[Transcriber's Note:
The "^" character is used to denote superscripted letters,
e.g. "p^r." means "p" with a superscripted "r."]
_SALONA_
_FAIRFAX COUNTY
VIRGINIA_
by
Ellen Anderson
Fairfax County Office of Comprehensive Planning
February 1979
Other Fairfax County Office of Comprehensive
Planning historical publications are available from:
Fairfax County Publications Center
Massey Building, First Floor
4100 Chain Bridge Road
Fairfax, Virginia 22030
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 79-84335
CONTENTS
Illustrations v
Acknowledgments vii
Introduction 1
I. Langley and the Lees 5
II. Salona and the Maffitts 11
III. Salona for Sale 25
IV. Salona and the Smoots 28
V. Salona and the DuVals 41
VI. Salona: The House and Outbuildings 45
VII. Preservation by Easement 53
Chapter Notes 55
Appendixes
A. Chain of Title, 1719-1974 71
B. Maffitt Inventory, 1828 77
C. Maffitt Slave Schedule 81
D. DuVal Deed of Easement 84
List of Sources 95
ILLUSTRATIONS
Salona location 2
Thomas Lee's 1719 grant, "Langley" 7
Advertisement, land later called "Salona" 9
The Reverend William Maffitt 13
William Maffitt, Jr. 25
The Reverend William Maffitt's tombstone 27
Civil War troops at Salona 29
McDowell's 1862 Civil War map 30
Wartime memorandum 32
Smoot family portraits 34
Jacob Gilliam Smoot and some family heirlooms 35
G. M. Hopkins _Atlas_ map, 1879 36
The Salona Farm, 1890 and 1900 37
Rambler photo of Salona, 1914 38
Division of Smoot property, 1947 40
DuVal family portrait, 1957 42
Salona first and second floor plans 46
Salona attic floor plan 47
West wall 49
Entrance hall 49
Old stone house 50
Springhouse 50
Rear views of Salona mansion 51
Smokehouse 51
Stone barn ruins 51
Outdoor kitchen 52
Old brick privy 52
Permanent and temporary easement plat 54
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Many people have helped materially with the story of Salona. Peter
Maffitt, descendant of the Rev. William Maffitt, and Douglass and
Henry Mackall, descendants of one of Maffitt's sisters, generously
shared information on the Maffitt family and gave William Maffitt a
three-dimensional shape. John D. K. Smoot, Jane Smoot Wilson and
William Smoot, descendants of Jacob Smoot, recalled many stories of
their family and of Salona. Clive and Susan DuVal, present owners of
Salona, endured hours of interviews, photographing, and measuring of
the house and outbuildings.
Valuable assistance has also been given by Mike Rierson, Fairfax
County Park Authority, and W. Brown Morton, III, National Park
Service, who contributed useful information on the architectural
features and possible age of Salona; and William Elkjer measured and
drew up floor plans of Salona. The Rev. William Sengel of the Old
Presbyterian Meeting House, Jean Elliot, Frank Gapp, John Gott,
Winslow Hatch, Beth Mitchell, and Donie Rieger also contributed
information.
Librarians who have provided information and encouragement are Harva
Sheeler, Dot de Wilde, and Eric Grundset, Virginia Room, Fairfax
County Public Library; Mathilde Williams, Peabody Collection,
Georgetown Public Library; the helpful staff at the Archives
Division, Virginia State Library; and Ruth B. Lee, Historical
Foundation of the Presbyterian and Reformed Church, Montreat, North
Carolina.
Introduction
At the edge of the busy commercial area of the community of McLean,
hidden from the heavy traffic on Dolley Madison Boulevard by a
natural screen of trees and shrubs, stands the substantial brick
dwelling known as Salona. Only a portion of the original 466 acres
surrounds the house; the rest of the land has been converted into
church properties, shopping centers, residential subdivisions, and
other appurtenances of development.
Originally, the land was part of a large grant of 2,630 acres taken
out by Thomas Lee in 1719 from the Northern Neck proprietor, and
later named "Langley," a name which persists in the area to the
present day.
The Reverend William Maffitt of Maryland purchased the 466-acre
parcel in 1812, and he may have been the builder of the brick house
at Salona to which President James Madison fled when the British
burned the capital in August, 1814.
After the death of Maffitt, the property went through the hands of
several northerners who were part of the influx of Yankees just prior
to the outbreak of the Civil War. The parcel was divided into several
pieces.
Jacob G. Smoot of Georgetown, D.C., purchased 208 acres, including
the house, in 1853. He and his descendants owned Salona for almost
100 years--through the Civil War when Camp Griffin troops were
temporary residents in tent villages on Salona and surrounding
property and in the extended period of rebuilding during the
agricultural era following. They witnessed and were part of the
subdivision of lands for suburban tract housing.
As a reflection of changes experienced in the Washington metropolitan
area following World War II, Clive DuVal, a veteran, came from
New York to accept employment with the federal government. He and his
wife Susan purchased Salona with the idea of restoring it and using
it for a family residence.
