ACCEPTANCE OF NOMINATION AS REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT

OF THE UNITED STATES

TO GEORGE ASHMUN AND OTHERS.

SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS, May 23, 1860

HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, President of Republican National Convention.

SIR:--I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over which you

presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of yourself

and others, acting as a committee of the convention for that purpose.

The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter

meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or disregard it

in any part.

Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the

views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the

rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation, to the

inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and

prosperity of all--I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success

of the principles declared by the convention.

Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen,

A. LINCOLN.

To C. B. SMITH.

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1860.

HON. C. B. SMITH.

MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 21st was duly received, but have found no time

until now to say a word in the way of answer. I am indeed much indebted

to Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you personally. Your

saying, you no longer consider it a doubtful State is very gratifying. The

thing starts well everywhere--too well, I almost fear, to last. But we are

in, and stick or go through must be the word.

Let me hear from Indiana occasionally.

Your friend, as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

FORM OF REPLY PREPARED BY MR. LINCOLN,

WITH WHICH HIS PRIVATE SECRETARY WAS INSTRUCTED TO ANSWER A NUMEROUS CLASS

OF LETTERS IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860.

(Doctrine.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, ------, 1860

DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of and by which you seek to obtain

his opinions on certain political points, has been received by him. He has

received others of a similar character, but he also has a greater number

of the exactly opposite character. The latter class beseech him to write

nothing whatever upon any point of political doctrine. They say his

positions were well known when he was nominated, and that he must not now

embarrass the canvass by undertaking to shift or modify them. He regrets

that he cannot oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to do

so.

Yours, etc.,

JNO. J. NICOLAY.

TO E. B. WASHBURNE.

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, MAY 26, 1860

HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.

MY DEAR SIR:--I have several letters from you written since the

nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of

answer. Of course I am glad that the nomination is well received by our

friends, and I sincerely thank you for so informing me. So far as I

can learn, the nominations start well everywhere; and, if they get no

back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope you will

write often; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't make your

letters so short as mine.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO S. HAYCRAFT.

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 4, 1860.

HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT.

MY DEAR SIR:--Like yourself I belonged to the old Whig party from its

origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party organization,

nor ever to a party called a Union party; though I hope I neither am

or ever have been less devoted to the Union than yourself or any other

patriotic man.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

ABRAHAM OR "ABRAM"

TO G. ASHMUN.

SPRINGFIELD, ILL. June 4, 1860

HON. GEORGE ASHMUN.

MY DEAR SIR:--It seems as if the question whether my first name is

"Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abraham," and if the

letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think fit, have

my signature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise your judgment

about this.

Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

UNAUTHORIZED BIOGRAPHY

TO S. GALLOWAY.

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 19, 1860

HON. SAM'L GALLOWAY.

MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs.

Follett, Foster, & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I

have scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as by their public

announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some

strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated publishing

a biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, upon their

own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the same

time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard,

their only agent seen by me, my protest that I authorized nothing--would

be responsible for nothing. How they could so misunderstand me, passes

comprehension. As a matter wholly my own, I would authorize no biography,

without time and opportunity [sic] to carefully examine and consider every

word of it and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such

time and Opportunity [sic]. But, in my present position, when, by the

lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, I can

neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send forth,

by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make

points upon without end? Were I to do so, the convention would have a

right to re-assemble and substitute another name for mine.

For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets--I am determined

to maintain the position of [sic] truly saying I never saw the proof

sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication.

Now, do not mistake me--I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F., &

Co.--do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be nothing

wrong in their proposed book--I sincerely hope there will not. I barely

suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party account, look

it over, and exclude what you may think would embarrass the party bearing

in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing--will be responsible for

nothing.

Your friend, as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

[The custom then, and it may have been a good one, was for the

Presidential candidate to do no personal canvassing or speaking--or as we

have it now "running for election." He stayed at home and kept his mouth

shut. Ed.]

TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN.

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 1860.

HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. MY DEAR SIR:--It appears to me that you and I ought

to be acquainted, and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction

of myself to you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I

was a member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection

that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line from you.

The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so far as

I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary?

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO A. JONAS.

(Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY 21, 1860.

HON. A. JONAS.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or even

better men than I may have been in American or Know-Nothing lodges; but in

point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or elsewhere. I was never

in Quincy but one day and two nights while Know-Nothing lodges were in

existence, and you were with me that day and both those nights. I had

never been there before in my life, and never afterward, till the joint

debate with Douglas in 1858. It was in 1854 when I spoke in some

hall there, and after the speaking, you, with others, took me to an

oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and you walked with me to, and parted

with me at, the Quincy House, quite late at night. I left by stage for

Naples before daylight in the morning, having come in by the same route

after dark the evening, previous to the speaking, when I found you waiting

at the Quincy House to meet me. A few days after I was there, Richardson,

as I understood, started this same story about my having been in a

Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after; I

taxed my recollection for some incident which could have suggested it; and

I remembered that on parting with you the last night I went to the office

of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, was told that no

stage-office for that line was kept there, and that I must see the driver

before retiring, to insure his calling for me in the morning; and a

servant was sent with me to find the driver, who, after taking me a square

or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps a dozen steps farther, and in my

hearing called to some one, who answered him, apparently from the upper

part of a building, and promised to call with the stage for me at the

Quincy House. I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage called

and took me. This is all.

