operation.
Columbus will not get at Grant, but the force from Bowling Green will.
They hold the railroad from Bowling Green to within a few miles of Fort
Donelson, with the bridge at Clarksville undisturbed. It is unsafe to
rely that they will not dare to expose Nashville to Buell. A small part of
their force can retire slowly toward Nashville, breaking up the railroad
as they go, and keep Buell out of that city twenty days. Meanwhile
Nashville will be abundantly defended by forces from all South and perhaps
from hers at Manassas. Could not a cavalry force from General Thomas on
the upper Cumberland dash across, almost unresisted, and cut the railroad
at or near Knoxville, Tennessee? In the midst of a bombardment at Fort
Donelson, why could not a gunboat run up and destroy the bridge at
Clarksville? Our success or failure at Fort Donelson is vastly important,
and I beg you to put your soul in the effort. I send a copy of this to
Buell.
A. LINCOLN.
EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 2.--IN RELATION TO STATE PRISONERS.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, FEBRUARY 27, 1862
It is ordered:
First. That a special commission of two persons, one of military rank and
the other in civil life, be appointed to examine the cases of the state
prisoners remaining in the military custody of the United States, and to
determine whether in view of the public Safety and the existing rebellion
they should be discharged, or remain in military custody, or be remitted
to the civil tribunals for trial.
Second. That Major-General John A. Dix, commanding in Baltimore, and the
HON. Edwards Pierrepont, of New York, be, and they are hereby, appointed
commissioners for the purpose above mentioned; and they are authorized to
examine, hear, and determine the cases aforesaid ex parte and in a summary
manner, at such times and places as in their discretion they may appoint,
and make full report to the War Department.
By order of the President EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.
ORDER RELATING TO COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE.
Considering that the existing circumstances of the country allow a partial
restoration of commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of those
parts of the United States heretofore declared to be in insurrection
and the citizens of the loyal States of the Union, and exercising the
authority and discretion confided to me by the act of Congress, approved
July 13, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of
duties on imports, and for other purposes," I hereby license and permit
such commercial intercourse in all cases within the rules and regulations
which have been or may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury for
conducting and carrying on the same on the inland waters and ways of the
United States.
WASHINGTON, February 28, 1862.
A. LINCOLN.
SPEECH TO THE PERUVIAN MINISTER,
WASHINGTON, D. C., MARCH 4, 1862
The United States have no enmities, animosities, or rivalries, and no
interests which conflict with the welfare, safety, and rights or interests
of any other nation. Their own prosperity, happiness, and aggrandizement
are sought most safely and advantageously through the preservation not
only of peace on their own part, but peace among all other nations. But
while the United States are thus a friend to all other nations, they do
not seek to conceal the fact that they cherish especial sentiments of
friendship for, and sympathies with, those who, like themselves, have
founded their institutions on the principle of the equal rights of men;
and such nations being more prominently neighbors of the United States,
the latter are co-operating with them in establishing civilization and
culture on the American continent. Such being the general principles which
govern the United States in their foreign relations, you may be assured,
sir, that in all things this government will deal justly, frankly, and, if
it be possible, even liberally with Peru, whose liberal sentiments toward
us you have so kindly expressed.
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION.
March 6, 1862
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--I recommend
the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies which shall be
substantially as follows:
"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which
may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary
aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the
inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system."
If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the approval
of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it does command such
approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately
interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that
they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal
Government would find its highest interest in such a measure, as one of
the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of the existing
insurrection entertain the hope that this government will ultimately be
forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected
region, and that all the slave States north of such part will then say,
"The Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now
choose to go with the Southern section." To deprive them of this hope
substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation
completely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it. The
point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at
all, initiate emancipation; but that, while the offer is equally made to
all, the more northern shall by such initiation make it certain to the
more southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in
their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation" because, in my judgment,
gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere
financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress with the census tables
and treasury reports before him can readily see for himself how very soon
the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair valuation,
all the slaves in any named State. Such a proposition on the part of the
General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to
interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the
absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people
immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free
choice with them.
In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union must
be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed." I said
this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made and continues to be
an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment of the
national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once
cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also continue; and
it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend and all the
ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may obviously
promise great efficiency toward ending the struggle must and will come.
The proposition now made (though an offer only), I hope it may be esteemed
no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered would not
be of more value to the States and private persons concerned than are the
institution and property in it in the present aspect of affairs.
While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would
be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is
recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical
results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my
country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the
subject.
A. LINCOLN.
INDORSEMENT ON LETTER FROM GOVERNOR YATES.
STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, SPRINGFIELD, ILL., March 1, 1862
HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C.
SIR:--The government at my special request a few months since contracted
for fourteen batteries of the James rifled gun, 6-pounder calibre, and a
limited quantity of the James projectiles, weighing about fourteen pounds
each. The reports showing the superiority of this gun and projectile, both
as regards range, accuracy, and execution, for field service over that of
all others at the battle of Fort Donelson, leads me to request that there
be furnished to the State of Illinois in the shortest time practicable
seven batteries of 12-pounder calibre James rifled guns, with carriages,
harness, implements, etc., complete and ready for field service, together
with the following fixed ammunition to each gun, viz., 225 shells, 225
canister, and 50 solid projectiles, weighing about 24 pounds each, and
also 200 shells, 100 canister, and 100 solid projectiles for each of the
guns of the fourteen batteries named above, weighing about 14 pounds each,
all to be of the James model.