[Illustration]
The DuVals entered into a period of community participation which
repeatedly involved the house as a center for meetings, tours and
entertainment. Because it was a sound, comfortable, gracious old
house with historical associations and community significance, they
decided to grant a permanent historic and scenic easement to Fairfax
County in 1971, preserving the house, its brick outbuildings and
eight acres of land surrounding them in perpetuity. A temporary
easement for 44 additional acres of the Salona property was granted
at the same time, fitting in with the county's stated purpose to
shape the character, direction and timing of community development
through the preservation of open space land.
Because of its historical associations, the house was placed on the
Virginia State Landmarks Register and on the National Register of
Historic Places in 1973.
I
LANGLEY AND THE LEES
The brick house known as Salona stands solidly on a portion of the
original grant known as "Langley," a tract named by Thomas Lee for
ancestral Lee lands in Shropshire, England.
Thomas Lee was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, in 1690, the
fifth son of Richard Lee, II, a member of the King's Council and
Naval Officer and Receiver of Customs for the Potomac. When Richard
died in 1714, young Thomas succeeded his father as Naval Officer for
the Potomac. Three years earlier, in 1711, he had been appointed
resident agent along with his uncle, Edmund Jenings, for Lady
Catherine Fairfax. She was proprietor of the Northern Neck grant of
over 5,000,000 acres of land originally made by Charles II in exile
to seven loyal followers, in 1649. She had become dissatisfied with
the management of her agents Micajah Perry and Robert Carter. While
his uncle was in England, Thomas Lee kept the books for the
proprietary and visited most of the farflung Fairfax property. After
his uncle returned to Virginia and took over the books, Lee used the
knowledge gained from his work with the Fairfax estate to acquire
grants of his own, among them, in 1719, the Langley tract of 2,862
acres on the Potomac River between Great Falls and Little Falls.
Because of the strategic location of this tract, he hoped to benefit
from the economic development of the western lands. While he never
realized this dream, he did become president of the King's Council
and, in 1749, acting governor of the Colony.[1]
After Thomas Lee's death in 1750, the Langley property went to his
eldest son, Philip Ludwell Lee, who also was a member of the King's
Council. A Royalist by preference he did not share the revolutionary
enthusiasms of his younger brothers, Richard Henry Lee, and Francis
Lightfoot Lee, signers of the Declaration of Independence. Moreover,
Philip Ludwell Lee, as administrator of his father's estate, was
responsible for paying their legacies to the younger children. These
legacies were never paid in full, an omission which further widened
the gap between him and his siblings.[2] In the tradition of his
father who had envisioned development of the upper Potomac, Philip
Ludwell Lee established the Town of Philee on 100 acres at the Little
Falls of the Potomac. Although he actually built warehouses there,
the town was doomed to failure.[3]
Philip Ludwell Lee died in 1775, and the Langley tract was divided
between his two daughters: Matilda, who married Henry (Light Horse
Harry) Lee, and Flora, who married Ludwell Lee of Belmont in Loudoun
County. Matilda inherited the portion on which Salona was built. If
any buildings existed on the tract at that time, it seems probable
that Matilda, as the elder daughter, would have been given the
section on which they were located.[4]
By an ironic twist of fate, in 1782, Matilda Lee, daughter of
die-hard Royalist Philip Ludwell Lee, married Henry Lee, a dashing
young officer in the American forces, whose brilliant military
exploits at Brandywine, Monmouth, and Paulus Hook (now Jersey City)
won him the esteem of General George Washington, the soubriquet of
"Light Horse Harry," and, in 1780, promotion to the rank of
lieutenant-colonel.
"Harry" Lee was the son of Henry Lee of Leesylvania, in Prince
William County, and Lucy Grymes Lee. His father was a member of the
House of Burgesses for many years and when the war with England
began, was in charge of recruiting and equipping troops for
Washington's army. After serving as a delegate to the Continental
Congress of 1785-88 and the Virginia Constitutional Convention of
1788, he was elected to the Virginia Legislature where he served
until 1791. His wife, Matilda, died in 1790, leaving him a son,
Henry. Matilda left the Langley tract to her son, with a life
interest to her husband.[5]
To assuage his grief, Harry Lee plunged deeper into politics and in
1791 was elected Governor of Virginia. Two years later he married
again, this time to Anne Hill Carter of Shirley. One of their sons was
Robert E. Lee, later commander-in-chief of the Armies of the
Confederacy. After a two-year term in Congress, Harry Lee's star began
to wane. His attempt to establish a town, Matildaville, at the Great
Falls of the Potomac, had failed, and his other land speculations had
gone sour. Eventually he spent two years in debtor's prison in
Westmoreland County, where he had once sat as a justice. In 1810, he
moved his family to Alexandria, and in 1812, was given a permanent
commission as a major-general in the United States Army, but his
failing health made it impossible for him to take part in the war
against England. He spent his last days in the West Indies, in a vain
attempt to recover his health. He died in 1818.[6]
[Illustration: _Thomas Lee's 1719 grant, adjoining Turberville,
showing the future 208-acre Smoot property at Salona._]
Harry's brother, Richard Bland Lee, did all he could to keep economic
ruin from devastating the former war hero, but managed only to get
himself deeper in debt. In 1808, during the period of financial
disaster, Harry Lee and his son sold the Langley tract to Richard
Bland Lee for $25,000. William Maffitt was a witness.[7]
No records or correspondence have yet appeared to indicate that any
of the Lees built a dwelling on the Langley tract. Thomas Lee had the
money, but architectural historians do not believe the house was
constructed during his lifetime. Philip Ludwell Lee could have built
on the tract, especially because of his town, Philee, on the Potomac,
but again the house does not appear to be old enough to have been
built during his lifetime.
