It became customary towards the close of the sixteenth century for

security to be given, with the notice of banns, for the solemnisation of

the marriage, two friends of the parties depositing with the clerk a sum

of money as a guarantee, and that for more than one purpose. In 1570 the

Assembly ordered that "promise of marriage shall be made according to the

order of the reformed Kirk to the minister, exhorter, or reader, taking

caution for abstinence till the marriage be solemnised." The minutes of

Kirk Sessions show that, in numerous instances, during the latter half of

the seventeenth century, such deposits were retained for the space of nine

calendar months after the marriage. The Kilmarnock Kirk Session was not so

strict. It was there ordered, in 1670, that the deposit should be

returned to the parties on the expiration of half a year. Whatever the

term was, if scandal arose before it expired, the deposit became

forfeited.

Kirk Sessions in some cases accepted personal security in lieu of cash,

the bondsmen in such cases becoming liable in the event of scandal

arising, or the non-solemnisation of the marriage. But this system, so

convenient for those who could not raise the caution money, or "pawn," as

it was commonly called, was in course of time abandoned. The Kirk Session

of Mauchline instructed the clerk, in 1691, "to take neither bond nor

cautioner for consignation money, but to require that the money be laid

down, to remain in his hand for the space of three-quarters of a year."

The example was followed by other Kirk Sessions, but the custom continued

for a long time afterwards, and was never formally abolished, falling into

abeyance gradually. Dr Edgar, in his "Old Church Life in Scotland," states

that "on a page at the end of a small volume of scroll minutes still

extant there is a writing, under date 23rd November, 1771, which has all

the appearance of being a genuine matrimonial consignation bond."

The First Book of Discipline makes it peremptory that no persons should be

married without the consent of the parents, unless it should appear that

there was no reasonable ground for the refusal of their consent. The

Westminster Directory qualifies this by ruling that the consent of parents

should be obtained to first marriages, especially if the parties were

under age. It is not clear whether non-age means under the age of

twenty-one, or is to be interpreted by the decree of the General Assembly

of 1600 that, "considering that there is no statute of the kirk,...

defining the age of persons which are to be married, ordain that no

minister within this realm presume to join in matrimony any persons in

time coming, except the man be fourteen years of age, and the woman twelve

complete." The same ages are given in the First Book of Discipline.

Deviations from even this rule sometimes occurred, and may be classed

among the permitted irregularities referred to at the beginning of this

paper. The marriage of heiresses under the age of twelve was not

infrequent, the plea of the guardians, that they feared the abduction of

their wards if longer unmarried, being admitted. There is a record of the

marriage of a girl in her eleventh year to a boy of fourteen in 1659; and

no longer ago than 1859 a girl was married at Edinburgh, who was entered

by the registrar as in her eleventh year. The official inspector thought

there must have been an error in the registration, but inquiry proved that

the entry was correct.

There was no laxity, however, in the matter of prohibited degrees of

relationship. In 1731, an irregular marriage came before the Presbytery of

Ayr. The banns had been forbidden on the ground that the woman's first

husband had been grand-uncle to the second bridegroom. The lovers

thereupon proceeded to Carlisle, and were there united in marriage. The

Presbytery pronounced them guilty of incest, prohibited them from

cohabitation, and the interdict being disregarded, passed sentence of

excommunication.

Marriage might be refused in former times when either of the parties was

found to be "under scandal." In 1565, the General Assembly enacted that

"such as lie in sin under promise of marriage, deferring the

solemnisation, should satisfy publicly, in the place of repentance, upon

the Lord's day before they be married." Many instances are recorded of

persons appearing before the Kirk Session, and denying upon oath that they

had committed the sin of which they were accused. The Kirk Sessions were

equally diligent in their endeavours to prevent scandals. In 1621, it was

reported to the Kirk Session of Perth "that Janet Watson holds house by

herself, where she may give occasion of slander," wherefore an elder was

directed "to admonish her in the Session's name either to marry or to pass

to service."

But while the Church authorities were so zealous for the morals of the

nation and the prevention of scandal, they appear to have sometimes thrown

impediments in the way of lawful marriage. In the early years following

the Reformation, it was a very frequent ordinance of Kirk Sessions that no

persons should be allowed to marry until they were able to repeat to the

minister or reader the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, and the Ten

Commandments. Either a "pawn" was required for the fulfilment of this

condition or a fine was exacted in case of failure. In some parishes the

Kirk Sessions went beyond this requirement, and insisted on regular

attendance at public worship. In 1700, the Kirk Session of Galston,

"considering that there were some who lived within the parish who did not

join with the congregation in public worship, nor submit themselves to

discipline, and yet craved common privileges of members of this

congregation, such as proclamation in order to marriage, concluded that

none such should have privileges, until they should engage to live orderly

for the time to come." And a further entry, of the same date, states that

one of the persons referred to applied for proclamation of banns, and, on

the resolution being communicated to him, he "engaged, through God's

grace, to live orderly, and to wait upon gospel ordinances more

particularly, and was then allowed to be proclaimed."

