occasion of his birth, an old monk at Novgorod had a vision which he
reported to the Archbishop. "Truly," he said, "it is to-day that the
grand duke triumphs; God has given him an heir; I behold this child
making himself illustrious by glorious deeds. He will subdue princes
and nations. But woe to Novgorod! Novgorod will fall at his feet, and
never rise again."
Vassili, wishing to avoid the disputes incident upon the succession,
during his lifetime admitted Ivan as co-regent. Upon his father's
death, in 1462, Ivan was twenty-two years old. He succeeded without
the usual disturbances, and the first six years of his reign were
uneventful. In 1468, he gained forcible possession of his brother
George's estate, and allowed him to die in prison. When he heard of
his death,--he wept. Another brother, Andrew, was in his way, and was
flung into prison, whereupon Ivan called the Metropolitan and bishops
to his palace, wept some more, and confessed that he had been too
severe;--but he forgot to restore Andrew's property. When his third
brother, Boris, died, Ivan seized the estate and kept it; but he wept
some more.
This soft-hearted but tenacious gentleman found fault with his (p. 098)
neighbor, Michael of Tver, for entering into an alliance with
Lithuania. To settle the difficulty, he invaded the dukedom, and
annexed it to Moscow. Then, having his hands free, he thought of
Novgorod. The Germans of the Hanseatic League had formed a colony in
the old republic, which had grown very wealthy. Ivan looked upon that
wealth as his; if it was not, it ought to be. Acting upon this
satisfactory conclusion, he remembered that the people of Novgorod had
omitted to do him homage when he succeeded his father. They had even
failed to appreciate the gentle letter of remonstrance in which he
reminded them of their oversight. Good-natured as he knew himself to
be, he could not afford to encourage such a rebellious spirit; but,
being a careful man, he concluded that it would be more humane as well
as cheaper to try the gentle means of bribery. His gold, distributed
where it would do most good, procured him a large party. The
opposition was led by a woman named Marfa, the wealthy widow of a
possadnik. She urged that the republic should ask the help of Casimir
IV, King of Poland, but Ivan's friends in the vetché replied that, if
Poland should win, the Roman Catholic Church would enter, whereas
Russia was at least loyal to the Greek Church.
Marfa's influence prevailed; the republic submitted to Poland, on
condition that its charter should be respected. Gentle Ivan despatched
some Envoys to warn the people of the error of their ways, and when
that did no good, he hired Tartar cavalry, overran the territory of
the republic, and directed his troops to cut off the noses and lips
of the prisoners. It is probable that he wept, although history (p. 099)
omits mentioning the fact. Novgorod was unprepared; a mob was
collected and styled an army, and in the battle of the Chelona, 3,000
trained troops put to flight 30,000 citizen soldiers. Novgorod was
lost. Ivan kindly permitted the name "republic" to continue, but his
authority was admitted. He also received a share of the wealth as an
indemnity. (1470.)
Two years later he married the niece and supposed heiress of the last
Byzantine emperor. Her father, Thomas Palaeologus, had fled to Rome
where he died leaving one daughter Sophia. Pope Paul II wished to find
her a husband, and Cardinal Bessarion of the Greek Church advised him
to offer her hand to Ivan. The offer was accepted; Sophia received a
dower from the Pope who still hoped to unite the two churches, and the
bride was received with great honor in Ivan's territory. The grand
duke probably had his eye on Constantinople, but deferred his claim to
some favorable opportunity. With Sophia came many Greek nobles,
artists, and learned men. Ivan, as may be judged from his gentle
nature, was a patron of art, and had no prejudice against foreigners.
Several Italians came to Moscow where their services were appreciated.
Ivan left Novgorod in peace during five years, when he thought it time
to familiarize the citizens with the fact that their republic was a
thing of the past. He needed a pretext; by a judicious use of money,
his agents raised a mob against the boyards, who, being assaulted,
invoked the strong arm of the law, in the person of Ivan. The grand
duke came to Novgorod in 1475, to hold court. He at once ordered (p. 100)
the arrest of the possadnik, Marfa's son, and a number of boyards who
believed in a republic, had them put in chains and carried to Moscow.
This was in violation of the charter, but Ivan had an elastic
conscience. Next he tempted a scribe to mention him as _Sovereign_
instead of "lord," in an official document; and when, in a last effort
to save the republic, Marfa's partisans killed a number of Ivan's
friends, it was evidently his duty to restore order.