Light Horse Harry Lee might have built the house when he was involved
with the development of Matildaville; estimated dates for the
construction range from 1790 to 1810. But after 1803 both Harry Lee
and his brother Richard Bland Lee were facing financial difficulties
and probably would not have built a large brick house on the Langley
tract at that time.
During Richard Bland Lee's ownership of Langley, the land was rented
to tenants.[8] A Lee descendant wrote in 1969 that "no Lee ever
resided at 'Langley.' During the Lee tenure, 1719-1839, the place was
always rented out."[9] So far, no listing of these tenants has been
discovered. The only person mentioned as a tenant is J. C. Scott.[10]
Scott has not been satisfactorily identified, although he may have
been John Caile Scott, grandson of Alexander Scott, owner of
Strawberry Vale.[11] He could have leased a portion of Langley and
even built a house on the property. That this was customary in those
days is shown by the terms of a lease agreement between Richard
Bland Lee and Henson Lewis, which reveals that Lewis leased 130 acres
of Lee's Cub Run tract on which he consented to pay taxes, plant and
maintain an apple orchard, and construct a brick or stone framed
dwelling at least 16 feet square and a brick or stone framed barn.
This lease clearly indicates that a tenant on the Langley tract might
have built Salona under the terms of a similar contract.[12]
[Illustration: _Advertisement for Salona_, Alexandria Gazette,
_November 18, 1811._]
A bible entry cited by Melvin Steadman in his book on Falls Church
reports that Thomas Sandford Wren "was born at Salona" on May 19,
1808, to Richard and Susannah (Adams) Wren.[13] According to
Steadman, Thomas Wren is buried in the El Nido Cemetery, but all of
the tombstones, with one exception, have been destroyed.[14] Because
the name "Salona" appears on a legal document for the first time in
1823, the reported entry seems still more curious. It is possible
that Salona may have been built or at least designed by one of the
Wren family. Susannah Adams Wren, Richard's wife, was a descendant of
the Adams family which had a mill adjacent to the Salona tract,
another tie to the area.[15]
Fairfax County tax records provide no clue to a possible date of
construction. In 1790, the Langley tract was carried on the rolls as
the property of the Ludwell Lee heirs and was so listed for more than
20 years. Only two significant changes appeared: one in 1792 when
more than 500 acres were sold, and again in 1811 after the sale of a
466-acre tract to Herbert. When William Maffitt first appeared on the
tax rolls as a landowner in 1813, the 466-acre tract was assessed at
$880 and his smaller tract at $79.[16]
William Herbert, who took over the 466 acres in payment of judgments
against Richard Bland Lee, had no apparent intention of living on the
property or of keeping it. A house must have existed on the property
when he bought it because when he advertised the property for sale in
the _Alexandria Gazette_ in November 1811, the copy mentioned "a
comfortable dwelling house, and out houses, a young thriving orchard
of the choicest fruit, a good garden paled in, and a spring of fine
water that has never been known to fail in the driest season, near
the house." There is no indication that the acreage was under
cultivation at that time.[17]
On March 10, 1812, the Reverend William Maffitt bought the 466-acre
tract from William Herbert. It was probably Maffitt who named the
estate "Salona."
Chapter I Notes
Langley and the Lees
[1] Fairfax Harrison, _Landmarks of Old Prince William_ (Berryville,
Va.: Reprint, Chesapeake Book Company, 1964), pp. 146-149.
[2] Gardner Cazenove Lee, Jr., _Lee Chronicle_ (New York: New York
University Press, 1957), pp. 5-6, 55-68; Beth Mitchell, _Beginning at
a White Oak: Patents and Northern Neck Grants of Fairfax County_
(Fairfax, Va.: Office of Comprehensive Planning, 1977), pp. 202-203.
[3] Harrison, _Landmarks_, p. 149.
[4] Lee, _Chronicle_, pp. 86-92; Edmund Jennings Lee, _Lee of
Virginia, 1642-1892_ (Philadelphia: By the author, 1895), pp.
165-167; April 19, 1782, Report of Appraisement and Division of
Philip Ludwell Lee's Estate, Westmoreland, Va.
[5] Trevor N. Dupuy and Gay M. Hammerman, _People and Events of the
American Revolution_ (New York: R. R. Bowker Co., 1974), p. 359;
Virginia Dabney, _Virginia, The New Dominion_ (New York: Doubleday,
1971), pp. 170-71.
[6] Lee, _Chronicle_, pp. 86-92.
[7] Fairfax County, Virginia, Deed Book, J-2, p. 84.
[8] Ibid., J-2, p. 245.
[9] Ludwell Lee Montague letter to Eleanor Lee Templeman, May 4,
1969. No documentation was given for this statement. Copy in working
papers, Virginia Room, Fairfax County Central Library.
[10] Diane Rafuse, _Maplewood_ (Fairfax, Va.: Office of Planning,
1970), Appendix D.