That I never was in a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect could

be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the lodges and

never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would put the matter

at rest.

And now a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point

if they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some degree

of offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason it must not

publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO JOHN B. FRY.

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of HON. John Minor

Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according to

your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the

South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort

to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good sense

and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than see it

administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At least so I

hope and believe. I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that

of Mr. Botts.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO THURLOW WEED

SPRINGFIELD, ILL. August 17 1860.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 13th was received this morning. Douglas

is managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He had his men in

Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate, producing a result which has

badly alarmed and damaged Breckenridge, and at the same time has induced

the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President, if they

can keep a few of the Northern States away from us by throwing them to

Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all this.

I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry New

York for Douglas. You and all others who write me from your State think

the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. Still, it will

require close watching and great efforts on the other side.

Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which

sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a valuable

hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the track both here

and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I think, the same as

the Hunt movement in New York--to throw States to Douglas. In our State,

we know the thing is engineered by Douglas men, and we do not believe they

can make a great deal out of it.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

SLOW TO LISTEN TO CRIMINATIONS

TO HON. JOHN ------------

(Private.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 31, 1860

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 27th is duly received. It consists almost

exclusively of a historical detail of some local troubles, among some

of our friends in Pennsylvania; and I suppose its object is to guard me

against forming a prejudice against Mr. McC------____, I have not heard

near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and I am slow to

listen to criminations among friends, and never expose their quarrels on

either side. My sincere wish is that both sides will allow bygones to be

bygones, and look to the present and future only.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 4, 1860

HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.

MY DEAR SIR:--I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, in

which the following passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Colfax that two

members of Congress will, he fears, be lost in Maine, the first and sixth

districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor will not exceed six

thousand."

I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured since

that it was not so. Your secretary of state,--Mr. Smith, I think,--whom

you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; more recently, Mr.

Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of those districts, wrote a

relative here that his election was sure by at least five thousand, and

that Washburne's majority would be from 14,000 to 17,000; and still

later, Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at New York serving on a national

committee, wrote me that we were having a desperate fight in Maine, which

would end in a splendid victory for us.

Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter to

Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the State

elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on the main

turn in November.

You must not allow it.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO E. B. WASHBURNE.

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, September 9, 1860

HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.

MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right

glad to see it. It contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. It

relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo Medill, on

August 30th, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. Hamlin saying we

were in great danger of losing two members of Congress in Maine, and that

your brother would not have exceeding six thousand majority for Governor.

I addressed you at once, at Galena, asking for your latest information.

As you are at Washington, that letter you will receive some time after the

Maine election.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO W. H. HERNDON.

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., OCTOBER 10, 1860

DEAR WILLIAM:--I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain that

Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. Pennsylvania

25,000, and Indiana 5000 to 10,000. Ohio of course is safe.

Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

TO L. M. BOND.

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 15, 1860

L. MONTGOMERY BOND, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR: I certainly am in no temper and have no purpose to embitter

the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such a course as

would in fact embitter their feelings you can better judge by my published

speeches than by anything I would say in a short letter if I were inclined

now, as I am not, to define my position anew.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

LETTER SUGGESTING A BEARD

TO MISS GRACE BEDELL, RIPLEY N.Y.

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., October 19, 1860

MISS GRACE BEDELL.

MY DEAR LITTLE MISS:--Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is received.

I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have three

sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven. They with their mother

constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, as I have never worn any,

do you not think that people would call it a piece of silly affectation

were I to begin wearing them now?

I am your true friend and sincere well-wisher,

A. LINCOLN.

EARLY INFORMATION ON ARMY DEFECTION IN SOUTH

TO D. HUNTER.

(Private and Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860

MAJOR DAVID HUNTER

MY DEAR SIR:--Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, for

which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a writer

unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny have

determined in case of Republican success at the approaching Presidential

election, to take themselves, and the arms at that point, south, for the

purpose of resistance to the government. While I think there are many

chances to one that this is a humbug, it occurs to me that any real

movement of this sort in the Army would leak out and become known to you.

In such case, if it would not be unprofessional or dishonorable (of which

you are to be judge), I shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of

it.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN

(Confidential.) SPRINGFIELD. ILLINOIS, November 8, 1860

HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.

MY DEAR SIR:--I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as early a

day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet me at Chicago?

If you can, please name as early a day as you conveniently can, and

telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time before the day named to

communicate by mail.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO SAMUEL HAYCRAFT.