Very respectfully,
RICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois.
[Indorsement.]
March 8, 1862.
The within is from the Governor of Illinois. I understand the seven
additional batteries now sought are to be 6-gun batteries, and the object
is to mix them with the fourteen batteries they already have so as to make
each battery consist of four 6-pounders and two 12-pounders. I shall be
very glad to have the requisition filled if it can be without detriment to
the service.
A. LINCOLN.
PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.2.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON
March 8, 1862.
Ordered: 1. That the major-general commanding the Army of the Potomac
proceed forthwith to organize that part of the said army destined to enter
upon active operations (including the reserve, but excluding the troops to
be left in the fortifications about Washington) into four army corps, to
be commanded according to seniority of rank, as follows:
First Corps to consist of four divisions, and to be commanded by
Major-General I. McDowell. Second Corps to consist of three divisions, and
to be commanded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. Third Corps to consist
of three divisions, and to be commanded by Brigadier-General S. P.
Heintzelman. Fourth Corps to consist of three divisions, and to be
commanded by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes.
2. That the divisions now commanded by the officers above assigned to
the commands of army corps shall be embraced in and form part of their
respective corps.
3. The forces left for the defense of Washington will be placed in command
of Brigadier-General James S. Wadsworth, who shall also be military
governor of the District of Columbia.
4. That this order be executed with such promptness and dispatch as not
to delay the commencement of the operations already directed to be
underwritten by the Army of the Potomac.
5. A fifth army corps, to be commanded by Major general N. P. Banks,
will be formed from his own and General Shields's (late General Lander's)
divisions.
A. LINCOLN.
PRESIDENT'S GENERAL WAR ORDER NO.3.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MARCH 8,1862
Ordered: That no change of the base of operations of the Army of the
Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a force
as in the opinion of the general-in-chief and the commanders of all the
army corps shall leave said city entirely secure.
That no more than two army corps (about 50,000 troops) of said Army of
the Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations until the
navigation of the Potomac from Washington to the Chesapeake Bay shall
be freed from enemy's batteries and other obstructions, or until the
President shall hereafter give express permission.
That any movements as aforesaid en route for a new base of operations
which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended to
move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as early
as the 18th day of March instant, and the general-in-chief shall be
responsible that it so move as early as that day.
Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to
capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and the
Chesapeake Bay.
A. LINCOLN
INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER SLAVE STATE
REPRESENTATIVES, BY HON. J. W. CRISFIELD.
MEMORANDUM
"DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to come
to the White House tomorrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring such of
your colleagues as are in town."
WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862.
Yesterday, on my return from church, I found Mr. Postmaster-General Blair
in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and
verbally communicated the President's invitation, and stated that the
President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations of
Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation of
his message of the 6th instant.
This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, assembled
at the White House at the appointed time, and after some little delay were
admitted to an audience. Mr. Leary and myself were the only members from
Maryland present, and, I think, were the only members of the delegation at
that time in the city. I know that Mr. Pearoe, of the Senate, and Messrs.
Webster and Calvert, of the House, were absent.
After the usual salutations, and we were seated, the President said, in
substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation
with us in explanation of his message of the 6th; that since he had sent
it in several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had
avoided any allusion to the message, and he therefore inferred that the
import of the message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as inimical
to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would talk with
us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion.
The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or wound
the sensibilities of the slave States. On the contrary, his purpose was to
protect the one and respect the other; that we were engaged in a terrible,
wasting, and tedious war; immense armies were in the field, and must
continue in the field as long as the war lasts; that these armies must,
of necessity, be brought into contact with slaves in the States we
represented and in other States as they advanced; that slaves would come
to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up; that he was constantly
annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic complaints: on the one side a
certain class complained if the slave was not protected by the army;
persons were frequently found who, participating in these views, acted
in a way unfriendly to the slaveholder; on the other hand, slaveholders
complained that their rights were interfered with, their slaves induced
to abscond and protected within the lines; these complaints were numerous,
loud and deep; were a serious annoyance to him and embarrassing to the
progress of the war; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the government
in the States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates
that at some day the border States would unite with them, and thus tend
to prolong the war; and he was of opinion, if this resolution should be
adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of irritation
and these hopes would be removed, and more would be accomplished toward
shortening the war than could be hoped from the greatest victory achieved
by Union armies; that he made this proposition in good faith, and desired
it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, and in the same patriotic
spirit in which it was made; that emancipation was a subject exclusively
under the control of the States, and must be adopted or rejected by each
for itself; that he did not claim nor had this government any right to
coerce them for that purpose; that such was no part of his purpose in
making this proposition, and he wished it to be clearly understood; that
he did not expect us there to be prepared to give him an answer, but he
hoped we would take the subject into serious consideration, confer
with one another, and then take such course as we felt our duty and the
interests of our constituents required of us.
Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State slavery was not considered
a permanent institution; that natural causes were there in operation which
would at no distant day extinguish it, and he did not think that this
proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that, he and his
friends felt solicitous as to the message on account of the different
constructions which the resolution and message had received. The New York
Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must accept gradual
emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get something worse.