[11] Rafuse, _Maplewood_, pp. 56-62.
[12] Robert S. Gamble, _Sully: The Biography of a House_ (Chantilly,
Va.: The Sully Foundation, Ltd., 1973), p. 21.
[13] Melvin Steadman, _Falls Church by Fence and Fireside_ (Falls
Church, Va.: Falls Church Public Library, 1964), p. 509.
[14] Author's visit to El Nido Cemetery, off Old Dominion Drive, near
McLean.
[15] Janice G. Artemel, A Preliminary Survey of the Literature on
James Wren. Unpublished study. Falls Church, Va.
[16] Fairfax County real property tax books, 1790-1813. Virginia
State Library, Archives Division.
[17] _Alexandria Gazette_, November 11, 18, 1811.
II
SALONA AND THE MAFFITTS
The first occupant of record of the house at Salona, William Maffitt,
is surrounded by legends. Supposedly, Maffitt built Salona in 1801.
Maffitt was from South Carolina. Maffitt went to Princeton. Maffitt
preached the funeral sermon for George Washington. Maffitt had a
boys' school at Salona. Maffitt lived at Salona with his wife
Harriotte Lee Turberville Maffitt, who deserted her three children by
her first marriage. Dolley Madison spent the night with the Maffitts
at Salona when she fled from the White House during the English
invasion of Washington.
The available documents give a different picture.
William Maffitt was born in Cecil County, Maryland, in 1769, eldest
son of Samuel and Ann Strawbridge Maffitt.[18] His father was a
justice of the peace, elder in the Presbyterian Church, owner of a
flourishing farm and a mill, and was a major under George Washington
during the American Revolution.
The Rev. Mr. John H. Johns made his contribution to the Maffitt
legends:
The Rev. William Maffit [sic] was a son of
Samuel Maffit, an elder of this church.
Having been licensed October 9th, 1794, by
New Castle Presbytery, he went, April 1st,
1795, to Alexandria, Va., in Baltimore
Presbytery. He had delicate health, and was
pastor there for only a brief period, when
he went to Salina [sic] six miles from
Washington, and there became principal of a
school, which he continued to teach for many
years. He married twice, each time to a
widow Lee, of the noted Lee family of
Virginia. He died in 1828.[19]
Although many young men of Cecil County attended Princeton, the
University does not have Maffitt recorded as a student, and his name
does not appear in the official list of early Princeton
graduates.[20] He probably attended some theological school because
on October 9, 1794, the New Castle Presbytery appointed him to supply
various New Castle Presbytery congregations.[21] At that time, he
seems to have been teaching at the Wilmington Academy.[22]
On April 7, 1795, he was transferred to the Baltimore Presbytery,
with residence in Alexandria.[23] On April 14, 1795, he was hired by
the Alexandria Academy to teach Latin and English to 35 students for
the sum of 200 pounds a year.[24]
In 1798, George Washington wrote regarding the education of Martha
Washington's grandson, George Washington Parke Custis:
If he (Custis) was to go to Alexandria, his
Studies must be conducted at the Academy or
in his own chamber. The first, after coming
from a large and celebrated College, he
would consider as degrading, and in the
other case (being left alone) he would
attend very little to them while Mr. Moffet
was discharging the trust reposed in him at
the Academy.[25]
An Alexandria historian, Mary Powell, wrote that: "The school was
attended by the best classes of Alexandria boys and able instruction
was given in the classics, history, and elocution." She also
observed: "The Rev. McWhirr and the Rev. Mr. Moffat were both
Presbyterian clergymen who taught during the lifetime of General
Washington. Mr. Leary succeeded Mr. Moffat ..."[26]
In 1801 the _Alexandria Gazette_ reported that the trustees of the
Alexandria Academy:
express their satisfaction at the progress
of every branch taught in the academy ...
reading and spelling; the accurate and
extensive knowledge of English grammar and
of the Latin classics, reflect the highest
honor on the capacity and diligence of Mr.
Maffitt, the teacher.[27]
Maffitt remained at the Academy until 1804 when he notified the board
of trustees that he intended to "relinquish his situation as
principal" on June 8. No hint of his future plans was given.[28]
At least as early as 1799, Maffitt became a member of Masonic Lodge
22[29] and took part in other community activities befitting a
schoolmaster and minister. On December 24, 1799, the _Alexandria
Gazette_ reported:
Friday next being St. John's Day, Brother
Maffitt, at the request of Lodges 22 and 47,
will deliver a Charity Sermon at the
Presbyterian Meeting house at which all the
brethren are requested to attend. N.B. it is
expected that every brother will appear with
his badge of mourning--and those of Lodge 22
in full mourning.[30]
[Illustration: _A physiognotrace of "William Maffett, chaplain."