There was some difference of opinion in the early days of the Reformed

Church as to whether a pre-contract should be an impediment to marriage

with another person. The minutes of the Westminster Assembly show that

some of the divines maintained that a promise of marriage was a "covenant

of God," and could not be broken, even by mutual consent. The Church of

Scotland did not adopt this view. In 1570, the General Assembly directed

that persons desiring to withdraw from a contract of marriage should, if

nothing had followed, be allowed to do so. In the same year, an appeal was

made to the Assembly from the decision of a Kirk Session that a man should

not be allowed to marry any woman other than a former servant of the

appellant, whom he had seduced. He had applied to the Kirk Session for

proclamation of banns, putting in the document known as a "discharge of

marriage," signed by the woman he had wronged, for three or four

successive years, but it was persistently refused recognition. The

Assembly sustained his appeal, gave him the liberty he sought, and added,

"yea, and there is injury done to him already."

Sometimes, however, contracted persons declined to set each other free,

and forbade the publication of banns with any other person. In 1689, one

John Meikle was cited to appear before the Presbytery of Ayr, to show

cause why he forbade the banns of Janet Campbell. He pleaded that Janet

had been engaged to him, and on that ground he objected to her becoming

the wife of any other man. The Presbytery decided that Janet was free to

do so. In 1777, a woman applied to the Kirk Session of Mauchline to have

her banns stopped, on the ground that she had changed her mind, and had

become engaged to another man. The first lover opposed the application,

pleading that she was his "by the covenant of God." The Kirk Session did

not admit his plea. The publication of banns was stopped, and a minute of

the Session justifies this decision, on the ground that "there would be an

obvious impropriety in proceeding further in the proclamation, after being

certified by the woman of her resolution not to marry the petitioner."

There were some superstitions connected with marriage as to lucky and

unlucky days and seasons. Perthshire couples refrained from wedlock in

January, and everywhere it was declined in May. In the Lowlands, Friday

was considered an unlucky day for weddings, but in the Highlands, it was

the day generally chosen for the ceremony. These notions had no weight

with the compilers of the First Book of Discipline, who expressed their

opinion that Sunday was the day "most expedient." On the other hand, the

Westminster Assembly advised that marriages should not be solemnised on

the Lord's day. The latter may have been influenced by the same reason

that moved the Kirk Session of Perth to adopt, in 1584, a resolution that

"forasmuch as sundry poor desire to, because they have not to buy clothes,

nor to make bridals, marriages should be as well celebrated on Thursday,

within our Parish Kirk in time of sermon, as on Sunday." The former, on

the other hand, probably had in view the disorderly scenes to which a

wedding was often the prelude. The General Assembly, in 1645, adopted the

view of the Westminster Directory, and marriages from that date were

generally solemnised on the day of the weekly lecture.

In former times, and down to the first quarter of the present century, the

celebration of a marriage otherwise than in church was regarded as

irregular and clandestine. In 1581, the General Assembly "concluded by

common consent of the whole brethren, that in times coming no marriage be

celebrated, nor sacraments administered, in private houses." At that time,

and long afterwards, ministers were liable to deposition, and were

actually deposed, for marrying persons in private houses. It is a fact,

nevertheless, that though the law of the Church remains as settled in

1581, marriages celebrated in private houses have not been regarded as

irregular since the beginning of the last century; and the records of the

General Sessions of Edinburgh show that, as long ago as 1643, private

marriages were not infrequent in that city, where, however, they were

restricted to the well-to-do classes by a fine of twenty marks.

Weddings were usually followed by great festivities, which were generally

on a scale so extensive, and carried to so great an excess, that the

records of Kirk Sessions during the seventeenth century show numerous

regulations for their restriction. They fixed the number of guests who

might be lawfully entertained on such occasions, and the hour at which the

festivities should cease. Many of the customs observed were peculiar to

the country, or to certain parts of it. In the Highlands, until about a

century ago, the bride walked round the wedding party at the close of the

ceremony, saluting each with a kiss. A dish was then passed round, in

which each deposited a coin, the amount collected being given to the

bride. The term "penny wedding" appears to have arisen from this custom.