Upon his return to Moscow, he announced that Novgorod was the enemy of
the Greek Church, and the ally of the Pope and of Lithuania. This so
alarmed the Metropolitan and the priests that they begged Ivan to make
war upon the wicked city. Many dukes and boyards, moved by loyalty for
the church, and perhaps scenting spoils, flocked to his camp. Marfa's
partisans in vain tried to arouse the citizens by the cry, "Let us die
for liberty and St. Sophia!" It fell on deaf ears; every one for
himself, was the general thought. Novgorod surrendered. Ivan
guaranteed,--for just so long as it should suit him,--the people's
lives and property, their ancient code of laws, and exemption from
Muscovite service; but the vetché and office of possadnik were
abolished, and with them died the republic. (1478.)
Having settled with Novgorod to his satisfaction, Ivan bethought
himself of establishing peace in his own household. Russian writers
state that his wife, Sophia, annoyed him by often repeating the
interesting inquiry, "How long am I to be the slave of the Tartars?"
The Khan of the Golden Horde had been dissolved since Tamerlane's raid;
several states had been formed from it, of which the principal (p. 101)
were Kazan, Saraï or Astrakhan, and the Crimea. Kazan was ruled by a
czar; its people were the descendants of Mongols and Bulgars who had
made great progress in commerce. The Khan of Saraï and his men clung
to the life of nomads; but the subjects of the Khan of the Crimea,
were Mongols, Armenians, Greeks, Jews, and Italians; and all three had
this in common that they were constantly indulging in quarrels and
strife at home.
Ivan knew all this, because sometimes a chief would come to Moscow for
an asylum, and others took service in his army. He no longer sent
tribute, although occasionally, when he was occupied elsewhere, he did
send a small present. In 1478 Khan Akhmet sent ambassadors to Moscow
to remind him that the tribute was in arrears. Ivan, who had
apparently a wonderful command over his features, pretended to lose
his temper, jumped on the picture of the khan, and ordered all the
envoys except one to be put to death. The survivor was told to go
home, and tell his master of his reception.
Ivan had reasonable cause for thinking that Akhmet would be
displeased, and collected an army of 150,000 men on the Oka, where he
took up a strong position. He had been right in his conjecture, for
Akhmet gathered an army and in due time arrived on the opposite bank
of the river. Ivan had time to reflect. He did not much fancy risking
a decisive battle, and returned to Moscow to consult his mother, the
boyards, and the priests. All urged him to fight, and finally he came
back to the camp, convinced that scheming and plotting were more in
his line. All this time the two armies lay within earshot, exchanging
complimentary remarks, with no casualties. The khan offered to (p. 102)
pardon Ivan on condition that he should come and hold his stirrup;
or, if he were too tired, if he should send some high officer to do it
in his name. Ivan shook his head. Meanwhile the priests at Moscow were
growing impatient, and the Archbishop Vassian sent him a warm letter.
It happened that Akhmet was quite as prudent as Ivan; but when the
winter came and the Oka, instead of a barrier, became an easy crossing,
Ivan ordered the retreat. Just then the two armies, led by such brave
commanders, were seized with a panic, and away they fled in opposite
directions. (1480.) The honors were with Ivan, because he did not have
so far to run as Akhmet, who did not stop until he reached Saraï. It
is not stated why Ivan received no surname from this great battle.
The following year, 1481, Ivan had sufficiently recovered to show the
courage he possessed. There was a disturbance in Novgorod, where the
people did not appreciate the nobility of his character. He ordered
some of the boyards to be tortured and put to death, and _eight
thousand_ citizens were forcibly packed off to Souzdal.
In fear of his doughty enemy Akhmet, Ivan made friends with the Khan
of the Crimea, calculating that if the former should attack him again,
he would have to look out for his rear. Akhmet, however, seemed to
have had enough of it, and Ivan, who was on bad terms with Lithuania
and Poland, suggested to his friend that a raid into those territories
might pay. The Khan of the Crimea took the hint; he penetrated as far
as Kief which he captured and pillaged. (1482.) The famous monastery
of the Catacombs was almost destroyed; but Ivan had the (p. 103)
satisfaction of knowing that his two enemies had other things to think
of, instead of annoying him.