Courtesy of Alexandria-Washington Lodge No. 22, A. F. & A. M.,
Alexandria, Virginia._]
George Washington, a member of Lodge 22, had died on December 14,
1799, and the call was to a memorial service. Maffitt did not, as
legend claims, preach the funeral sermon, although he did march with
the clergy in the lodge's funeral procession from Alexandria to Mount
Vernon to attend the ceremony.[31]
Earlier in 1799, the minutes of the General Assembly of the
Presbyterian Church show that Rev. William Maffitt was assigned to
Bladensburg.[32] There is no record of his actual presence there and
he was not re-assigned.[33] For the rest of his life, his listings in
the minutes show him "without charge." Although Maffitt was a
licensed minister, there is some doubt that he was ever ordained.[34]
On January 14, 1800, the subscribers to the establishment of a
Washington Society met at Gadsby's Tavern and William Maffitt was
named to the committee to form the constitution and by-laws.[35] On
January 28, Maffitt was appointed chaplain of the society,[36] a post
which he held at least through 1803. On February 23, 1800, the
society was called to meet at Gadsby's at 10 a.m. "to move in
procession to the Presbyterian Meeting House where an oration will be
delivered by the Rev. Mr. Maffitt, commemorative of the distinguished
merits of the Illustrious Washington."[37] Again, on February 22,
1803, the Washington Society called on Maffitt to deliver a memorial
sermon on the first president "at the Presbyterian Church at 12
o'clock. There will be instrumental and vocal music and the day will
be announced by a discharge of 16 rounds from the Market Square."[38]
On February 18, 1801, the Rev. Mr. Maffitt was elected a director of
the Alexandria Library Co., and was re-elected to this post in 1802,
1803, and 1804.[39]
On May 5, 1803, the Rev. Dr. Muir, pastor of the Presbyterian Meeting
House, married the Rev. William Maffitt to Mrs. Harriotte
Turberville.[40] Harriotte (or Henrietta) was the daughter of Richard
Henry Lee, a brother of Philip Ludwell Lee, and his second wife, Anne
Gaskins Pinckard, widow of Thomas Pinckard. Harriotte was born
December 10, 1773 at Chantilly, the Richard Henry Lee estate in
Westmoreland County.[41] Her siblings included a younger sister Sarah
who married another cousin, Edmund Jennings Lee, and the youngest
son, Francis Lightfoot Lee.[42] Her first marriage in December, 1794,
was to Richard Lee Turberville, a cousin and neighbor, who died in
1799,[43] leaving his widow with their three children: Cornelia,
Richard, and George. Richard and Harriotte Turberville had settled at
Chantilly in Fairfax County and Richard apparently died there.[44]
When Harriotte and William Maffitt were married, he was still
principal of the Alexandria Academy, living in Alexandria, and active
in community affairs. But between June 8, 1804, the date of Maffitt's
resignation from the Academy, and early 1805, he moved to Chantilly
with his wife, their first child, and the three children of
Harriotte's first marriage. It is probable that the move took place
in 1804, soon after his resignation.
Legal guardian of the three Turberville children was Thomas Lee,
Harriotte's oldest brother.[45] After his death in 1805, William
Maffitt was named guardian.[46] In this capacity he had to keep
accurate accounts of his expenditures on behalf of the children and
of income received on their property, all of which were matters of
court record. These records indicate that Maffitt was living at
Chantilly at that time.
William and Harriotte had two daughters, both christened in the
Presbyterian Meeting House: Ann Lee, born March 23, 1804, and
christened on April 20, and Harriotte, born March 16, 1805, and
christened on April 17, 1805.[47] Harriotte died right after the
birth of the second daughter, probably on April 11 or 12, 1805,
because on April 12, Maffitt began paying rent to the three
Turberville heirs for the use of their property. This was recorded
for the first time in his accounts for 1805.[48]
That he had a school on the Chantilly estate seems highly probable,
because starting in 1805, he charged the two Turberville boys for
board and tuition, but not for transportation.[49] In 1805, Maffitt
was listed for the first time on the Fairfax County personal property
tax rolls.[50] In 1810, the county census listed him as having under
his roof two males under 10, five males between 10 and 16, one male
between 26 and 45, five females under 10, and one female between 26
and 45.[51]
The guardian accounts give some interesting insights into day-by-day
activities. Buying new shoes and mending old ones for the two boys
were constant expenses. Regular sums of money were sent to Mrs. Lee,
Harriotte's sister Sally, to pay for Cornelia Turberville's board,
education, and small purchases. Books and supplies were bought for
the boys. A large portion of the estate was rented out, and so were
some of the slaves. The chimney and cellar were repaired; a new barn
was built.[52]
The accounts also show that Cornelia Turberville was married to
Charles C. Stuart in 1817, rather than 1814, as some sources report.
Up to the time of the marriage, Maffitt referred to Cornelia as "C.
Turberville"; afterwards he formally termed her "Mistress Stuart." He
also listed money given George Turberville to buy articles to attend
his sister's wedding.[53] Historians credit Cornelia and her husband
with building a house named "Chantilly" in honor of the estate of her
grandfather, Richard Henry Lee, in Westmoreland County.[54] Yet the
Maffitt accounts specifically refer to "my rent of Chantilly" in
1814,[55] three years before the Turberville-Stuart marriage.
Moreover, a public sale was held "at Chantilly" in 1817,[56] with
cash paid to C. C. Stuart from its proceeds.[57]
Curiously, the accounts show that Maffitt continued to pay rent to
the Turberville heirs through 1814, the year when, for the first
time, we definitely know he was living at Salona. Does this mean that
Maffitt himself built Salona between 1812, when he purchased the
property, and 1814, or that the house already existed and was rented
to a tenant through the first part of 1814? That Maffitt was there in
August 1814 is proven by the documented fact that President Madison
stayed at Salona overnight with Mr. Maffitt.