Owing to the large number of guests entertained, which Kirk Sessions did

not venture to reduce to less than forty, it was usual for the neighbours

to assist in providing for them. Landowners gave beef, mutton and venison;

farmers, poultry and dairy produce; and the minister and the schoolmaster

lent cooking utensils. The bridal feast was followed by a dance.

Some peculiar rites, of ancient and pagan origin, were practised at the

home-coming of the bride. The guests assembled at the door, on the

threshold of which a sieve containing bread and cheese was held over her

head, and, as she entered the house, a cake of shortbread was broken over

her head, the young folk present scrambling for the fragments. The

ceremony was completed by the bride sweeping the hearth with a broom.

This paper would not be complete without some notice of an aspect of the

matter with which it deals, which has not received the attention to which

it is certainly entitled. The law relating to marriage remains unsettled.

It has been so constantly regarded as a matter for ecclesiastical

regulation, that it has been practically left to be dealt with by

Presbyteries and Kirk Sessions. "As far back as any living man

remembers," says Dr Edgar, "it has taken very few formalities to

constitute in Scotland a marriage that is binding in law. A man and a

woman have only had to take up house together, and declare themselves

husband and wife. The law thereupon pronounced them married persons. But

this was not always understood to be the law of the land in Scotland, and

the Church of Scotland did not always recognise such unions as marriages."

But while writing of what was or was not _understood_ to be the law, he

tells us nothing as to what the law really was or is.

It seems to have been the practice of the Church, in former times, to

pronounce her own judgment, and then to ask the State to confirm it. In

the first General Assembly held in Scotland, that of 1560, there was a

declaration made concerning marriages within certain degrees of

relationship, and "the authority of the Estates was craved to be

interposed to that finding as the law." There were many of the ministers

of the Reformed Church who held that a religious ceremony was not

necessary to constitute a valid marriage. One of the members of the

Westminster Assembly, in 1644, expressed the opinion, previously given by

Luther, that only the consent of the parties was necessary. This view

appears to have prevailed very generally among the laity, notwithstanding

the action taken so frequently by Kirk Sessions in opposition to it.

The question continued to be disputed throughout the last century. Writers

on legal questions held one view, and judges on the bench pronounced

contrariwise. Erskine argued that, in Scotland, the consent of the parties

was all that was necessary to constitute a valid marriage. Lord Braxfield

affirmed the opposite in 1796. Lord Fraser, on a later occasion, said that

the view set forth by Erskine was never judicially pronounced to be the

law of Scotland until 1811. Can we wonder, therefore, when lawyers and

judges disagree, at the haziness of mental vision displayed by Kirk

Sessions, and the frequent want of uniformity in their decisions?

Gretna Green Gossip.

Gretna Green is the name of an insignificant village in the Border country

between England and Scotland. It is situated in Dumfriesshire, near the

mouth of the Esk, nine miles north-west of Carlisle, and consequently

within a mile of the English border. Probably no place of such absence of

pretension to size and population has attained the notoriety which

attaches to the name of Gretna Green, a distinction it has obtained merely

through its being the first place suitable for stoppage after the English

border was once passed. This close proximity was utilised by runaway

couples, who, dispensing, for various reasons, with the preliminaries of

anyone's consent to their union, or the publication of banns requisite by

the English Marriage Laws, could, when once on Scottish ground, accomplish

their wedding by simply declaring before witnesses their mutual

willingness to undertake the contract. To the facility, then, which the

Marriage Laws of Scotland offered to amorous and impatient couples (minors

or not), the fisher-village of Gretna Green owes its repute as a chosen

altar of Hymen. A marriage once declared here was henceforward considered

valid, and after exchanging before any witness the mutual promises, the

pair might return to England at once, the knot being tied beyond all

chance of dispute. As might be expected, haste was a great factor in these

summary pairings, and consequently postillions were largely employed to

get over the distance between Carlisle and Gretna, a course upon which, no

doubt, many a tough race has been run between prudent parent or guardian

and ardent runaways.

The "parsons" of Gretna were the ordinary inhabitants, who were weavers,

fishermen (Gretna being at the head of the Solway), blacksmiths, &c., and

their fees were entirely arbitrary, being fixed on the spot, according to

the private information of the postillions, or according to the appearance

and simplicity of the young couple. Marriages have been contracted here

for a glass of whisky, while on the other hand a fee of twenty pounds has

been paid, as in the case of Lord Chief Justice Erskine, who availed

himself of the easy ceremony, and even much larger sums, as in the cases

of the Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Deerhurst, and others, who paid to the

officiating "cleric" upwards of one hundred guineas. In the absence of any

local person to receive the attestations to the contract, the postillions

themselves have been known to assume the sacerdotal functions.