In 1487 war broke out with Kazan. A Russian army marched against it,
but Ivan did not take command. As a result, the city was taken and the
khan, who had assumed the title of czar, was brought a prisoner to
Moscow. Fearing that he would unite the other Tartars against him if
he annexed the territory at once, he appointed a nephew of his friend,
the Khan of the Crimea, but placed Russian soldiers in the fortress,
while he added the title of Prince of Bulgaria to his own. Other
Tartar princes sent envoys to protest against the arrest. Ivan did not
receive them in person, and refused to release the prisoner, but he
ordered the envoys to be treated with great honor and gave them so
many presents, that they returned in great good humor.
In 1492, the King of Poland died, leaving that kingdom to his eldest
son Albert, and Lithuania to his second son Alexander. Ivan was justly
indignant that he had not been remembered in the will. He sent envoys
to Bajazet II, Sultan of Turkey, to the Kings of Hungary and Moldavia,
and to his old friend the Khan of the Crimea, to secure their
assistance or at least their kind neutrality. Of the services of the
Khan of the Crimea he felt assured.
He began by discovering a Polish plot against his life at Moscow, and
appealed to the religious prejudices of the Lithuanian nobles
belonging to the Greek Church, omitting to mention his little
arrangement with the infidel sultan. When Alexander sent envoys to
negotiate terms of peace, Ivan's deputies said to them: "Lithuania (p. 104)
has profited by the misfortunes of Russia to take our territory, but
to-day things are changed." They were right. When peace was concluded
in 1494, Ivan's frontier in the west was extended.
The marriage of Alexander to Ivan's daughter seemed to end the
hostility between the two countries, but nothing was further from the
schemes of the wily grand duke. He stipulated that she should have a
Greek chapel in the palace, and warned her never to appear in a
Catholic church, and always to wear the Russian national dress. Soon
after the wedding Ivan complained that his daughter was forced to wear
Polish costumes, and that the Greek Church was being persecuted. These
were to him ample cause for war, the more so since he had good reason
to count upon his friends, the priests and boyards of the Greek
Church. When the war broke out, cities where the majority of the
people belonged to that church, opened their gates to his army, and
Alexander was badly defeated in the battle of Vedrocha. This war added
another slice to Ivan's territory.
Alexander in his distress made an alliance with the Livonian Order and
with the Great Horde at Saraï; but Ivan's old friend, the Khan of the
Crimea, made a raid in Gallicia and Volhynia, and the Lithuanians were
defeated at Mstislaf; but they compelled the Russians to raise the
siege of Smolensk. Meanwhile Ivan had serious trouble. In 1495, he
ordered the merchants of several Hanseatic towns to be arrested at
Novgorod, and incidentally had goods to the value of $200,000,--an
immense sum in those days,--carried to Moscow. This caused the (p. 105)
foreign merchants to leave for safer places; but the Livonian Order
invaded his territory, and in the battle of Siritza, they crushed a
Russian army of 50,000 men, but the following year, 1502, they were
defeated at Pskof.
Toward the end of his life he was in doubt about his successor,
because his eldest son was dead. At first he thought of making his
grandson Dmitri, his heir; but he changed his mind, sent his
daughter-in-law and grandson to prison and proclaimed his second son
Vassili his heir. He died in 1505, after a reign of forty-three years.
It was under his direction that a new code of laws, the Oulogenia, was
prepared.
XII--RUSSIA BECOMES AN AUTOCRACY. (p. 106)
Vassili, Ivan's son, showed a great resemblance to his father. He did
not evince any greater love for his near relatives, as one of his
first acts was to put his nephew Dmitri in prison, where he died. One
of his brothers who did not like his manners, tried to escape, but was
brought back and severely punished.
The republic of Pskof, and the dukedoms of Riazan and
Novgorod-Seversky were still enjoying some degree of liberty, which
Vassili did not approve. At Pskof, the grand duke was represented by
_a namiestnik_, or ducal delegate; the people, citizens and peasants,
nobles and lower classes, quarreled constantly among themselves, but
united to quarrel with the delegate. Vassili determined to put an end
to this. He came to Novgorod to hold court, and summoned the
magistrates of Pskof to appear before him, and when they arrived he
ordered their arrest. A merchant of Pskof heard of it and, hurrying
home, told the people. Immediately the bell was rung to convoke the
vetché, and the masses called for war with Moscow. More prudent
counsels prevailed when messengers arrived from the prisoners,
imploring their friends not to try a useless resistance and to avoid
the shedding of blood. A leading citizen was sent to Vassili to (p. 107)
offer him submission; he was dismissed with the answer that one of the
_diaks_ or secretaries would come to Pskof to let the people know the
terms. When that officer arrived, he was admitted in the vetché, where
he informed his hearers that Vassili imposed two conditions, namely,
that Pskof and the towns subject to it must receive his delegates, and
that the vetché must be abolished and the great bell, used to convoke
it, must be taken down. Twenty-four hours were asked to deliberate.