Robert Gamble, in his volume on Sully, quotes a letter which states
that Richard Bland Lee, Jr., was under the tutelage of the Reverend
Mr. Maffitt at some time preceding 1805.[58] This again would suggest
that Maffitt had a school at Chantilly, close to Richard Bland Lee's
home at Sully. Another biographer mentions that
Edmund Jennings (Lee) was born at
Alexandria, then in the District of
Columbia, on the 3rd of May, 1797.... Mr.
Lee received his earliest educational
training at the school of the Rev. Mr.
Maffitt in Fairfax, a school of high repute
at that day.[59]
Unfortunately no dates or locations are given by the letter-writer or
the biographer.
In his history of the Old Presbyterian Meeting House, William B.
McGroarty described Maffitt in a footnote as "a Presbyterian minister
who conducted a school for boys in Fairfax County near
Alexandria."[60] Neither Chantilly nor Salona was very close to
Alexandria.
A letter from A. C. Stuart to Elizabeth Collins Lee in 1805 states
that:
Mr. Maffitt intended to leave the place
where he now resides and purchase a small
farm, that he, Frank (Francis Lightfoot Lee,
Harriotte's youngest brother) intended to do
the same, that they were to spend their time
in the pursuit of agriculture, botany, and
philosophy.[61]
Was this wish expressed because Chantilly was not Maffitt's property
but that of his stepchildren, because Maffitt was lonely without
Harriotte, or because he wanted to give up teaching for farming?
Somehow, from the guardianship accounts, it seems likely that Maffitt
did not farm the Turberville acres, but rented out whatever he could,
while he busied himself otherwise.
Usually the _Alexandria Gazette_ carried announcements of the
openings of new schools, but no announcement of Maffitt's school ever
seems to have appeared. Because Maffitt performed the marriage of
_Gazette_ publisher Samuel Snowden to Mary Longden on January 8,
1802,[62] such an announcement might have been expected. Neither did
the _Gazette_ report Maffitt's departure from the Alexandria area.
Probably Maffitt was still living at Chantilly when he married for
the second time between 1807 and 1811 before William Maffitt, Jr.,
was born. His second wife was Ann Beale Carter Carter
(1767-1852),[63] widow of Charles B. Carter. Ann, also known as
Nancy, was the daughter of Robert Wormely Carter of Sabine Hall in
Richmond County, and Winifred Beale.[64] William, Jr., the only child
of this marriage, was born in November, 1811, and christened in the
Presbyterian Meeting House in February 1812.[65]
In August 1812, Maffitt was appointed a trustee of an academy to be
established in Haymarket. Among those serving with him were Ludwell
Lee of Belmont, Francis Lightfoot Lee, then living at Sully, and
William Fitzhugh of Ravensworth.[66]
Meanwhile, in 1809, James Madison, Secretary of State under Thomas
Jefferson, had been elected President. On June 18, 1812, Madison
signed a declaration of war against England. The causes of the war,
sometimes called the Second War of Independence, were basically
several aspects of nationalism. Some resentment against the British
still smouldered, fanned by British contempt and condescension toward
her former colonists. Because many English sailors deserted their
ships to sail under American colors, British ships intercepted
American vessels and "impressed" their seamen. Furthermore, many
American politicians wanted to annex Canada.
Neither the war nor the President was popular with the people, who
thought the President weak and called the conflict "Mr. Madison's
War." Attempted American invasion of Canada was a fiasco and by
August 23, 1814, the British forces were so close to Washington that
the clear and present danger of an actual invasion of the American
capital seemed imminent.
John Graham, Chief Clerk in the Department of State, and two other
clerks, Stephen Pleasanton and Josiah King, packed the valuable
public records of the State Department in coarse linen bags which
Pleasanton had purchased earlier. These included the original
Declaration of Independence, articles of confederation, federal
constitution, treaties and laws and many other papers. Stephen
Pleasanton found conveyances, loaded the bags into them and took them
to a mill 3 miles beyond Georgetown, where they were concealed.
Pleasanton spent the night of August 23, 1814, at Salona with the
Rev. Mr. Maffitt. The next day, fearing that the mill might be too
accessible to the British, who were fast approaching Washington,
Pleasanton took the state papers to Leesburg for safety.[67]
Dolley Madison, the President's popular wife, could hear in the
President's House the sounds of cannon "from a skirmish at
Bladensburg." The President had gone to meet Gen. William H. Winder,
commander of the military district, and had left his wife
instructions to "take care of my self, and of the cabinet paper,
public and private."[68]
Writing to her sister, Lucy Todd, Dolley cooly reported that her
husband
desires that I should be ready at a moment's
warning to enter my carriage and leave the
city.... I am accordingly ready; I have
pressed as many cabinet papers into trunks
to fill one carriage; our private property
must be sacrificed, as it is impossible to
procure wagons for its transportation.[69]
She continued the letter on Wednesday, August 24:
Two messengers, covered with dust, come to
bid me fly.... At this late hour, a wagon
has been procured; I have had it filled with
the plate and most valuable articles
belonging to the house....
