[41] _Ibid._, p. 174.

[42] Linn, _History of Centre and Clinton Counties_, p. 520.

[43] Klett, "Scotch-Irish Presbyterian Pioneering," p. 175.

[44] _Journal of William Colbert_, Monday, June 18, 1792; and Robert

Berger, "The Story of Baptist Beginnings in Lycoming County," _Now and

Then_, XII (1960), 274-280. According to the Reverend Robert Berger, of

Hughesville, a few Baptist settlers came into Lycoming County from New

Jersey, but were soon driven out by the Indians. Apparently, the

Philadelphia Baptist Association sent missionaries to the area in 1775

and 1778. However, not until the association commissioned Elders Patton,

Clingan, and Vaughn in 1792 did any extensive Baptist preaching take

place in this region. They were sent out for three months on the Juniata

and the West Branch. The Loyalsock Baptist Church, established in 1822,

is the first church.

[45] Dietmar Rothermund, _The Layman's Progress: Religious and Political

Experience in Colonial Pennsylvania 1740-1770_ (Philadelphia, 1961), p.

142. As Rothermund describes it, "The Pilgrim's progress had turned into

the layman's emancipation, and finally into the citizen's revolution"

(p. 137). He calls "the political maturity which followed the era of

religious emancipation ... America's real revolutionary heritage" (p.

138).

[46] _Ibid._, p. 137. It must first be recognized that American

Presbyterianism differed from that of Scotland particularly with regard

to local autonomy. The Presbyterian Church, like the United States under

the Constitution of 1787, was federal in its governmental structure, and

the autonomy of the local religious institutions was later carried into

politics. Leyburn, _The Scotch-Irish_, p. 313, emphasizes the fact that

the Scotch-Irishman's church had accustomed him to belief in government

by the consent of the governed, in representative and republican

institutions. The relationship between the church covenant and the

social compact is quite direct. If men can bind themselves together to

form a church, then it seems quite logical that they can bind themselves

together to form a government. Fair Play democracy was simply political

Presbyterianism. Its impact has been noted by a number of historians.

Dunaway, _The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania_, p. 135, claims

that "The actual means by which Pennsylvania was transformed from a

proprietary province into an American commonwealth was the new political

organization developed by the Scotch-Irish in alliance with the eastern

radical leaders of the continental Revolutionary movement. This

extra-legal organization, consisting of the committee of safety, the

provincial and county committees of correspondence, and the provincial

conventions, supplanted the regular provincial government by absorbing

its functions." Becker, _Beginning of the American People_, p. 180,

calls the Scotch-Irish a people "whose religion confirmed them in a

democratic habit of mind."

[47] Lycoming County Courthouse, Will Book #1, George Quigley's Will, p.

69.

[48] Maynard, _Historical View of Clinton County_, p. 208.

[49] Carrie A. Hall and Rose G. Kretsinger, _The Romance of the

Patchwork Quilt in America_ (New York, 1935), p. 27.

[50] _Journal of William Colbert_, Thursday, Sept. 5, 1793.

[51] Lycoming County Courthouse, Will Book #1, William Chatham's Will,

p. 177. Chatham's bequest is "To Robert Devling My Fidel."

[52] Dunaway, _The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania_, p. 196.

[53] Rev. John Cuthbertson's Diary (1716-1791), microfilm transcript, 2

rolls, Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg. An

example, found on p. 252, is this "_famous American Receipt for the

Rheumatism_. Take of garlic two cloves, of gum ammoniac, one drachm;

blend them by bruising together. Make them into two or three bolus's

with fair water and swallow one at night and the other in the morning.

Drink strong sassafras tea while using these. It banishes also

contractions of the joints. 100 pounds been given for this."

[54] Rebecca F. Gross, "Postscript to the Week," Lock Haven _Express_,

Aug. 3, 1963, p. 4.

[55] Eugene P. Bertin, "Primary Streams of Lycoming County," _Now and

Then_, VIII (1947), 257-258.

[56] Dunaway, _The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania_, p. 193.

[57] _Ibid._, p. 197.