Before the time expired, the vetché met for the last time, when the
first magistrate addressed the delegate. "It is written in our
chronicles," he said, "that our ancestors took oaths to the grand
duke. The people of Pskof swore never to rebel against our lord who is
at Moscow, nor to ally themselves with Lithuania, with Poland, nor
with the Germans, otherwise the wrath of God would be upon them,
bringing with it famine, fires, floods, and the invasion of the
infidels. If the grand duke, on his part, did not observe his vow, he
dared the same consequences. Now our town and our bell are in the
power of God and the duke. As for us, we have kept our oath." The
great bell was taken to Novgorod, and Vassili visited "his patrimony."
Three hundred wealthy families were transported to other cities and
replaced by as many families from Moscow. When he departed from Pskof,
he left a garrison of 5,000 guards and 500 artillerymen. That was the
end of the last republic in Russia. (1510.)
In 1521, it was the turn of Riazan whose duke was accused of having
entered into an alliance with the Khan of the Crimea. He was summoned
to Moscow, where he was arrested, but he managed to escape. His
dukedom, however, was annexed to Moscow. Two years later, in 1523, (p. 108)
the Duke of Novgorod-Severski was put in prison for underhand dealing
with Poland, and that dukedom was added to Vassili's territories. This
rounded up Vassili's possessions in Central Russia.
The grand duke continued his father's policy toward Lithuania. When
Alexander died, he tried to become Grand Duke of Wilna, but the King
of Poland was too quick for him. War broke out, but neither gained any
important advantage, and in 1509 a _perpetual peace_ was concluded
wherein Vassili renounced all claims upon Kief and Smolensk. The
"perpetual peace" lasted three years. Vassili then went to the other
extreme, by declaring that "as long as his horse was in marching
condition and his sword cut sharp, there should be neither peace nor
truce with Lithuania." In 1514, the Russian army besieged and took
Smolensk, but in the same year they were badly defeated in the battle
of Orcha.
The two grand dukes tried to involve as many allies as they could. The
Khan of the Crimea, the useful friend of Vassili's father, had become
the son's enemy; Vassili offset him by an alliance with the Khan of
Astrakhan. When Sigismund tried to secure the help of Sweden, Vassili
sought that of Denmark; and when his enemy set the Dnieper Cossacks at
him, the grand duke induced the Teutonic Order to invade Poland. After
Sigismund was defeated at Smolensk, the Emperor of Germany and the
Pope offered to mediate; the latter advised Vassili to let Lithuania
alone, and to turn his attention toward Constantinople. Negotiations
commenced in 1520, but it was six years later before a truce was (p. 109)
concluded. On this occasion Vassili made a speech in which he praised
Emperor Charles V, and Pope Clement VII,--but Lithuania lost Smolensk.
It was during this war that the partition of Poland was first
mentioned.
Vassili did not neglect the east, even while engaged in the west.
Kazan had expelled the nephew of the Khan of the Crimea whom Ivan III
had appointed, and elected a Khan hostile to Russia. Two expeditions
were sent against the city but nothing was effected. When this khan
died, Vassili succeeded in installing a friendly prince, but he was
overthrown and a relative of the Khan of the Crimea took his place. He
prepared a great invasion of Russia in 1521, and did gain a decided
victory on the Oka, after which he ravaged the territory of the grand
duke. Vassili was compelled to humble himself before the khan, in
order to save Moscow; he made him presents and in the treaty signed by
him, called himself the khan's tributary. When the khan withdrew, he
was attacked in Riazan and the treaty was taken away from him. The
invasion was, however, a calamity for the grand dukedom, which was
devastated by fire, and a host of women and children were carried off,
to be sold as slaves at Astrakhan and Kaffa.
The following year Vassili collected a large army on the Oka and
challenged the Khan of the Crimea to come and give battle. The offer
was declined with the remark that he knew the way into Russia, and
that he was not in the habit of consulting his enemies as to when and
where he was to fight.