Our kind friend, Mr. Carroll, has come to
hasten my departure, and is in a very mad
humor because I insist on waiting until the
large picture of Gen. Washington is secured,
and it requires to be unscrewed from the
wall. The process was found too tedious for
these perilous moments; I have ordered the
frame to be broken, and the canvas taken out;
it is done--and the precious portrait placed
in the hands of two gentlemen of New York,
for safekeeping.... When I shall again write
to you, or where I shall be tomorrow, I
cannot tell!![70]
Apparently Dolley spent the night of August 24 in a tent in the
American encampment at Tennallytown, and the next day crossed over
into Virginia where she spent the night of August 25 with Matilda Lee
Love at Rokeby. The roads were crowded with refugees and the exodus
was slow. As the Loves had often been guests at the President's
House, Dolley did not have to spend night with strangers. In her
reminiscences, Matilda Love wrote:
In the following spring of 1814, it (the
war) came more home to us, as the British
got into our southern waters, and in August
came up to Washington and burnt all the
public buildings.... As I lived about ten
miles from Washington, Mrs. Madison and a
number of city people took refuge at my home
the night the British took Washington....
They watched the flames of the burning capital from Rokeby that
night.[71]
Irving Brant, definitive biographer of Madison, writes of the
departure of the Madisons from the capital:
The travels of President and Mrs. Madison
after the battle have long been involved in
obscurity and contradiction owing to the
meagerness of early records (Dolley's
letters about it were eaten by mice),
uncertain memories and the derogatory
stories circulated by political detractors.
The facts bear little resemblance to the
popular stories in which the Jones and
Carroll families are nonexistent, Dolley
wanders forlornly from house to house, while
Madison, split in person rather than
personality, simultaneously hides in a
miserable hovel in the Virginia woods and
flees in terror into the distant hills of
Maryland.
Actually, a clear record was left by
participants and observers. The original plan
was for Madison to join Secretary Jones and
their families at Bellevue and proceed by way
of the Little Falls bridge to Wiley's Tavern
on Difficult Run near the Great Falls. From
there the President and cabinet members would
cross the Potomac and join the army. Time
growing short, Madison changed the rendezvous
to Foxall's Foundry. With that route from the
White House clogged by the militia's flight,
he sent Tench Ringgold to the foundry with
word that he was crossing at Mason's Ferry
and would meet his wife and party at Salona,
the home of the Reverend John [sic] Maffitt,
three miles above the Little Falls
bridge....[72]
Madison, Rush and Mason rode to Wren's Tavern
at Falls Church. Monroe and Ringgold took the
Leesburg road, stopped briefly at Rokeby, the
home of Richard Henry Love, two miles above
Little Falls, and went on to Wiley's Tavern.
From Wren's Tavern the President went to the
Minor home and from there to Salona, where he
spent the night with the Maffitts. But Mrs.
Madison failed to come. She and her party had
stopped only a mile away at Rokeby, with her
young friend Matilda Lee Love, an occasional
overnight guest at the White House....
The next morning, Madison went back to Wren's
Tavern--looking for his wife, he told Colonel
George Graham, who gave him a guard of two
dragoons. Returning to Salona, the President
learned that Mrs. Madison and the Jones and
Carroll families had gone by on their way to
Wiley's Tavern. He and Rush followed along
the Old Dominion Road (Mason being detained
for a time) and took refuge from the
hurricane in a house at "The Crossroads" five
miles from the Little Falls bridge.[73]
At midnight, the President went to the new Conn's Ferry above Great
Falls, and at daybreak he crossed the river into Montgomery County,
Maryland. Mrs. Madison stayed at Wiley's Tavern until the President
sent her word that Washington was clear of the enemy.[74]
A more romantic but apocryphal story of the Madison's flight from
Washington was written in 1914 by a columnist known as "The Rambler"
for the _Washington Star_.[75] In this version, Dolley crossed the
Potomac on "the Causeway Ferry," then passed Nelson's mill, went on
to Falls Church, and finally drove up "to Salona Hall, the home of
Parson Maffitt, and was welcomed by Mrs. Maffitt." He further
recounts that Mrs. Madison was refused shelter at two country places
before she reached Salona, though this did not seem reasonable.[76]
The oft-told story of Dolley Madison's having been refused sanctuary
on her way to Salona by several households is not borne out by all
published accounts. Apparently, the account which does have most
corroboration is that regarding the day following the night she and
her party stayed at Rokeby.
Mrs. Madison went on the next morning, August 25, to meet her husband
at a tavern near Great Falls, probably Wiley's on Difficult Run. This
had been prearranged, and on arrival she went upstairs to wait for
Mr. Madison. Shortly, the lady of the establishment called out to her
in rage, saying, "Miss Madison! If that's you, come down and go out!
Your husband has got mine out fighting, and d---- you, you shan't
stay in my house; so get out!" Other refugees joined in the outburst,
even those who had once been guests of the Madisons at the
President's mansion, and agreed she should be expelled from all
doors. Nearby, there was another tavern, and Mrs. Madison and her
party gained admittance there to wait for her husband's arrival later
that evening.[77]
After the excitement of Madison's visit was over, Salona must have
reverted to its normal calm. At last Maffitt had realized his dream
of farming; the personal property tax records and inventory of his
estate clearly define Salona as a working farm.