[58] "Eleanor Coldren's Deposition," pp. 220-222. Mrs. Coldren refers to

a tavern, just west of Chatham's Run, in the spring of 1775. The first

church appeared in 1792.

[59] "Diary of the Unknown Traveler," _Now and Then_, X (1954), 307. The

diarist tells of a tavernkeeper who refused a man a pint of wine because

"he had had enough" (Thursday, July 24, 1794).

[60] Leyburn, _The Scotch-Irish_, pp. 148-150. Leyburn suggests, and the

Fair Play settlers demonstrate, that Ulster and America were similar

experiences. He says (p. 148) that the Scotch-Irish "lived on land in

both regions often forcibly taken from the natives. The confiscation

itself was declared legal by the authorities, and the actual settlement

was made in the conviction that the land was now rightfully theirs.

Might makes right--at least in the matter of life and land ownership."

[61] _Fithian: Journal_, the _Journal of William Colbert_, and "Mr.

Davy's Diary" all refer to the hospitality of the people of this

frontier. For example, Fithian speaks of his hosts as "sociable, kind";

while Colbert constantly mentions the "liberty" which he enjoyed in the

various homes which he visited.

[62] Leyburn, _The Scotch-Irish_, pp. 146-147. Leyburn suggests that

belief in the superiority of the Presbyterian church to any king

justifies revolt; if one may, others may, leading to anarchy. Thus

freedom of worship for a minority allied itself in America with liberty

of worship for all. The right of revolution, as it was acted upon in

America, was also implied.

[63] Loyalists in the West Branch Valley suffered the usual privations

as this excerpt from the "Diary of the Unknown Traveler," p. 310,

indicates: "_Thursday, July 24, 1794_.... Mr. Witteker and his family

are of the people called Quakers but was turned out of the society

during the time of war for paing the money called substitute [relief

from the draft]* money to the Congress agents. M[r]. W's case is really

hard. He suffered as above by his friends for aiding Congress and his

estate was conviscated [_sic_] by the state for being a loyalist."

[*Phrase bracketed in quotation.]

[64] Dunaway, _The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania_, pp. 197-198.

[65] _Ibid._, p. 198. An example of this attitude is found in this entry

in the "Diary of the Unknown Traveler," p. 310: "This afternoon 24 July

[1794] a person with two horses, one he rode, the other lead, called at

Wittekers for a pint of wine, but on account of him being intoxicated

before Mr. W. told him he had had enough & would not let him have any.

Where could we find so disinterested a tavernkeeper in England? In

England they never refuse as long as they pay, but here the man had the

money ready if they would let him have the wine."

[66] This conclusion was reached after the reading of some three hundred

wills in the probate records of Northumberland and Lycoming counties.

This particular reference is from James Caldwell's will, Nov. 20, 1815,

located in Will Book #1, p. 108, Lycoming County Courthouse.

[67] Clark, "Pioneer Life in the New Purchase," p. 22. Beds and feather

beds seem to have been status symbols of a sort often willed to the wife

or included as a dowry.

CHAPTER SIX

_Leadership and the Problems of the Frontier_

Any analysis of democracy in the Fair Play territory must consider the

question of leadership and the particular problems of that frontier. The

number of leaders and their roles, the marks of leadership, and the

circumstances which brought certain men to the fore must all be

considered. Was there some correlation between property-holdings, or

national origin, and leadership? Were there certain offices conducive to

the exercise of leadership? The subject of leadership entails inquiry

into each of these areas.

Unfortunately, only one biographical study of any Fair Play leader has

ever been attempted, that of Henry Antes.[1] As a result, the patterns

of leadership must be gleaned from court records, tax lists, lists of

public officials, and petitions from the settlers of this frontier.

Consequently, what follows gives us some general understanding of the

nature of leadership but offers little in the way of insight into the

personalities of the leaders.

Using the Curti study as an example, certain objective criteria have

been set up in analyzing leadership in the West Branch Valley.[2]

Obviously, some leaders were more important than others. Their influence

extended beyond the limits of the Fair Play territory. These leaders,

provided that they stood out in respect to at least three of the four

criteria established, have been categorized as regional leaders. These

four criteria have been used in this study to determine regional

leadership: (1) the holding of political office, (2) the ownership of

better-than-average property holdings, (3) the operation of frontier

forts, and (4) the holding of military rank of some significance.[3]

Of these criteria, office holding appears to be the most important.