Hoping to profit by the quarrels among the Tartars, Vassili sent an
expedition to Kazan in 1523, and again in 1524, but both were (p. 110)
unsuccessful. Kazan owed its wealth to a fair, which attracted a host
of merchants. Vassili thought that he would destroy his enemy's
prosperity by establishing a rival fair. Accordingly one was opened at
Makarief, and this time the grand duke's expectations were realized.
This was the origin of the world-famous fair at Nishni Novgorod,
whither it was transferred afterwards.
Vassili made a long stride forward in the direction of autocracy. He
consulted neither boyard nor priest. He deposed the Metropolitan and
banished him to a monastery. Prince Kholmski, who was married to one
of Vassili's sisters, was thrown into prison for failing to show
abject respect. When one of the boyards complained that "The grand
duke decided all the questions, shut up with two others in the
bedchamber," the noble was promptly arrested, condemned to death, and
executed. He interrupted the objection of a high noble with, "Be
silent, lout!" His court displayed great splendor, but it was
semi-Asiatic. The throne was guarded by young nobles called _ryndis_,
dressed in long caftans of white satin, high caps of white fur, and
carrying silver hatchets.
Like his father, he tried to attract artists and learned men, and
exchanged embassies with most of the European Courts. He extended the
frontiers of his empire, but ruthlessly suppressed free thought. It
has been claimed that the Slav is fit only for an absolute government.
The history of Russia contradicts the statement. The idea of autocracy
was Asiatic and was imported with the Tartar yoke.
XIII--IVAN IV, THE TERRIBLE. (p. 111)
When Vassili died in 1533, he left two infant sons, Ivan and George,
the elder three years old. His widow, Helena Glinski, assumed the
regency. She was a woman remarkable for spirit and beauty, and showed
her courage in ruthlessly suppressing every attempt of high nobles to
contest her authority. She sent her husband's brother George to
prison, and let him die there. One of her own uncles, who had been in
her confidence, showed too much ambition and suffered the same fate.
Andrew, another brother of Vassili, tried to make his escape; he was
promptly brought back and placed in confinement. This caused an
unimportant war with Poland, ending in a truce in 1537. The Tartars of
Kazan and the Crimea were frequently defeated. But Helena was
cordially hated by the great nobles at Moscow; she was poisoned, and
died in 1538.
Ivan, the oldest son and heir, was then eight years old. It must be
placed to the credit of his mother that he had learned to read, for
the children were sadly neglected after her death, and it was the
boy's principal solace and occupation. In later years Ivan wrote of
this time, "We and our brother Iouri (George) were treated like
strangers, like the children of beggars. We were ill-clothed, cold (p. 112)
and hungry." What impressed the child especially, was that when
foreign envoys arrived he was placed upon the throne and the same
nobles who showed him such contemptuous indifference, were respectful
and even servile on such occasions. He noticed, too, that when these
proud nobles needed anything, it was necessary that the papers should
be signed by him. All this set the child thinking, and being a manly,
bright boy, he came to the conclusion that, after all, he was the real
master.
After many quarrels among themselves, Andrew Chouïski, the head of a
noble family, had become all-powerful; all important offices were
occupied by his favorites and friends. Ivan noticed it all, but said
nothing. He was thirteen years old when, after the Christmas
celebration of 1543, he suddenly summoned the boyards before him, and
in a threatening tone sternly accused them of their misdeeds. "There
are among you many guilty ones," he said, "but this time I am
satisfied with making one example." He ordered the guards to seize
Andrew Chouïski, and had him then and there torn to pieces by dogs.
After this terrible punishment, he ordered the arrest of the most
disobedient nobles, who were transported to distant places.
[Illustration: Ivan IV]
The thirteen-year-old boy then assumed the government, relying chiefly
upon his mother's relations, the Glinskis. In 1547, at the age of
seventeen, he directed the Metropolitan to crown him, not as Grand
Duke but as Czar. In a Bible printed in the Slavonic language, he had
read of the _Czar_ Nebuchadnezzar, the _Czar_ Pharaoh, David, _Czar_
of Israel, etc. He knew, besides, that the former masters of the (p. 114)
grand dukes, the khans, had been addressed by that title. Perhaps it
was because he wished it to be known that he considered himself the
equal of any Tartar ruler; perhaps because he desired to have a title
superior to that of the nobles who descended from former grand dukes,
and who inherited the rank without the power; at any rate Ivan IV was
crowned as the first Czar.