But his fortunes declined, if we can judge by his personal property
tax assessments. Maffitt was assessed for 18 horses and mules and 21
black slaves in 1812; in 1814, when a very detailed account was
rendered by the county, Maffitt was shown to have 19 slaves, 12
horses and mules and a coache (4-wheeled carriage) valued at $450. In
all of Fairfax County that year, only Thomas Fairfax, William
Robinson and Bushrod Washington had coaches of higher value than his
and their vehicles were evaluated at $500 each.
By the year of his death, 1828, only 13 slaves and 3 horses were
listed, and the total evaluation of his personal property was listed
at $150. The inventory of William Maffitt's estate did show that he
had 116 head of livestock on the place including horses, oxen, sheep,
hogs and cattle. He was growing turnips, corn, rye, oats, hay and
orchard grass. The long list of household furnishings included three
desks and two bookcases of high evaluation, indicating there were
books in them. (See appendix for full inventory.) The fortunes of his
widow, Ann Carter Maffitt, declined further, until by 1835, she was
dropped off the county's personal property tax rolls.[78]
For many years, William Maffitt had continued to serve as guardian to
his first wife's Turberville children. Although Cornelia Turberville
continued to live with her aunt in Alexandria until her marriage in
1817, her two brothers seem to have lived at Salona. In June 1815,
Richard Turberville drowned in the Potomac while visiting his cousin
Matilda Lee Love at nearby Rokeby.[79] Maffitt's accounts for June
23, 1815, report the expenditure of $37.50 for Richard's coffin. He
may have been buried in the graveyard on the Salona property.[80]
The other brother, George Turberville, at some time in childhood
became a deaf mute as the result of typhoid fever. Maffitt's accounts
do not reveal the date of the onset of this affliction, but they do
show that in April 1818 George entered "The Asylum" in Hartford,
Connecticut. At that time, Maffitt advanced George $100 for board and
tuition and $100 for travel.[81] George still returned to Salona for
vacations, because in July 1819, Harriotte Maffitt wrote to him:
It is now my time to write to you my Dear
Brother. We are glad the time is so near
when we expect you. When you come home we
will go to George Town to meet you. Dr. Muir
has been here and he preached here. Aunt
Whann and Aunt Sally Maffitt have been here.
Uncle Whann has gone to travel. I hope you
will be well acquainted with the History of
the Bible and particularly the life and
miracles of our Blessed Saviour. We have not
heard from Chantilly for some time, I hope
we will go up soon. Cousin Sally Lee is
there. We expect Aunt Edmund Lee will come
here very soon. Sister Cornelia expects Mrs.
Mary Tollaver, your Cousin up to see her
this summer. Do you know Mr. Harrison of
Alexandria? He is coming here to preach for
us in August. Do you love me? I pray to God
to bless and preserve you. Old Mrs. Randle
is very well we went to see her yesterday.
When you come home you must go to see her
with us. I saw Miss Betty Jones last
Sabbathe. She asked me when I had heard from
you answer my letter very soon if you
please. Tell me how the deaf and dumb are
and if they improve. You must love and obey
your teachers. Papa Mama and all the girls
send their affectionate love to you.
I am your affectionate sister.
Harriotte Maffitt.[82]
P.S.
All the Boys send their
respects to you.
Another letter, this one from William C. Woodbridge to the Reverend
William Maffitt from "Asylum," was dated February 21, 1820, and
referred to a fight between George Turberville and another student.
Woodbridge wrote:
It seems he was ridiculed & resented it &
was then challenged. He says he was wounded
in the knee & his antagonist the same. We
learned it from his boasting of it to our
pupils. He now expresses entire
disapprobation. He made the question to you
by my request.
Woodbridge refers to George's independence and pride which must be
checked. Obviously, this letter was one of many exchanged between
Woodbridge and Maffitt regarding George's progress[83] and is
evidence that George wrote home to his stepfather as well as to his
sisters.
Although William Maffitt died before the Lewinsville Presbyterian
Church was founded, church historians claim him as a founding father,
saying that he was appointed by the Washington Presbytery to preach
and set up a mission near Langley.[84] Harriotte's letter may lend
credence to this, although there is no report of such an assignment
in the Minutes which list Maffitt only as "without charge" after
1800.[85]
One reason for this belief may have arisen because of a bequest in
the will of Elizabeth Lee Jones, the "Miss Betty Jones" of
Harriotte's letter. Daughter of Lettice Corbin Turberville and
Catesby Jones of Westmoreland County, Miss Betty lived at "Sharon" on
part of the George Turberville grant. Her will, dated April 16, 1822,
left four acres of her property "as a site for a church and
churchyard ... dedicated to the uses and purposes of divine worship
in such manner and subject to such rules as shall ... be prescribed
by the Rev'd William Maffitt" and eight other ministers: -- Carnahan,
Wells Andrews, William Hill, John Mathews, J. B. Hoge, William C.
Walton, M. Baker, and Samuel D. Hoge, all representatives of the
Presbyterian Church. William Maffitt was a witness to this will.
Apparently, this was Maffitt's primary connection with the
establishment of the Presbyterian Church at Lewinsville.[86]