Thus, regional leaders were generally re-elected to public office, or

held more than one such office. Furthermore, it will be noted that these

offices tended to be with the established governments of the State and

county. Since some leaders never held any political office, another

classification seemed necessary. Consequently, the role of local

leadership was also classified.

The influence of some men seems to have been strictly confined to the

Fair Play territory, either by virtue of their election to some local

office or by their prominence in some other phase of community life. As

a result, local leaders have been considered as (1) those who held at

least two local offices, or (2) those who exercised identifiable

community leadership in a non-political context.

After an extensive examination of the lists of public officials for

Northumberland County, the tax lists for the same period, the records of

the Fair Play men and the Committee of Safety, the accounts of the

frontier forts in the region, and the military records of these

settlers, it becomes evident that only three men can be considered as

regional leaders and not more than seven or eight as local leaders.[4]

Henry Antes, Robert Fleming, and Frederick Antes are the regional

leaders; and Alexander Hamilton, John Fleming, James Crawford, John

Walker, Thomas Hughes, Cookson Long, William Reed, and Samuel Horn are

the local leaders. Obviously, the listings are too limited to offer any

valid quantitative analysis.

Henry Antes is undoubtedly the single most outstanding leader in the

entire Fair Play country. Judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions,

sheriff, justice of the peace, Fair Play spokesman, captain (later

colonel) of Associators and commander of Fort Antes, miller and property

owner, personal friend of John Dickinson and other Provincial leaders,

Henry Antes was the top figure in civic, economic, military, and social

affairs along the West Branch. Influential within and without the Fair

Play territory, Henry Antes was truly the major leader in the valley.

The Antes family had long played a significant role in the history of

the Province of Pennsylvania. As MacMinn relates, Henry's father, Henry,

Sr., had been "associated with the most prominent men of his time in

movements for the public good."[5] A Moravian, the elder Antes had

assisted Count Zinzendorf in his missionary efforts, aided Whitefield in

his philanthropic endeavors, worked with Henry Muhlenberg in educating

the German town community, and served with a marked impartiality as a

justice of the peace.[6] From such stock came the necessary leadership

for the Fair Play settlers of the West Branch frontier.

Born near Pottstown in Montgomery County in 1736, young Henry may have

learned of frontier opportunity from visitors to his father's inn, such

as Zinzendorf and Spangenburg, who had traveled along the West Branch of

the Susquehanna. Consequently, joined by his brother William, he signed

an article of agreement on September 29, 1773, for the purchase of land

in the West Branch Valley.[7] When another brother, Frederick, obtained

property in the area later in that same decade, the Antes brothers,

particularly Henry and Frederick, became the dominant political,

economic, and social influence in the territory. Frederick, however, was

more of an absentee leader since he never actually resided in the Fair

Play territory.

Although the combined holdings of the Antes brothers constituted only a

little less than 700 acres, their gristmill, the first in the region,

became the meeting place for the area settlers, providing a forum for

the usual discussions of politics and prices.[8] From Lycoming Creek on

the east to Pine Creek and the Great Island on the west, the frontier

farmers brought their grain to the Antes mill, on the south side of the

Susquehanna River opposite present Jersey Shore. While the milling went

on, the men analyzed their common problems and debated the future of

this pioneer land. If there was a center for the dissemination of news

in the West Branch Valley, it was the Antes mill and fort, which was

soon constructed on the property. Located in almost the center of the

Fair Play territory (although actually across the river from it), where

men met of necessity, and having had a father who had exerted influence

and exercised leadership in Philadelphia County, the Antes brothers were

well prepared to lead the West Branch pioneers.