(Private and Confidential.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Nov.13, 1860

HON. SAMUEL HAYCRAFT.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 9th is just received. I can only answer

briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South who will put

themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you do will find

no cause to complain of me.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

CELEBRATION OF LINCOLN'S ELECTION,

REMARKS AT THE MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS

NOVEMBER 20, 1860

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Please excuse me on this occasion from

making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have thought fit

by their votes to indorse the Republican cause. I rejoice with you in the

success which has thus far attended that cause. Yet in all our rejoicings

let us neither express nor cherish any hard feelings toward any citizen

who by his vote has differed with us. Let us at all times remember that

all American citizens are brothers of a common country, and should dwell

together in the bonds of fraternal feeling. Let me again beg you to accept

my thanks, and to excuse me from further speaking at this time.

TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS

SPRINGFIELD, ILL. NOV. 30, 1860

HON. A. H. STEPHENS.

MY DEAR SIR:--I have read in the newspapers your speech recently delivered

(I think) before the Georgia Legislature, or its assembled members. If you

have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much obliged if you will send

me a copy.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN

(Private)

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860

HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.

DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 4th was duly received. The inclosed to Governor

Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find open for your

inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you and he see no reason

to the contrary, deliver the letter to Governor Seward at once. If you see

reason to the contrary write me at once.

I have an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in the

Cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is,

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

BLOCKING "COMPROMISE" ON SLAVERY ISSUE

TO E. B. WASHBURNE

(Private and Confidential.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 13, 1860

HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.

MY DEAR SIR:--Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as possible, any

of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our cause by entertaining

propositions for compromise of any sort on "slavery extension." There is

no possible compromise upon it but which puts us under again, and leaves

all our work to do over again. Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli

Thayer's popular sovereignty, it is all the same. Let either be done, and

immediately filibustering and extending slavery recommences. On that point

hold firm, as with a chain of steel.

Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

OPINION ON SECESSION

TO THURLOW WEED

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 17, 1860

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 11th was received two days ago. Should the

convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know my views

on the present aspect of things, tell them you judge from my speeches that

I will be inflexible on the territorial question; but I probably think

either the Missouri line extended, or Douglas's and Eli Thayer's popular

sovereignty would lose us everything we gain by the election; that

filibustering for all south of us and making slave States of it would

follow in spite of us, in either case; also that I probably think all

opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive slave clause of the

Constitution ought to be withdrawn.

I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my speeches,

about secession. But my opinion is that no State can in any way lawfully

get out of the Union without the consent of the others; and that it is

the duty of the President and other government functionaries to run the

machine as it is.

Truly yours,

A. LINCOLN.

SOME FORTS SURRENDERED TO THE SOUTH

TO E. B. WASHBURNE

(Confidential)

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 21, 1860

HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.

MY DEAR SIR:--Last night I received your letter giving an account of your

interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please present my

respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I shall be obliged

to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or retake the

forts, as the case may require, at and after the inauguration.

Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

TO A. H. STEPHENS.

(For your own eye only) SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, DECEMBER 22, 1860

HON. ALEXANDER STEVENS

MY DEAR SIR:--Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, and

for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the present peril

the country is in, and the weight of responsibility on me. Do the people

of the South really entertain fear that a Republican administration would,

directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them about the

slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and still, I

hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. The South

would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days of

Washington. I suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think

slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and

ought to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the

only substantial difference between us.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CLAUSE

MEMORANDUM

December [22?], 1860

Resolved: That the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution ought to be

enforced by a law of Congress, with efficient provisions for that object,

not obliging private persons to assist in its execution, but punishing all

who resist it, and with the usual safeguards to liberty, securing free men

against being surrendered as slaves.

That all State laws, if there be such, really or apparently in conflict

with such law of Congress, ought to be repealed; and no opposition to the

execution of such law of Congress ought to be made.

That the Federal Union must be preserved.

Prepared for the consideration of the Republican members of the Senate

Committee of Thirteen.

TO D. HUNTER.

(Confidential.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS December 22, 1860

MAJOR DAVID HUNTER.

MY DEAR SIR:--I am much obliged by the receipt of yours of the 18th. The

most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as possible

for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my judgment is that they

are to be retaken. When I shall determine definitely my time of starting

to Washington, I will notify you.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO I. N. MORRIS

(Confidential.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec 24, 1860

HON. I. N. MORRIS.

MY DEAR SIR:--Without supposing that you and I are any nearer together,

politically, than heretofore, allow me to tender you my sincere thanks for

your Union resolution, expressive of views upon which we never were, and,

I trust, never will be at variance.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

ATTEMPT TO FORM A COALITION CABINET

TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 14, 1860.

HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.

MY DEAR SIR:--I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New England. I

cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands in the way

of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. Tuck. Which

of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I decide for

myself?

Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

1861

TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

(Private.)

SPRINGFIELD. ILL., January 3, 1861.

HON. W. H. SEWARD.

The Papers and Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Complete · 第 69 / 128 段