The first broker in Gretna Green marriages was one Scott, who lived at a

point called the Rigg, a few miles from the village. It is said that he

commenced his infamous profession about the year 1750, but beyond the fact

that he was a crafty fellow, who could turn the emergencies of the time to

his own advantage, little is known of him. The next who undertook the

remunerative duties of high priest was George Gordon, an old soldier, who

invariably wore as canonicals a full military uniform of a by-gone type--a

tremendous cocked-hat, scarlet coat, and jackboots, with a ponderous sword

dangling from his belt. His "church," which had the appearance of a barn,

stood a little to the left of the public road; his altar was an ale cask

upon which was placed an open Bible. Following Gordon, Joseph Paisley

(sometimes called Pasley) became the recognised parson. He was a

fisherman, who agreeably united with the duties of that position the

pursuits of smuggler and tobacconist. He has been also called a

blacksmith, but this was simply a fanciful allusion to the part he took in

the Gretna Green marriages, Vulcan being the marriage maker of the gods as

well as their smith. He commenced the matrimonial business in 1789, and

from being retiring in his manner of dealing, became audaciously

unscrupulous, going so far even as to supply fictitious signatures to the

certificates, instead of, as at first, resorting to the less culpable

proceeding of signing his own name as a witness. It is said of this man

that at his death, about 1811, he weighed twenty-five stones. He was a

coarse, blatant individual, and habitually appeared in a sort of priestly

dress, even in his constant dissipations. At his death the priesthood was

taken by his son-in-law, Robert Elliott, who kept an account of his

transactions, and afterwards published them under the title of "The Gretna

Green Memoirs." In this he states that between 1811 and 1839, not less

than 7744 persons were united by him at Gretna. The _Times_, in a review

of the book, doubted the accuracy of the assertion, which drew from him a

reply in the form of a letter to that paper. He said, "I can show

registers for that number from my commencement, and which either you or

any respectable individual may inspect here, and which I can substantiate

on oath."

We give here an extract from the "Memoirs" of Elliott. He says:--"As the

marriage ceremony performed by me and my predecessors may be interesting

to many of my readers, I give it verbatim: The parties are first asked

their names and places of abode; they are then asked to stand up, and

inquired of if they are both single persons; if the answer be in the

affirmative, the ceremony proceeds. Each is next asked, 'Did you come here

of your own free will and accord?' Upon receiving an affirmative answer,

the priest commences filling in the printed form of the certificate. The

man is then asked, 'Do you take this woman to be your lawful wedded wife,

forsaking all others, and keep to her as long as you both shall live?' He

answers, 'I will.' The woman is asked the same question, when, being

answered the same, the woman then produces a ring, which she gives to the

man, who hands it to the priest; the priest then returns it to the man,

and orders him to put it on the fourth finger of the woman's left hand,

repeating these words, 'With this ring I thee wed, with my body I thee

worship, with all my goods I thee endow, in the name of the Father, Son,

and Holy Ghost. Amen.' They then take hold of each other's right hand, and

the woman says, 'What God joins together let no man put asunder.' Then the

priest says, 'Forasmuch as this man and this woman have come together by

giving and receiving a ring, I therefore declare them to be man and wife

before God and these witnesses, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy

Ghost. Amen.'"

The following are among the memorable matches effected through the agency

of Robert Elliott, and recorded in his Memoirs:--

1812.--Rev. Wm. Freemantle, an English clergyman. C. Ewen Law, son of Lord

Ellenborough, to Miss Nightingale.

1815.--A "droll gaberlunzie without legs or arms, to a comely damsel, both

appearing anxious for the ceremony," to the disgust of the not too

fastidious parson himself.

1816.--Lord Chief Justice Erskine. Within a year, however, his lordship

unsuccessfully tried to loosen his matrimonial chains by a divorce by the

Scottish law.

1826.--E. Gibbon Wakefield, with Miss Turner. Of the trial which ensued

upon this union we give particulars below.

During the latter part of Elliott's "ministration" competition in the

marrying business became brisk, and he had numerous rivals, the most

powerful of these candidates for clerical emolument being another son of

Mars, named David Laing. The competition became so pronounced that the

rival parsons canvassed for the assistance and co-operation of the

postillions, who, commencing by receiving a commission per runaway pair,

at last ended by working upon a system of equal shares with their priestly

co-partners.

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