With their gristmill giving Henry and Frederick a decided economic edge,

they soon became involved in the politics of the Fair Play territory,

Northumberland County, and the Province of Pennsylvania. Henry became

primarily a local and county leader, while his brother concentrated on

county and Provincial and, later, State affairs. Both served as county

judges--Henry, appointed in 1775, and Frederick, elected in 1784--which

suggests judicial responsibility as the key to assuming major

leadership, since Robert Fleming took Frederick's judicial post when he

resigned to take a seat in the General Assembly.[9]

By the summer of 1775, when Philip Vickers Fithian first included the

West Branch in his itinerary--the valley by then supported some 100

families--Henry Antes had already distinguished himself as a public

servant. He, along with five others, had been commissioned by the county

court to lay out a road from Fort Augusta to the mouth of Bald Eagle

Creek;[10] he had served as a spokesman for the Fair Play men in a land

title dispute;[11] he had been made a justice of the peace;[12] and he

had been appointed as a judge of the Court of Quarter Sessions.[13] This

was to be only the beginning, for in 1775, when the Associators were

organized, Henry Antes was made captain of company eight, embodying the

Nippenose and Pine Creek settlers.[14] But even this is not the complete

picture, for when the settlers returned to the region in the eighties,

following the Great Runaway of 1778, Antes became sheriff, the chief law

enforcement officer of Northumberland County.[15] The popular miller had

become the popular leader, a popularity enhanced by his interpretation

of the sheriff's role, an interpretation which occasionally brought him

into conflict with the State's leaders.[16]

The leadership of the Antes brothers is further accentuated by the

activities of Frederick Antes. Between 1776 and 1784 he was a delegate

to the Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention, justice of the peace,

president judge of the county courts, county treasurer, commissioner of

purchase for Northumberland County, a representative in the General

Assembly, and a colonel of militia.[17] With Henry on the West Branch

and Frederick frequently in Philadelphia, the Antes family had a

constant finger on the pulse of Pennsylvania politics. Official duties,

plus the strategic location of the Antes fort and mill, made Frederick

and Henry Antes the most influential persons in the West Branch Valley

during the operation of the Fair Play system. Eminently qualified by

numerous public responsibilities, the Antes brothers were major leaders

of the Fair Play settlers.

Robert Fleming, the third regional leader in the territory, also served

as a judge of the Court of Common Pleas for the county, although that

service began in March, 1785, after the Fair Play territory was acquired

by the State of Pennsylvania in the second Stanwix Treaty of 1784.[18]

He became a justice of the peace at the same time.[19] Prior to his

judicial obligations, Fleming had been a member of the county Committee

of Safety, a township overseer, a representative in the General

Assembly, a second lieutenant of Associators, and possibly a Fair Play

man.[20] During the Revolution, he was primarily concerned with the area

around the Great Island, serving at Reed's Fort (present Lock Haven) and

on the Fleming estate, which some referred to as Fort Fleming. Robert

had a brother, John, with whom Fithian stayed during his brief sojourn

in the territory. Their combined holdings, the largest in the vicinity,

ran to almost 3,000 acres, of which 1,250 acres were Robert's.[21]

Certain conclusions can be drawn from these data regarding the regional

leaders of the Fair Play territory. Better than average property

holdings, extensive in the case of Robert Fleming; judicial

responsibility, which was true of all three men; primary authority in

frontier forts (the Antes brothers owned and commanded Antes Fort, and

the Flemings operated their own stockade and commanded Fort Reed); and

military rank ranging from lieutenant of Associators to colonel of

militia: these characteristics signified major leadership in the West

Branch Valley among the Fair Play settlers. Coincidentally, it can be

noted that two of the three regional leaders, having served in the State

legislature, had influence which reached to the State House in

Philadelphia. Obviously, these men were known outside of the limited

environs of the Fair Play territory. In fact, both Henry and Frederick

Antes enjoyed a more than passing acquaintance with Benjamin Franklin

and John Dickinson, two of the giants of this period of Pennsylvania's

history.[22]

A further observation which can be made concerning leadership relates to

the question of national origin. Although the Fair Play territory has

often been referred to as "Scotch-Irish country," the German Antes

brothers performed the outstanding leadership roles on this frontier.

Also, the specific geographic location of our regional leaders provides

a final note of interest. All three of them, Henry and Frederick Antes,

and Robert Fleming, actually resided outside the limits of the Fair Play

territory. They were on the geographic fringe but at the leadership

core. Their close proximity to the Fair Play territory, separated from

it only by the Susquehanna River, in addition to their contacts with and

positions in established government, gave these men an obvious political

eminence. The forts located in both places and the Anteses' gristmill

gave both the Flemings and the Anteses opportunity for leadership.

Local leaders generally lived within the Fair Play territory, had

average property holdings, and served on either the Fair Play tribunal

or the township Committee of Safety. There are, of course, exceptions to

each of these generalizations. The fort operators, Samuel Horn, William

Reed, and John Fleming, resided on the Provincial or State side of the

Susquehanna River. Furthermore, John Fleming was the largest property

owner in the area with some 1,640 acres.[23] And one man, James

Crawford, held the highly respected county office of sheriff.[24]

Three of the local leaders, John Fleming, Alexander Hamilton, and James

Crawford, stand out from the rest, although for different reasons. John

Fleming undoubtedly would have become a major leader had he lived

longer--he died in 1777. His extensive property made his home the usual

stop for itinerant pastors and other travelers in the valley, as

Fithian's _Journal_ attests.[25] It also made him a figure of central

significance in economic affairs. Alexander Hamilton was probably "the"

local leader. A member of the Committee of Safety and presumably a Fair

Play man, he was also the captain of Horn's Fort.[26] He is also the

reputed author of the Pine Creek declaration. James Crawford was more

noted for military exploits than for civic duties. Prior to his military

service, Crawford had represented Northumberland County in the

Constitutional Convention of 1776, which framed the State constitution

and, later, commissioned him as a major in the Twelfth Pennsylvania

Regiment.[27] Deprived of his commission after the Germantown campaign,

Major Crawford returned home and was elected county sheriff, an office

which he held until succeeded by Henry Antes.[28]

Of the other local leaders, Horn and Reed held only lesser township

offices, overseer and supervisor, respectively, in addition to operating

frontier forts.[29] Cookson Long, mentioned as a Fair Play man in 1775

in Eleanor Coldren's deposition, later commanded Fort Reed, for a time,

as a captain of Associators.[30] The final two local leaders, John

Walker and Thomas Hughes, both took turns as Fair Play men and as

members of the local Committee of Safety.[31]

In analyzing the local leadership roles which these various settlers

filled, additional and pertinent conclusions become apparent. In the

first place, the Fair Play men were obviously not the top leaders of the

community. Henry Antes may have served as their spokesman in 1775, and

it is quite possible that Robert Fleming was a member of the tribunal,

but both were more important as county leaders. Secondly, Fair Play men

were members of the Committee of Safety, a fact which suggests that

their efforts may have been coordinated. Finally, returning to the

question of national origin, six of these eight local leaders were

either Scots, Scotch-Irish, or Irish. The other two were Germans. No

Englishman was a leader, either regional or local, in the Fair Play

territory between 1769 and 1784. Perhaps, as Carl Becker suggests, this

was due to the fact that neither the German nor the Scotch-Irish

immigrant held in his breast any sentiment of loyalty to King George, or

much sympathy with the traditions or the leaders of English society.[32]

What were the particular problems of this frontier and how effective

were these leaders in meeting them? The question of defense, including

the daily task of survival in the wilderness, the right of pre-emption,

and the efforts to obtain frontier representation in the assembly: these

were the main problems in this pioneer land along the West Branch of the

Susquehanna. All were not solved during the period under analysis, but

the attempts to solve these and other problems afford us the opportunity

to evaluate the leadership in the Fair Play territory.

Doubtless, the most pressing public need on this frontier was protection

from the marauding Indians who plagued these pioneers throughout the

fifteen years encompassed by this study. Aroused by the British during

the Revolution, the Indians of the Six Nations descended from New York

into the West Branch Valley to harass and, finally, to drive the Fair

Play settlers from their homes. Driven from their homes, the frontiersmen

of the West Branch first gathered in the hastily-constructed and

poorly-manned forts conveniently scattered along the Susquehanna from

Jersey Shore to Lock Haven, but, ultimately, these too had to be

evacuated in the Great Runaway in 1778.

The Fair Play Settlers of the West Branch Valley, 1769-1784 A Study of Frontier Ethnography · 第 8 / 12 段